USA > Georgia > A standard history of Georgia and Georgians > Part 27
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* C. R. I: 70.
+ C. R. II: 3.
# Ibid., 9.
** Ga. Hist. Collec. I: 42.
tt Polit. State XLV: 181, cited by Stevens I: 83.
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It has frequently been stated on high authority that Oglethorpe was the first governor of Georgia. It was impossible that he should hold that office. He was forbidden by the terms of the charter, as were all the trustees, to hold "any office, place, or employment of profit under the corporation." Further, as a trustee, he was forbidden to receive or take, directly or indirectly, any salary, fee, perquisite, benefit or profit whatever by reason of service rendered the corporation in any manner or capacity." It might be urged that these requirements forbade the holding of only those offiees which were "of profit," and that he might well have occupied the office of governor because he went at his own expense.t It is difficult to dissociate the idea of a salary from that of a governor in any ordinary sense; but whatever the possibilities in the case might have been, the fact remains that Oglethorpe was not granted authority or powers that would entitle him to be called the governor of a province or even of a single settlement. It seems not to have been anticipated that he would remain longer in the colony than might be necessary to actually establish the colonists in their homes in peace; and so the powers given him were in a measure temporary and by no means extensive. For example, he was given power to set out and divide 5,000 acres of land that had been deeded in trust to three of the settlers, and he was to give directions to these holders of the land in trust how to proceed with their business of assigning it to the other settlers .¿ He was authorized to grant licenses to those desiring to leave the province of Georgia so that they might not forfeit their grants.$ He was en- trusted with the special authority to administer the oaths of allegiance, supremacy, and abjuration to the various officers appointed in the new colony; but it was not a general power to administer oaths, since the individuals were specified by name .** He was also granted the power as attorney for the trustees to name officers for the militia of Georgia.tt The last appointment gives the keynote of the relation that Oglethorpe bore to the trustees. He was not a governor under them, but their attor- ney to act in their stead. Nor was he an attorney with general power to act, but he was limited to the special matters in which authority was assigned him.
It is beyond question that it would have been a wiser policy for the trustees to give to him or to some other man larger powers specifically or, better still, more general powers to act. In the nature of things, there would arise many circumstances demanding prompt action which could not be foreseen and specifically provided for by the trustees. Many such oeeasions did arise; and Oglethorpe usually acted as he thought best, though not authorized to do so. For instance, none of the records indicate that he was authorized to draw on the trustees for money ; but he did so, and no protest was made in the beginning at least.## though we shall see that it led later to unfortunate misunderstandings.
Having noticed the part played by Oglethorpe in getting the project
* C. R. I: 16.
+ C. R. III: 378.
+ C. R. II : 9-10.
** Ibid., 11.
tt B. T., Ga., XII: 25.
## C. R. II: 27.
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launched in England, and understanding the powers granted him and his relations to his fellow trustees, we must next estimate some of the services he rendered in actually planting the settlement in Georgia. This side of his career has been so fully developed in his biographies and in the histories of Georgia that we shall merely refer to the various incidents without giving details. It has already been noted that in going to Georgia Oglethorpe could hope for no financial remuneration on account of provisions in the charter; but it would be a strict interpreta- tion of the provisions that would necessitate his paying his own expenses for the journey, and so his expenditures in this particular must be con- sidered as a gift to the cause. Not only did he furnish his own cabin and provide for his servants, but he also relieved the burdens of the voyage by contributing to the comforts of his fellow passengers .*
When the colonists reached Port Royal, South Carolina, Oglethorpe proceeded with Col. William Bull to the Savannah River for the pur- pose of selecting a site for the proposed settlement. This was a matter of prime importance, affecting every person who might locate in the town to be established. This work was well done; the spot chosen was perhaps the best possible one for the Town of Savannah. It is very likely that credit is due both to Oglethorpe and Bull for the decision made; but, as the former had final authority in the matter, he is entitled perhaps to the greater commendation.t
In his personal contact with the early settlers, and in his handling the details of the settlement, Oglethorpe seems to have been very suc- cessful. He worked hard himself and spared no pains to get the town started properly. He was much beloved of the people, who gave him the title of "Father." He visited the sick and took care of them. If there were differences, he decided the matters at issue himself; and for the time at least there seemed to be little dissatisfaction with his judg- ments. He was strict in discipline, allowing neither drunkenness nor swearing. He laid out a great deal of work and was successful in get- ting much of it done, permitting no idlers around him. ¿
Oglethorpe showed as much tact in dealing with the Indians as he exhibited good judgment in the choice of a site and industry in getting the settlement started. There had been a former treaty between the Indians and South Carolina that no white settlements were to be made south of the Savannah without the consent of the natives; and they were at first inclined to object to the coming of the Georgians. On his first visit for the purpose of selecting the location for the town, Ogle- thorpe had held an interview with Tomo-chi-chi, the chief of the small Indian tribe living near the river ; and with the aid of a half-breed inter- preter, Mary Musgrove, had persuaded him that it would be advantage- ous to the Indians that the white men should come. This interview was the beginning of a firm friendship which lasted between the English and the Indians during almost all of the proprietary history of the colony. Through the influence of Tomo-chi-chi, the other Indian tribes within the limits of Georgia were gathered for a conference, at which Ogle-
* Wright 58.
+ C. R. III: 380.
# Polit. State XLV : 543-544, cited by Wright 65.
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thorpe treated them with so much candor and tact that they readily ceded to the English the lands desired and entered into a treaty of friendship and commerce .* For the weak and struggling settlement, the friendship and assistance of the natives was worth more than fortifica- tions or troops; and nobody could have been more successful than was Oglethorpe in bringing about the cordial relations.
These were the most valuable achievements of the leader of the Georgians, but there were a number of things besides which occupied his attention. He provided for the defense of the Town of Savannah by planting a battery and establishing a few outposts like Fort Argyle and Thunderbolt. He laid out the town into convenient wards and tith- ings. He explored the lower coasts of the province and made notes of the best methods of fortifying it. Just before leaving Georgia for Eng- land, he accompanied the newly arrived Salzburgers for the purpose of selecting a site for their town; in this he was not so fortunate as in his choice of a location of Savannah, but for the time being the Germans were well pleased with it. When he finally set sail on March 23, 1734, the people could hardly restrain their tears, because he had cared for them much like a father both by night and by day for more than a year.t
On the whole, Oglethorpe was most useful to the colony and very suc- cessful in managing its affairs during his first stay in Georgia. He showed industry, foresight, good judgment, tact, and sympathy for the people. To this point certainly, the province would have been no bet- ter off if it had had a regular governor of the best caliber. The princi- pal error, it seems to us, that had been made hitherto was in failing to establish the magistrates in office at the very beginning. During the first five months, he kept to himself all authority of every sort. } There is little doubt that he was a better judge and a wiser magistrate than any who had been appointed by the trustees; but he could not exercise all the authority satisfactorily, and he would not be in America con- tinuously, so that it would have been better to allow the appointees of the trustees to enter at once upon their duties. One of the greatest handi- caps the province had was lack of respect for its officials; and this was to a great extent dne to the general impression that they were dependent for power on Oglethorpe and that he could veto or alter their actions. It could not be foreseen perhaps that bad results would follow the post- ponement of inducting the officials into office, and so it was due to an error rather than to a fault that it was not done immediately.
Before he left Georgia, Oglethorpe had been remonstrated with by the trustees for drawing bills on them without sending letters of advice to explain the necessity of the draft. Several such drafts were sent; and the matter became so troublesome that on February 6, 1734, a reso- lution was passed to the effect that no bill drawn by any person whatso- ever be accepted or paid by the trustees unless it be accompanied by a proper letter of advice. This was not enforced with entire strictness against Oglethorpe, however, for they later paid some of his drafts which
* C. R. III: 381.
t Von Reck, Extract from "Journal" 18, cited by Wright 80.
# Wright 73.
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had not been properly certified .* During these early days, he seemed to manage his accounts rather well. Out of a total of about £55,137 spent during the years 1732-1734 by him, he was able to produce vouchers for all but £1,874.t
The trustees were duly appreciative of the work that Oglethorpe did for the establishing of the settlement. On June 13, 1733, Secretary Martyn wrote to know how long he could remain in the colony and asking who could best superintend the work when he left. Under date of September 1, 1733, he wrote again, expressing appreciation of what had already been done and telling him that the trustees wished to send over as many settlers as possible before he left. Again on November 22, 1733, Martyn regretted that the people were misbehaving and feared that the troubles might revive when Oglethorpe left the province. ¿ In addition to the appreciation expressed, all these communications indi- eate that Oglethorpe's stay in Georgia was expected to be only temporary and that his great work was that of smoothing over the difficulties en- countered in the beginning. When he reached England in June, 1734, he was welcomed by an unusually full meeting of the trustees, and he was heartily thanked by them in a unanimous resolution for the "many and great services he has done the colony of Georgia." **
The general public received him with demonstrations of high regard and honor for the work he was doing. Whatever may have been the case in the beginning, he was at that time regarded as the decided leader in the founding of Georgia. Poems in his honor were published in The Gentleman's Magazine and medals were struck to commemorate his work, while the nobility and gentry ponred congratulations upon him.tt His one year of labors in Georgia had gained for him more considera- tion and honor than he could have won from decades of service in Par- liament or from a whole life of mingling in the society of the times. It is small wonder then that he determined to return to Georgia. He may have intended to do so anyway; but there is no indication of such an intention on his part or of expectation on the part of the trustees that he would return, until after his very flattering reception at home.
While in England, Oglethorpe was very active indeed in behalf of the eolony, responding well to the encouragement he had received from the public. In attendance on the meetings of the trustees, he was prompt and regular. He was present at fifty-five of the sixty-four meetings of the regular corporation, and he attended thirty-four of the thirty- seven meetings of the common council, being surpassed in his record by .only one or two of the members; and he was also frequently called on for service on committees.
He was largely instrumental in getting the trustees to pass three laws that were destined to have a large influence on the future history of Georgia. He was chairman of the committee which prepared the laws, and it was through representations that he made that they were thought
* C. R. II: 53, 56, 58.
t Ibid., 117.
# B. T., Ga., VIII : Letter book arranged by dates.
** C. R. I: 175.
tt Wright 86, 9I.
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necessary .* These laws were for the purpose of regulating the trade with the Indians in the interest of peace with them, of preventing the importation of rum into Georgia, and of prohibiting the use of negro slaves within the province. They were all productive of later troubles within the colony, and they were all in some respects ill advised because not suited to the people and to the circumstances in the case; but they seemed reasonable to the trustees, and doubtless Oglethorpe in urging them felt that they were for the best interests of the province.t
The powers granted him on his second trip to Georgia were very similar to those possessed by him the first time. He was given authority to divide and lay out the land given in trust for the new settlement of Frederica; he was authorized to grant licenses to persons wanting to leave Georgia; it was his business to administer oaths to the newly appointed officers of the town. In addition, he was granted the power to put the act for keeping peace with the Indians into execution. # On the first expedition, he was authorized to appoint officers for the militia, while now he was himself appointed to train and instruct them .** IIe was definitely given the right to draw bills on the trustees, and he was the only person in the province to have this right.tt All the notes or sola bills issued by the trustees had to be signed by him. ## We have noted already that he exercised on his first trip the power to draw bills, though it had not been formally given him. In a few respects, there- fore, the powers granted him were more definite and implied an expec- tation of a somewhat extended stay in Georgia to a greater extent than when he first went out; but they were still far from comparable to the powers exercised by any ordinary governor in any of the American colonies.
The company led by Oglethorpe to Georgia in 1735 was the largest number of mere colonists that went to the province during the proprie- tary period. There were more than 280 settlers in the party, occupying two ships and being accompanied by a sloop of war. Instead of going on the comparatively comfortable sloop, as he had the privilege of doing, Oglethorpe chose to go in one of the crowded ships, paying the passage of his servants, in order that he might better take care of the colonists. He had provided himself with live stock and other refreshments for the missionaries and other companions, but he rarely ate himself anything but the ship's stores. He visited the sick on board, giving them fowls and other dainties from his own stores; and he also visited the accom- panying ship as often as possible to render assistance and comfort to the people on it. He lectured the freeholders on the nature of the coun- try they were to settle and told them how best to conduct themselves in it. In all these affairs he showed a strong paternal interest in the people going with him .***
One of the first things Oglethorpe had to do upon his return to Geor-
C. R. I: 70.
+ C. R. I: 31 et seq.
# C. R. II: 120.
** C. R. I: 228.
tt B. T., Ga., VIII : Verelst to Causton, Dec. 2, 1735.
** C. R. II: 113.
*** Moore in Ga. Hist. Collec. I: 85-88.
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.
gia was to consult with the Salzburgers about changing the location of their Town of Ebenezer. They objected to the poor quality of the land and requested to move. He objected to this; but he finally yielded the point, and they moved over to Savannah River. Later developments indicate that they rather than Oglethorpe were right in the wisdom of the movement .*
The large embarkation that had accompanied him to Georgia was for the purpose of establishing a new town to help defend the southern boundary of the province against the Spanish. It had been generally understood that it was to be located at St. Simons at the mouth of the Altamaha River. After Parliament granted only £10,000 instead of the £20,000 requested by the trustees, the latter decided unanimously that it would be best not to locate the new settlement so far to the south. They wished both the Highlanders and the English moved to the Ogee- chee River, where provisions would be cheaper, they would be closer to Savannah for mutual support and defense, and there would be no neces- sity for further Indian presents, in order to secure more land.t
A month later Secretary Martyn wrote for the trustees again, urging the same policy of making the settlements nearer together. They urged that the depth of water in the Altamaha is not sufficient to make it a good harbor, and that was a main dependence in going there. In spite of the expense already met with, they preferred to drop the scheme. They yielded their judgment so far as to allow him to continue the set- tlement if it seemed necessary to keep the Spanish from thinking that the English' were weakening in their claims to Georgia. # Oglethorpe evidently regarded it as best to hold to St. Simons as an outpost, and so he continued to settle and to fortify it. As a military leader, it was almost inevitable that he would make this choice, for the mouth of the Altamaha was undoubtedly a better strategic position than any point on the Ogeechee; but it is not certain that his military training was of great value to the colony in this particular decision.
There are several reasons for thinking that he made a mistake in thus going counter to the expressed will of the trustees. As they had written him, it was very expensive to establish the new town so far from Savannah ; transportation of provisions was a constant drain; the inter- change of messages meant an additional outlay of money; and at the same time the resources of the trustees were decreasing. Again, the dis- tance from Savannah prevented Oglethorpe from keeping up with affairs in the northern part of the province; and, as the trustees trusted to him for letters of information, they were led into grave errors, as we shall see. The settlement of Frederica was of no material benefit to the colony ; the town was prosperous for a little while, but it soon became practically dead. The settlements on the Altamaha were designed as defenses for Georgia; but it is by no means certain that they were not sources of more danger than aid. The Spanish made no overt attempts against Georgia and no very vigorous protests against the English set- tlements there until after the settlements on the Altamaha and on the
+ Ga. Hist. Collec. III: 13.
+ B. T., Ga., VIII: Martyn to Oglethorpe, May 10, 1736.
# Ibid., June 10, 1736.
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islands even to mouth of the St. Mary's River. There is no reason for thinking that they would have disturbed the province at all if it had not been for the warlike aggressiveness of the English in establishing forts · far below the charter limits of the colony. It is true that in 1742 the fortifications on St. Simons Island were of immense value in repelling the Spanish invasion; but if the settlement had been on the Ogeechee near Savannah, it is probable that no invasion would have been made. Granting, however, that an invasion would have taken place, we are confident that the same expenditure of money and labor in fortifications would have been sufficient to repel the enemy at the mouth of the Ogce- chee or at Savannah itself. If all the efforts of 1735 had been concen- trated in the northern part of Georgia, so great an impetus could have been given to it that it would have succeeded from that time instead of going down rapidly as it did after that time. Oglethorpe's aggres- sive measures toward the Spanish may have been partly due to his slight regard for their military ability and his hostility toward them which he unconsciously gained during his service in the War of the Spanish Succession.
The trustees did not approve of expenditures on his part for mili- tary or any other purposes outside the charter limits of the province; and they wrote to him that he must look to the British government and not to them for reimbursement for expenses thus incurred .* This is the first intimation we have of a difference of opinion between him and his fellow trustees that was ultimately to become serious. Oglethorpe was on the ground and he saw work that he thought necessary for the protection of Georgia; and so it seemed to him unreasonable that the home authorities should grudge to have the expenses encountered. On the other hand, the trustees found it much more difficult to raise funds to support the colony than Oglethorpe realized; and they thought it rash for him to make expenses of which they had had no notice and for which they had made no provision.
In addition to the settling of Frederica and the establishing of fortifi- cations on the islands along the coast, Oglethorpe had other things to occupy him. He succeeded in making a treaty with the governor of St. Augustine and another with the council of war of the same place, where- by peace was to be maintained between Georgia and Florida,t but these never went into effect for they were vetoed by the Spanish authorities at Ilavana. IIe also attended a meeting with representatives of South Carolina in order to confer with them in regard to disputes over the enforcement of the rum act. The conference was held in Savannah, and the matter was thoroughly discussed, but no agreement was reached ; and it was finally carried for decision to the board of trade. }
The complaints filed by South Carolina against Georgia made the trustees fearful that they might not obtain a grant from Parliament during the next session. This anxiety was intensified by the fact that they had not heard any news at all about the province from June to November, and so they could not present any favorable statement as to
* Ibid., July 7, 1736.
+ C. R. I: 266.
# Jones, "History of Georgia." I: 253-255.
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its condition. In order to answer the complaints and to get the neces- sary news, it was deemed needful that Oglethorpe return in person, as he alone was depended ou to furnish information. Accordingly the trus- tees requested that he come at once to England,* and he embarked on- his mission November 29, 1736, after being in Georgia on this visit a little less than ten months.
On January 12, 1737, he attended a meeting of the trustees and laid before them his proceedings in Georgia since going there the February preceding. A resolution was passed congratulating him on his safe return and thanking him for his many and important services to the Colony of Georgia.t
In England he attended the hearings before the board of trade rela- tive to the disputes with South Carolina, the results of which are given later; and he was greatly interested in getting the British government to take over the defense of the province, relieving the trustees of this responsibility. This course was finally adopted; and it was determined to raise a regiment of 600 men for Georgia. Oglethorpe himself was appointed colonel of the regiment; and he was also nominated captain- general and commander-in-chief of the forces of South Carolina and Georgia. # Up to this time, he had drawn no salary for his services in the colony. He had been in the service of the trustees and not of the crown. Now he would draw the regular stipend of a colonel in the British service; and it seems that he drew in addition a £1,000 per an- num hitherto allowed the governor of South Carolina as commander-in- chief of the forces of that province .**
As a natural consequence, from this time forth Oglethorpe was more and more occupied with the matter of defense, and he could give a pro- portionally smaller time to the business affairs of the trust. The ten- deney toward preoccupation with defense is reflected in his attendance on the meetings of the trustees while he was at home. He was present at only thirty-nine out of sixty-four meetings of the corporation, and at nineteen of twenty-eight meetings of the Common Council. Before he went to Georgia the first time, his attendance was 90 per cent; on his first return to England it was still about 88 per cent ; while on the second stay at home it was only 63 per cent.
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