A standard history of Georgia and Georgians, Part 68

Author: Knight, Lucian Lamar, 1868-
Publication date: 1917
Publisher: Chicago, New York, The Lewis publishing company
Number of Pages: 648


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Slavery at this time became a disturbing factor in American politics. Since the Ordinance of 1787 excluding slavery from all the territory. of the nation, west of the Mississippi and north of the Ohio, there had been no legislation seriously affecting its status. But, on the question of admitting Missouri, a grave sectional issue was sprung. Congress, of course, was powerless to interfere with slavery in the states. It was free, however, to enact laws for the territories and to fix the terms on which these territories could enter the Union. At this time there was an even balance of power between the states, eleven of which were slave and eleven free. Missouri had adopted a constitution favoring slavery ; and there was strong opposition at the North to admitting Missouri as a slave state for the obvious reason that such action would destroy the ex- isting equilibrium. But the matter was finally compromised in 1820 by creating a state out of the domain of Massachusetts to be called Maine and to be admitted as a free state. With this off-set Missouri was then admitted as a slave state. But the free soilers gained a deci- sive victory in a proviso attaching to the Compromise of 1820, under which no other slave states could be formed out of the Louisiana Pur- chase north of the southern boundary line of Missouri, corresponding to latitude 35° 30'. This imposed a limit to the further expansion of slavery and foreshadowed its early loss of power. But the admission of Texas in 1845 added a vast realm to the Southwest, thus restoring the balance. Georgia's increasing wealth in slave property made the Com- promise of 1820 one of absorbing interest to her people, but it did not affect her holdings, except in so far as it threatened an ultimate over- throw of the slave system, through its gradual loss of power.


Georgia's support in the presidential campaign of 1820 was given to President Monroe. The following electors were chosen at this time : from the state at large, Oliver Porter and John Graves; district electors, Henry Mitchell, John Rutherford, John MeIntosh, John Forster, David Meriwether and Benjamin Whitaker .*


Under the census of 1820 Georgia gained an extra congressman but the new apportionment did not become effective until 1823 when the following delegation was chosen to the Eighteenth Congress (1823- 1825) : Joel Abbot, George Carey, Thomas W. Cobb, Alfred Cuthbert, John Forsyth, Edward F. Tattnall and Wiley Thompson.


* Lanman's "Biographical Annals of the U. S. Govt.," pp. 519-521.


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Four new counties were created by the Legislature of 1822: * De- Kalb, Pike, Crawford and Bibb, all of which were created out of the counties formed in 1821 from the newly acquired Creek lands. These counties having rapidly filled with settlers, new counties were demanded. Macon, the county-seat of Bibb, soon became one of the important towns of the state. It was located on the opposite side of the Ocmulgee River from old Fort Hawkins.t


Also at this session the Flint Judicial Circuit was created with Judge Eli S. Shorter as its first presiding officer.


On September 24, 1824, Nicholas Ware, United States senator from Georgia, died while on a visit to New York, whither he had gone for medical treatment soon after taking the oath of office. His remains were interred under the annex to Grace Church, in the City of New York, where they still repose. To succeed Mr. Ware as United States senator, the Legislature elected Hon. Thomas W. Cobb, of Greensboro, then a member of Congress. Hon. Richard Henry Wilde, of Augusta, was chosen to succeed Mr. Cobb in the Eighteenth Congress.


MCINTOSH RESERVE .- What is known as the McIntosh Reserve is an area of land one mile square situated in a bend of the Chattahoochee River, between Carroll and Coweta Counties, where it occupies both sides of the stream. The old home of General MeIntosh stood on the Carroll side of the river in the extreme southern part of the county, and was reached by the famous trail, a branch of which ran through the reserve. Here General Melntosh was murdered by a band of the Upper Creeks in 1826. His last resting place is unmarked; but in a grave somewhere in this neighborhood, overlooking the tawny waters of the Chattahoochee, the brave chief lies buried .- "Georgia's Landmarks, Memorials and Legends. " L. L. Knight. Vol. II.


MCINTOSH TRAIL .- Beginning at Fort Hawkins, opposite the site of the present City of Macon, the MeIntosh trail ran almost due west to the Old Indian Agency on the Flint, thence northward following the valley of this stream to a point three miles north of the present Town of Senoia, where it divided, one branch running eastward by way of Indian Springs to Augusta, the other running westward by way of Newnan to Talladega, Alabama, and thence to the French villages along the Mississippi. Portions of the trail still exist in well defined country roads, but some of the connecting links are difficult to trace by reason of topographical changes. Andrew Jackson, during the second war with England, marched his troops over this trail to New Orleans, where he won his celebrated victory on January 8, 1815. Near Senoia, where the trail diverged, General MeIntosh built a fort the ruins of which can still be seen. The town which later arose in this vicinity was named for an Indian princess famed throughout the forest for her beauty. She belonged to a tribe known as the Cowetas or Lower Creeks, of which General MeIntosh was the chief. Mrs. R. H. Hardaway, of Newnan, regent of Sarah Dickinson Chapter, D. A. R., is perhaps the foremost authority in the state on the McIntosh trail, a part of which she has succeeded in tracing with wonderful minuteness of detail .- Ibid .. Vol. II.


* Acts 1822, pp. 23-26.


t For additional information in regard to these counties, see section on Georgia Miscellanies.


CHAPTER XI


GEORGE M. TROUP WINS THE GOVERNORSHIP IN 1823, DEFEATING MATTHEW TALBOT, THE CLARK CANDIDATE -- THE BALLOT STANDS EIGIITY-FIVE TO EIGHTY-ONE-GREAT EXCITEMENT IN THE LEGISLATURE-JESSE MER- CER IS OVERJOYED THE LAST ELECTION OF A GOVERNOR BY THE LEGIS- LATURE-AN AMENDMENT TO THE CONSTITUTION IS ADOPTED MAKING THE OFFICE ELECTIVE BY THE PEOPLE-GOVERNOR TROUP SOUNDS AN UNEQUIVOCAL NOTE FOR A REMOVAL OF THE INDIANS-CONGRESS IS AGAIN MEMORIALIZED-THE GOVERNOR ALSO ADDRESSES A VIGOROUS COMMUNICATION TO GEORGIA'S SENATORS AND REPRESENTATIVES IN CONGRESS-NEXT, IN 1824, HIE TRANSMITS A SPECIAL MESSAGE TO THE LEGISLATURE ON THIS SUBJECT-THE COMPACT OF 1802 RECALLED- THINGS BEGIN TO LOOK SERIOUS-ALARMED BY THE MENACING TONE OF GOVERNOR TROUP'S MESSAGE, THE CHEROKEES SEND A DELEGATION TO WASHINGTON-PROGRESS MADE BY THESE INDIANS IN THE ARTS OF PEACE AND IN THE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT-MEMORIAL ADDRESSED BY THE CHEROKEES TO CONGRESS-PRESIDENT MONROE IS FRIENDLY TO THE INDIANS-HIS ATTITUDE IS RESENTED BY GEORGIA- THE MAT- TER REFERRED TO CONGRESS-BUT ACTION IS DELAYED PENDING THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OF 1824 NEW COUNTIES CREATED-DE- CATUR, WARE, UPSON, THOMAS, BAKER, LOWNDES AND TALIAFERRO.


George M. Troup finally won the governorship in 1823. But not without a spirited contest. Governor Clark, having filled this high office for two consecutive terms, was not a candidate for re-election; but the Clark party had put a candidate in the field and political excitement was at fever heat when the Legislature met in November to elect a governor. . Hon. Matthew Talbot, of Wilkes, was the candidate supported by the Clark faction. Mr. Talbot was a native of Virginia and a man of large means. He had served repeatedly in the State Legislature and was occu- pying the president's chair in the Senate, when the death of Governor Rabun in 1819 brought him temporarily to the helm of affairs. Having stepped aside for General Clark at this time, the latter was now ready to pay a political debt by supporting Mr. Talbot.


On March 6, 1823, a ballot was taken, the result of which stood : Troup eighty-five, Talbot eighty-one. Says Mr. Phillips: * "It so happened that when 162 ballots had been counted the tally stood 81 to 81, with four votes still in the hat. These proved to be all for Troup, and the house went wild. A picturesque figure was that of Jesse Mereer, who staggered out, overcome with joy, loudly praising heaven that he had lived to see the day. This old man was for many years a prominent


* "Georgia and State Rights, " pp. 102-103.


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clergyman of the Baptist Church in Georgia. He mixed polities with his gospel to such an extent that he never failed to carry his county overwhelmingly for Crawford or Troup. Governor Lumpkin lays at his door many of the votes cast against him in his numerous cam-


REMNANTS OF GOVERNOR TROUP'S OLD HOME PLACE, "VALDOSTA"


paigns, saying that although the Baptist Church was not a unit in poli- ties, yet Mercer always carried the bulk of its members for the Troup candidates."


This was the last election of a governor by a State Legislature in Georgia.


On December 17, 1823, an act was passed to amend the constitution


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of 1799, so as to place the election of a chief magistrate directly in the hands of the people. This legislation has been attributed to the Clark faction. As amended, the constitution provided for the governor's elec- tion "by persons qualified to vote for members of the General Assem- bly, on the first Monday in October, in the year of our Lord, 1825, and on the first Monday in October, in each second year thereafter." * This amendment having been authorized by two successive legislatures became a part of the organic law. As we shall see later, Governor Troup was not only the last chief executive to be elected by the State Legislature but also the first to be elected by the people at the ballot box.


Governor Troup was scarcely installed in office before he sounded an unequivocal blast telling exactly where he stood on the Indian ques- tion. On December 22, 1823, he addressed the following letter to Geor- gia's senators and representatives in Congress. Said he :


"Executive Department, Georgia. "Milledgeville, 22d Deer., 1823.


"Gentlemen :


"In communicating to you the accompanying memorial, approved, as I believe, unanimously, by both Branches of the Legislature, I have nothing to add, but the expression of my wishes that you will without the least delay (first obtaining, if you can, a recommendation from the President ) submit it to the Congress, and disdaining as you see it does the language of petition will demand of them the appropriation neces- sary to extinguish the whole of the Indian Claims within the acknowl- edged limits of the State of Georgia. Forbearing the language of menace as long as it ought to be forborne, you will in the last resort distinctly state, that Georgia will be no longer answerable to the Union, for any consequences which may result from the protracted denial of justice to her.


Respectfully,


"G. M. TROUP.


"The Honbl. Senators and Representatives from the State of Georgia in the Congress of the United States, Washington City."


Two months later, on February 25, 1824, he addressed a special com- munication to the General Assembly on this subject, reciting the obli- gations assumed by the Federal Government, under the compact of 1802, to extinguish all Indian titles. As set forth by Governor Troup, Georgia had ceded to the Federal Government 50,000,000 acres of land for only $1,250,000; but she had done so with the distinct understanding that her remaining territory was to be confirmed in hier possession. Twenty-one years had elapsed, but the Indians were still encumbering the Territory of Georgia. Millions of dollars had been spent by the Government in satisfying the unjust demands of Yazoo claimants, but only a paltry bagatelle in meeting the solemn obligations assumed under the compact of 1802. Governor Troup's message closed with this par- agraph :


"I recommend to you, therefore, that you address yourselves once more and for the last time to the justice of the United States, in language but respectful, and insist on: (1) a liberal appropriation of money to


* Acts, 1823.


Vol. 1-34


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extinguish the Indian claims to all lands within our territorial limits; and (2) commanding instructions to her agents, whoever they may be, that what of right ought to be done, shall be done."


In due time a memorial was sent to Washington by the Georgia Legislature urging immediate action.


Things were beginning to look serious. Realizing that blood earnest- ness characterized these Georgia demands, all of which were grounded upon solemn pledges made by the Government in the compact of 1802, an effort was made by the Federal authorities in 1824 to obtain another cession of land from the Creeks, but these Indians refused to cede an- other foot of land within the borders of Georgia. Big Warrior, the chief of the Creek Nation, remained obdurate, stating that his people had already been too easily persuaded. He also informed the Government that at a great council of the Creek Nation held at Broken Arrow, in Alabama, it had been decided to hold no more treaties with the whites.


Meanwhile, the Cherokees in the upper part of the state finding the Troup administration bent upon bringing the Government to terms, like- wise began to take alarm. The Cherokees were well advanced in the arts of civilized life, including even manufactures.


As we shall see later, they possessed a written alphabet and not a few of them owned slaves. There were several strong leaders among the Cherokees, gifted with rare powers of eloquence, if not with a genius for statecraft. To protest in advance against any line of policy unjust to the Cherokees, these Indians sent a delegation to Washington composed of the following half-breeds, all of them men of talent: John Ross, George Lowrey, Major Ridge, and Elijah Hicks. These commissioners, on April 16, 1824, addressed a strong communication to the Senate of the United States. It ran as follows:


"Communicated to the Senate, April 16, 1824.


"To the Senate of the United States in Congress assembled :


"We, the undersigned delegation from the Cherokee Nation, now on a visit at the seat of Government of the United States, on matters of vast import, as will appear by the President's message of the 30th of March last, and its accompanying documents, humbly beg leave to submit before your honorable body a few remarks, which we are bound (as we believe) to make, under a sense of duty to our nation, as well as to ourselves. It is with unfeigned regret and pain we discover the sentiments which are expressed by the Governor of Georgia, in his letter to the Secretary of War of the 28th of February last; and, also, those expressed by the Georgia delegation in Congress to the President of the United States, on the 10th of March last. We cannot but view the design of those letters as an attempt, bordering on a hostile disposition towards the Cherokee nation, to wrest from them, by arbitrary means, their just rights and liberties, the security of which is solemnly guarantied to them by these United States. As you have a full view of the subject before your hon- orable body, it is not our purpose to be superfluous; therefore, we will take occasion to assert, under the fullest authority, that all the senti- ments expressed in relation to the disposition and determination of the nation never again to cede another foot of land, are positively the pro- duction and voice of the nation; and what has been uttered by us, in


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the communications which we have made to the Government, since our arrival in this city, is expressive of the true sentiments of the nation, agreeably to our instructions, and that not one word of which has been put into our mouth by a white man. Any surmises or statements to the contrary are ill-founded and ungenerous. We forbear to animadvert on the aspersion pointed at our chiefs by the pen of the Georgia delegation ; it is but a subterfuge. The Cherokees are informed on the situation of the country west of the Mississippi river; and there is not a spot out of the limits of any States or Territories thereof, and within the limits of the United States, that they would ever consent to inhabit, because they have nequivocally determined never again to pursue the chase, as heretofore, or to engage in wars, unless by the special call of the Gov- ernment, to defend the common rights of the United States; and as a removal to the barren waste bordering on the Rocky Mountains, where water and timber are scarcely to be seen, could be for no other object of inducement than to pursue the buffalo, and to wage wars with the uncaltivated Indians in that hemisphere. Imposing facts! We speak from the experience which has been so repeatedly realized, that such a state of things would inevitably be the result, were the Cherokees to emi- grate to that country. But such an event will never take place. The Cherokees have turned their attention to the pursuits of the civilized man ; agriculture, manufactures, and the mechanic arts, and education, are all in successful operation in the nation at this time; and, whilst the Cherokees are peacefully endeavoring to enjoy the blessings of civ- ilization and Christianity on the soil of their rightful inheritance; and whilst the exertions and labors of various religious societies of these United States are successfully engaged in promulgating to them the word of truth and life, from the sacred volume of holy writ, and under the patronage of the General Government, they are threatened with re- moval or extinction. This subject is now before your honorable body for a decision. We appeal to the magnanimity of the American Con- gress for justice, and the protection of the rights, liberties, and lives of the Cherokee people. We claim it from the United States, by the strongest obligation which imposes it upon them-by treaties; and we expect it from them under that memorable declaration, 'that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.'


"We, therefore, in behalf and under the highest authority of the Cherokee Nation, have herennto affixed our signatures, at Washington City, this 15th day of April, 1824.


"JOHN ROSS, "GEO. LOWREY, "MAJOR RIDGE, his X mark, "ELIJAH HICKS."


Commissioners within a few weeks were dispatched by the United States Government into the Cherokee Nation, bearing a large quantity of provisions with which to conciliate the Indians. These commissioners were: James Meriwether and Duncan G. Campbell. But only a very few of the chiefs came to the place of meeting-Calhoun Town. Even


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these were silent, refusing to accept anything of the commissioners, dis- daining to enter the tents in which the latter held camp, and remaining outside with arms folded, in a downpour of rain. Before leaving the nation, these commissioners visited Chief Hicks, who gave them a patient hearing and then finally asked if they would give the Cherokees $2 per acre. To this the commissioners returned a negative answer.


"Very well, then," said Hicks, "we know its value. As for the claims your people have against us, i. e., for property carried off by the Indians, we can pay them without selling our land."


President Monroe was not in sympathy with Georgia's demand. At any rate he declined to take any radical action. During this same year he sent a message to Congress in which he said: "The Indian titles are not affected in the slightest circumstance by the compact [of 1802] and there is no obligation to remove the Indians by force." To this con- tention, Governor Troup replied in a characteristic letter. Congress was more considerate of Georgia's just claims; and after much discussion a committee was appointed to report on the obligations involved in the compact of 1802. This committee's report was most emphatic to the effect that the Federal Government was bound by the terms of this agree- ment to take immediate steps looking toward a removal of the Indians. But another presidential election was approaching. Nothing was done, therefore, at this time, pending a change of administrations.


Between 1823 and 1825 several new counties were created. In 1823 Decatur County was organized out of Early. In 1824, Ware was formed from Irwin, while a new county called Upson was formed from Craw- ford and Pike. In 1825, Thomas County was formed ont of Decatur and Irwin; Baker was detached from Early; Butts was organized out of Henry and Monroe; Lowndes was erected out of Irwin ; and Taliaferro was formed out of lands belonging to five counties, to wit : Greene, Han- cock, Oglethorpe, Warren and Wilkes, a circumstance which accounts for the local name formerly given to this region: Five Points.


CHAPTER XII


THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN OF 1824 OPENS-WILLIAM H. CRAWFORD, OF GEORGIA, A CANDIDATE-ONE OF THE STATE'S MOST ILLUSTRIOUS SONS-WHILE THE CAMPAIGN IS IN PROGRESS, MR. CRAWFORD IS STRICKEN WITH PARALYSIS-THE ELECTION IS THROWN INTO THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES-JOHN QUINCY ADAMS IS NOMINATED AND ELECTED JOHN MACPHERSON BERRIEN CHOSEN TO SUCCEED JOHN ELLIOTT IN THE UNITED STATES SENATE-THE AMERICAN CICERO-GEORGIA 'S DELEGATION IN THE NINETEENTH CONGRESS-THE INDIAN PROBLEM ONCE MORE EMERGES-THE CREEKS IN COUNCIL AT BROKEN ARROW REFUSE TO CEDE ANY MORE LANDS-BUT, UNDER THE LEADERSHIP OF GEN. WILLIAM MCINTOSH, THE GEORGIA TRIBES, KNOWN AS LOWER CREEKS, EXPRESS A WILLINGNESS TO EMIGRATE TO THE WEST-ON FEBRUARY 12, 1825, A TREATY IS SIGNED AT INDIAN SPRINGS-INCIDENTS OF THE MEETING-ALL THE INDIAN LANDS BE' TWEEN THE FLINT AND THE CHATTAHOOCHEE ARE ACQUIRED-THE UPPER CREEKS, IN ACCORDANCE WITH A DECREE OF THE NATION, RE- SOLVE TO AVENGE THE CESSION-THE MURDER OF GENERAL MCINTOSH -WHEN GEORGIA ATTEMPTS TO SURVEY THE CEDED LANDS AN ORDER Is RECEIVED FROM PRESIDENT ADAMS TO DESIST -- BUT GOVERNOR TROUP STANDS FIRM-THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT ENTERS INTO A NEW TREATY WITH THE CREEKS WHICH GOVERNOR TROUP REFUSES TO RESPECT-STATE SOVEREIGNTY IS BOLDLY MAINTAINED-AN EVENTFUL CLASH BETWEEN STATE AND FEDERAL GOVERNMENTS-GEN. E. P. GAINES IS SENT TO GEORGIA WITH AN ARMED FORCE TO INTIMI- DATE THE STATE AUTHORITIES-BUT GOVERNOR TROUP WINS-THE ISSUE IS FINALLY ADJUSTED IN A TREATY NEGOTIATED AT THE OLD AGENCY ON THE FLINT, NOVEMBER 15, 1827-HOPO-ETH-LEYO-HOLO'S SPEECH BEFORE THE COUNCIL MEETING AT INDIAN SPRINGS-GOVER- NOR TROUP RE-ELECTED IN 1825-AN EVENTFUL CAMPAIGN-THE FIRST POPULAR ELECTION FOR GOVERNOR-JOHN CLARK GOES DOWN IN A FINAL TRIAL OF STRENGTH-APPOINTED INDIAN AGENT, HE TAKES UP HIS RESIDENCE IN WEST FLORIDA WHERE HE DIES OF YEL- LOW FEVER-IIIS GRAVE OVERLOOKING ST. ANDREW'S BAY.


Georgia's first candidate for presidential honors entered the cam- paign of 1824 in the person of William II. Crawford. Though a native of Virginia, Mr. Crawford had been a resident of Georgia since his boy- hood days. As we have already learned, in preceding chapters, he had been for twenty years a dominant figure in Georgia politics, having led the faction to which Gen. John Clark was opposed. Entering the United States Senate in 1807, the leadership of the Crawford party in Georgia devolved upon George M. Troup. Six years later, he relinquished the


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toga to become ambassador to France and while abroad, as we have seen, he received tribute honors from the great Napoleon. Returning to America, he held for a short time the portfolio of war in President Madi- son's cabinet, after which, under both Madison and Monroe, he remained continuously at the helm of the treasury department.


Mr. Crawford was a recognized power in national politics. As early as 1822 a caucus of democratic members in the two houses of Congress nominated him for president; but when the campaign opened there were three other candidates in the field. These were: John Quincy Adams, Andrew Jackson and Henry Clay, all of whom were democrats like Mr. Crawford, but the friends of these candidates had declined to go into the caucus. Mr. Crawford's prospects of success were brightening every moment when a sudden attack of paralysis dashed his political hopes to the ground. It is said that an improper use of lobelia, prescribed by an incompetent physician, was the cause of Mr. Crawford's unfortunate illness. The time for holding the election was near at hand; and while the exact nature of the malady was not generally known it was correctly surmised that Mr. Crawford was an ill man. Nevertheless, under all the circumstances, he polled an amazing vote. There was a deadlock in the electoral college, in consequence of which it became necessary for the House of Representatives to decide the contest; and chiefly through Mr. Clay's influence, so it is claimed, John Quincy Adams was elected. Mr. Crawford recovered his health sufficiently to render the state useful serv- ice on the Superior Court bench; but neither in mind nor in body was he ever quite the same man upon whom Napoleon had looked with an admiration akin to awe, nor did he ever again figure in national politics. He died in 1834 and was buried at Woodlawn, his plantation near the Town of Lexington. Under a massive horizontal slab, which has well stood the test of time, though yellow with age, all that is mortal of this great Georgian rests in the soil of his adopted state. Peace to his slumbers !




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