USA > Illinois > Cook County > Chicago > Historical review of Chicago and Cook county and selected biography, Volume I > Part 12
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The firm position which the Chicago Civil Service Commission has attained as an agency in the most advanced forms of civic devel- opment is largely due to the favorable attitude and the sustaining power of the courts, which, in all test cases, have decided that the findings of the commission, or its auxiliary trial boards, are final. unless there is some valid question as to jurisdiction. The board of education even submitted to the decision of the state supreme
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court, some eight years ago, that all its employes except teachers were subject to the civil service law and commission.
Outside of the Chicago Civil Service Commission, the most pow- erful force working toward municipal reforms is the Civic Federation, which, although a corporation of private citizens,
CIVIC is really the father of the official commission it-
FEDERATION.
self and of several other reformatory bodies. Al- though there are such as the Civil Service League, Civil Service Reform Association and the Citizens' Association of Chicago, the earliest and still the strongest public sentiment for the advancement of all move- ments in the interest of law and order, purity of politics, simplicity and economy of government and for a Chicago both greater and bet- ter, has found expression and practical action through the Civic Fed- eration. The work of the federation began in the winter of 1893, during the "hard times" of that year, when thousands of men were out of employment, and hundreds crowded the corridors of the city hall in the day and the rank jails of the city at night. It was at this critical time that it organized the Central Relief Association. which raised and expended $135,000 for the relief of the homeless. At the close of the winter the federation continued the organization, and permanently established it as the Bureau of Associated Charities, bearing all its expenses for the first year. On the third of February, 1894, the federation received its incorporation certificate from the department of state, in which it is stated that its objects are "local municipal improvement and the betterment of civic conditions, the promotion of efficiency in the public service and the furtherance of wholesome legislation." In its early years the federation had its de- partments of political action, philanthropy, moral improvement and legislation. Each of these had standing committees which did ef- fective work, but it was soon found that they seriously conflicted with each other when conducted by the same controlling body. It was because of this that the Bureau of Charities (already mentioned ) and the Municipal Voters' League were organized, the latter having since its organization in 1896 been devoted to the good work of posting the Chicago voter on the moral and official qualifications of the city al- dermen.
It is impossible to treat in detail of the work of the Civic Federa- tion, for the reason that there is no movement of any consequence
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which has had a bearing on the civic development of Chicago in which it has not been either the prime mover, or an active partici pant. A brief account of its work is therefore all that can be given. In the first year of its incorporation it organized the Associated Bu- reau of Charities from its original committee on philanthropy ; convict- ed and sent to the penitentiary several thugs who had committed frauds at the city polls and assaulted election judges and clerks, and ( after the great railroad strike) called a conference on arbitration, attended by representative men from every section of the United States, and which resulted in the present state arbitration law. In the following year (1895) a joint committee organized by the Civic Federation and composed of representatives of the leading clubs of the city secured the drafting of the present civil service law, secured its passage and afterward organized the campaign which resulted in its popular adop- tion by a majority of over 50,000. It did not stop there, but put a corps of detectives on the trail of those who attempted to violate the law, and sent them to jail. Cases of violation are constantly being taken before the Civil Service Commission by the federation's com- mittee on civil service, and in many instances prosecuted in the courts. With the courts, the Civic Federation of Chicago is the great support of civil service reform in Chicago. In the line of economics the federation demonstrated, in 1896, what could be accomplished by an organized body of earnest and honest citizens. For six months of that year it cleaned the down-town streets for $10 per mile ( the city having been paying $18.50 per mile for worse service). As long thereafter as the contract system was in force the figures did not exceed $10.50. During 1896, also, it organized the Municipal Voters' League out of the federation committee on political action and in- augurated the movement for vacation schools, conducting the first one through its educational committee. In 1897 it organized the citizens' committee, which drafted the new revenue law and began a campaign for its adoption. It also organized a campaign for pri- mary election reform, and founded the Penny Savings Society, of which Rev. R. A. White is the special author. The federation gave the society office room for two years, the project was officially en- dorsed by the board of education, and the society has now numerous stations and thousands of depositors among the school children, news- boys and bootblacks of the city. During the Spanish-American war over 900 families of soldiers at the front were cared for by the Army
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and Navy League of Illinois, which was organized by the philan- thropic committee of the Civic Federation, and in the same year it inaugurated the first national conference on primary election reform, which was held in New York City in January and resulted in radical legislation in Illinois, New York and other states. The question of parental schools had become of such general interest that eight or ten organizations had been formed to consider the problem, all working for the same general result but along slightly different lines. In 1898 the federation succeeded in unifying these various organizations into a joint committee, which eventually secured the desired legislation. In co-operation with the Chicago Real Estate Board, in 1899, the fed- eration secured the passage of a much-needed revenue law, and the following year it defeated the proposed issue of $1,500,000 in bonds for the remodeling of the court house. Through its continuous ef- forts the legislature passed a revised primary law in 1901, and in the same year placed upon the statute books the township consolida- tion law, the much-needed measure applying to seven townships lying wholly within the city and whose officials for years had been saddling an unnecessary expense upon its tax payers. The movement for a new Chicago charter was also inaugurated by the federation in 1902, by organizing the first convention to consider the subject, which was composed of delegates from twenty-three civic bodies, boards and clubs. The president and secretary of the federation, Joseph Powell and Thomas J. Corcoran, respectively, were made chairman of the cam- paign committee and permanent secretary of the convention. In the main the federation conducted the campaign for the adoption of the new charter constitutional amendment, and was at the back of the Chicago charter convention, held in December, 1905, the main pur- pose being to frame a comprehensive, elastic and yet simple frame- work for the municipal government. The convention was composed of delegates representing the mayor, city council, governor, legisla- ture, board of education, sanitary trustees, county board, public li- brary and park boards. The completed charter was taken to Spring- field in the early part of 1907, and, although the legislature made several radical changes in it, such as the substitution of the old pri- mary system for the one proposed, the measure was passed in May of that year. Although the charter provided for a much-needed con- solidation in the municipal government of the powers vested in vari-
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ous other bodies, when it was submitted to popular vote at the special election of September 17th it was defeated by the decisive vote of 121,935 to 59,786. The provision providing for municipal ownership of public utilities, including railroads, telephones, telegraphs and lighting, heating, refrigerating and power plants, was considered by the mass of citizens of doubtful practical value, and was doubtless one of the chief causes for the defeat of the charter. The new Municipal Court bill was voted upon favorably, however, and the justice system closed forever. In the meantime, also, the federation had organized an investigation of the meat and milk inspection con- ducted within the city limits, and in 1904 appointed a health and sanitation committee. This committee published bacterial analyses of three hundred samples of milk gathered from twenty-three wards of the city, and the published results of its secret service work showed the general worthlessness of both the milk and meat inspection in Chicago. Of late this movement has taken the special form of pro- tecting the health of children, as the health authorities have ascer- tained that fully a quarter of the infant mortality in the city is the result of impure milk. A commission was originally organized by the Children's Hospital Society for the relief of the children of the poor, but it is now an independent body, its supplies of sterilized, modified and absolutely pure milk being distributed from twenty or thirty stations located in the poorer districts of the city.
Perhaps the two subjects in which the Civic Federation is at present most deeply interested and most earnestly active are those relating to a revision of the state revenue laws and the proposed formation of a new park commission, or what is popularly known as an Outer-Belt Park Board. In the interest of the former it has entered into an investigation of the tax systems of various states, and ap- pointed a revenue committee which has recommended the creation of a special tax commission to make a thorough study of the subject ; also advised an amendment of the revenue article of the state consti- tution so as to make the desired changes possible. The Special State Tax Commission has been recommended by the legislature and vetoed by the governor, but the federation has prepared another bill which ยท it believes will be acceptable to the chief state executive.
The above very brief review of the work of the Civic Federation but faintly indicates its power in the civic development of Chicago.
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As its working members virtually comprise the cream of Chiacgo's citizenship, it would be obviously impossible to select one man, or even half a dozen figures, around which its numerous reformatory movements have revolved, and yet it is probable that none will take exception to a kindly and enthusiastic mention of the name of John M. Clark, the first president of the commission, a pioneer citizen of balanced, rounded character, who, in his old age, has the same eager. interest in the highest development of the civic spirit and municipal institutions that he possessed as a young and vigorous civil engineer and soldier. Of a younger generation are Robert A. Waller and Alexander H. Revell, and when the last word shall be spoken re- garding the civic development of Chicago, the names of the late W. K. Ackerman and John W. Ela will stand well to the fore. West- ern Starr, also, the brother of Merritt Starr, who drafted the original act, had a large share in the establishment of the merit system as. the basis of the civil service of Chicago, both from his identification with the Civic Federation and the Civil Service League. But the movement is now so general and is supported by such variety of abil- ity and strong personality that the individual is almost absorbed in the importance and intensity of the work.
From the general subject, as it is presented today, the two work- ing bodies which stand out most prominently in the civic development of this city are its Civil Service Commission and the Civic Federation of Chicago. The former is the formal endorsement of merit, as against politics and the personal influence of those already in author- ity in the administration and development of the municipal service; the latter is a federation of private citizens in which is crystallized the most advanced civic spirit of Chicago-a body not only produc- tive of original and virile ideas, but working for practical reforms, whether originating within or without its organization. In a word, these two bodies are the most signal births of the civic spirit which has done more than all else to make Chicago a great city.
In the midst of his wide popularity and manifold successes, whether in his office, at the banquet table or in private intercourse,
THOMAS B. Mr. Bryan never forgot that he was a gentleman.
BRYAN. He was a projection of the old-time Virginia gen- tleman into the raw, bustling life of the great west- ern city, and in young manhood, middle age and as a wiry, bright-
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eyed, venerable man of nearly eighty, held his own for over half a century with the ablest, most energetic, most polished characters which Chicago brought into the activities of her brilliant history. Up to the day of his death, the citizens of the western metropolis who had known him so well and loved him so much, although his hair was white, refused to think of him as an old man. To almost the last, his step was sprightly, his word was cheery and he looked the world in the face, and particularly the Chicago part of it, with head erect and eyes full of hope and confidence that all things were working for the best. One of the most marked, the strongest, most lovable and inspiring traits in the many-sided character of Thomas B. Bryan was his optimism, and this firm faith in the triumph of good was the means of removing difficulties in his pathway which seemed at first sight mountainous and immovable.
As stated, Mr. Bryan was a Virginian, born at Alexandria, De- cember 22, 1828, and was the son of Daniel and Mary (Barbour) Bryan. His father served in the senate of Virginia, and two of his mother's brothers, James and Philip Barbour, held such government positions as cabinet minister, speaker of the house of representatives, judge of the United States supreme court, minister to England and governor of the Old Dominion. As blood will tell, it is not strange that Thomas B. Bryan should have naturally come by his high abil- ity and unfailing courtesy. In 1848 he was graduated from the law school of Harvard University, and shortly afterward entered upon the practice of his profession at Cincinnati, Ohio, in partnership with Judge Hart of that city.
In 1852 Mr. Bryan came to Chicago, and, although it had been a city in name for fifteen years, it was still little more than an over- grown and unformed village. He soon became a member of the firm of Mather, Taft & Hatch, which was successively changed to Bryan & Borden and Bryan & Hatch. The most of his period as a practitioner in Chicago, however, was passed as an independent of- fice counselor, and in this capacity his standing was unapproachable by any member of the profession. With the exception of several years spent in Washington, Colorado and in European travel, he also made the city his home for the greater portion of half a century. He succeeded Governor Shepherd as executive of the District of Co- lumbia, and his administration was marked by the same ability, hon-
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esty and conservative financing which always characterized his man- agement of other interests entrusted to him. At his resignation a memorial was presented to him as a farewell testimonial, expressive of deep regret at his departure and warm appreciation of the high character of his administration. It was signed by all the prominent citizens of the district, being headed by the philanthropist, Corcoran.
Finding that the old cemetery, which now forms a portion of Lincoln Park, was becoming undesirable, in view of the encroach- ment of the north side population, Mr. Bryan founded Graceland cemetery, now one of the most beautiful and majestic homes of the dead in the United States. He purchased the original tract of land on which it was plotted, and was at one time its sole proprietor. He also built Bryan Hall on the present site of the Grand Opera House, and within its walls were held some of the most notable gatherings of the Civil. war period. Bryan Hall, in fact, became a synonym for Chicago and western patriotism. Although a southerner, Mr. Bryan was in mind, heart and soul a Union man, and his attitude was so pronounced that in 1865 he was chosen president of the great North- western Fair for the relief of Union soldiers. As a direct result of his masterly management and wise direction of its affairs over $300,- 000 was passed over to the invalid soldiers' fund, and for years after those who were widowed and orphaned as a result of the war looked upon Mr. Bryan as their special benefactor. The Soldiers' Home was also built under his direction and with money advanced by him, he was for many years its president and never failed in his loyalty to it, to the full extent both of his time and means. It was to Mr. Bryan's forethought and enterprise that Chicago owed the Fidelity Safe Depository, which survived the fire of 1871, and saved many- millions to the people of this city.
At the time of the energetic contest between New York and Chi- cago for the location of the World's Columbian Exposition Mr. Bryan was in his sixty-third year-an age when most men, who had labored as hard and accomplished as much as he, would have sought repose. But the occasion seemed to arouse in him the vigor and versatility of youth, and his eloquent appeals, both by speech and pen, brought him forward as Chicago's most masterly champion. When the final contest was fought before the senate committee at Washington, Mr. Bryan had as his opponent Chauncey Depew, con-
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sidered par excellence the most seductive and polished advocate before any legislative body in the country. But Mr. Bryan's wit. humor and sarcasm, his thorough knowledge of the merits of his case, and his compelling earnestness and straightforwardness, carried the day, He was afterward chosen first vice president of the exposition, and until the triumphant conclusion of the great fair his services were second to none for faithfulness, effectiveness and tactfulness. If any one man is to be selected as the father of the World's Cohim bian Exposition it is probable that the majority of the votes will be cast for Thomas B. Bryan.
In 1850 Mr. Bryan married Miss Byrd Page, of Virginia, and the issue of the marriage was a daughter and a son-Charles P. Bryan a well-known journalist and litterateur, who served in the leg- islatures of Colorado and Illinois, and most creditably upholds the splendid name of his father.
Joseph Medill, mayor of Chicago for the two supremely critical years succeeding the great fire, spent nearly forty-five years of his life as a founder and guiding spirit of the Republi-
JOSEPH MEDILL. can party and as the inspiring and molding power which brought the Chicago Tribune from the ob- scurity of a failing enterprise to the rank of one of the greatest news- papers in the world. He was honorable, sturdy, versatile, wise and brilliant, born of Scotch-Irish parents on the 6th day of April, 1823. in the city of St. John, New Brunswick. There the family remained until 1832, when it emigrated to Massillon, Stark county, Ohio. The little city of Canton was only sixteen miles away, and after the youth had grounded himself in the common branches he commenced to walk thither, on Saturday afternoons, for the purpose of studying Latin, logic and natural philosophy under the guidance of a Meth odist clergyman of that place. He completed his education in the village academy of Massillon, from which he graduated in 1843. and in the following year cast his first vote for Henry Clay and began the study of law with Hon. Hiram Griswold. Admitted to the bar in 1846, he was for some time the partner of George W. Mellvaine. afterward chief justice of the supreme court of Ohio. After an association of three years with that gentleman, several considerations induced him to abandon the law for journalism. Since early boyhood he had taken an intense interest in the great questions which stirred
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such men as Webster and Clay, and with the undoubted realization of his own knowledge and strength he longed to participate in the stir and molding of public policies. There were also three younger brothers in the family whose welfare he generously assumed, and one of his earnest desires was to place them in the way of honorable advancement. In 1849 he became the proprietor of the Coshocton (Ohio) Whig, and thus commenced the realization of both his per- sonal ambition and his brotherly desire. His brothers became com- . positors and job printers, valued assistants in the mechanical progress of the enterprise, while Mr. Medill devoted himself to the further- ance of its editorial policy and general development. At the outset he changed its name to the Coshocton Republican, stating that this was the proper appellation both of the party and its organs. In 1852 he sold his business and founded the Daily Forest City at Cleve- land, giving his support to Scott and the Whig cause which was so overwhelmingly defeated. The unfortunate outcome of this presi- dential campaign upon a platform which he considered little short of cowardly convinced him that the time was ripe for the formation of a new Republican party, which should take its stand on the prin- ciples of equal rights, anti-slavery, the sovereignty of the general government and protection to American industries. In 1853 he con- solidated his interests with those of John C. Vaughn and Edwin Cowles, the former publisher of a Free-soil organ known as the True Democrat, and the latter a skillful job printer. The result was the Cleveland Leader, a highly successful newspaper. Mr. Medill con- tinued to advocate the formation of a new party with the name Republican, abandoning forever the English cognomen of Whig, and commenced a general correspondence with party leaders over the proposed change. Horace Greeley replied to one of his letters: "Go ahead and get it adopted in Ohio; it is too soon for us in New York to advocate the name. We must first suffer another bad defeat." In 1853 the conservative wing of the Whig party suffered a disas- trous defeat, the liberal candidate of the party taking the guberna- torial chair, solidly backed by a 60,000 majority and the strong in- fluence of Mr. Medill's paper. In April of the following year a number of prominent anti-slavery Whigs, Democrats and Free-soilers met at the editorial office of the Cleveland Leader and organized a new party under the name of National Republican, with opposition to
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slavery as its corner stone. In January, 1855. Mr. Medill sold the Leader to Edwin Cowles and in company with Mr. Vaughn and Dr. Ray, of Galena, Illinois, bought the waning Chicago Tribune. With- in a few years Mr. Medill was its editor and proprietor, and from that time until his death kept pace with Chicago, and even led it in the race. He was not only the watch dog of details, but brought everything into conformity with some well-arranged general plan or policy. He drew Lincoln to his editorial office by his power and practical wisdom, and the country lawyer while in Chicago spent many hours with him in the discussion of slavery and the issues in which they were to co-operate so closely and effectively in the few years to come, each in his exalted station before the people. No one influence in the country did more to make Lincoln president than the Tribune, under the steady guidance of Joseph Medill. The plan by which Union soldiers were authorized to ballot in the field was also his, and upheld the president's conduct of the war by again placing him in office with a decisive majority. The system was generally adopted by the northern states, and under it the governor appointed special commissioners to go to the front, receive the soldier ballots, which were sealed and not opened and counted except in the resident districts of the voters. The editor of the Tribune was even more radical than the president on the slavery question, insisting from the first that emancipation without remuneration was the only possible solution of the problem. Mr. Medill also fought, through his paper. for the constitutional amendment enfranchising the ex-slaves, and, with the partial settlement of the most pressing national issues, gave more of his personal and editorial attention to the affairs of the city and state. In 1869 he was unanimously elected a member of the constitutional convention of Illinois, being the only delegate to be thus honored. Among other important provisions which owe their origin to him is that of minority representation in the legislature. In 1871 he was appointed a member of the first national civil service commission by President Grant, and in November of the same year was elected mayor of Chicago by a three-fourths' vote. The stress of those times immediately succeeding the fire were too much for even his strong constitution, and in September, 1873. he resigned the office and went to Europe for a year's recreation. In the meantime the ceaseless and unusual expansion of the Tribune in all its depart-
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