USA > Indiana > Henry County > Hazzard's history of Henry county, Indiana, 1822-1906, Volume I > Part 10
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The sensation of being under fire, under any circumstances, is not particularly agreeable, but when you know that the bullets are not aimed especially at you, you feel that the danger is being divided in some way between yourself and your comrades ; that it is a sort of lottery in which you may draw a bullet or you may escape and others may be hit. But it is altogether different when you know that some one is taking aim at you individually. A Frenchman in describing a tiger hunt said : "It is great fun to hunt ze tigaire, but when ze tigaire hunt you it is fun for ze tigaire."
The last year of the war witnessed some radical changes in the method of fighting. The advance of Grant to Richmond as well as that of Sherman to Atlanta was through a thickly wooded country in which there was a dense growth of underbrush. This made it difficult to use in battle all the men on both sides, and also made it difficult for the artillery to do its most effective work. The result was the development of a style of warfare similar in some respects to that prac- ticed in the early Indian wars. It became part of the education of every soldier, officer as well as private, to take advantage of every tree, log, rock, or other natural barrier, in order to protect himself as much as possible in an advance against the enemy.
But the most radical changes were those occasioned by the fact that the
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armies of both Lee and Johnston were almost continuously on the defensive, this making it necessary for them to construct formidable fortified lines. When driven from one line they fell back to another. The fortifications encountered by the Federal troops in the Atlanta campaign were of far more elaborate character than any which they had previously met. They were constructed of earth, four or five feet high and thick enough to withstand a six pound cannon ball. Over the top of these was a head-log, so placed as to leave an open space of about six inches between the lower side of the log and the top of the ridge. Behind was a trench about a foot deep in which the men stood while loading, entirely concealed from view. When ready to fire they stepped out of the trench and fired through the opening under the log, thus exposing only a small portion of their persons. Often in front of the breastworks were driven stakes with sharpened ends, pointing outward, and sometimes trees were felled in front of them for the purpose of embarrassing the progress of a charging column.
Even with such weapons as were in use during the Civil War, one man behind such breastworks equaled at least five in a charging column. Experience proved that it was a useless sacrifice of life, in fact little short of butchery, to attempt to take such breastworks by direct assault. No troops in the world could hold out in a charge against them, if they were defended by troops one-fifth in number and of equal valor, especially if the assaulting columns were compelled, in order to reach the works, to advance over a considerable open space in front, exposed to both a direct and enfilading fire of musketry and artillery. Generally men would charge even against such works, when ordered to do so, for such was the high state of discipline in the last year of the war that soldiers would usually go whenever and wherever ordered, refusing only when it became evident that, if such assaults were persisted in, every man in the assaulting columns would be killed.
The futility of attempting to take strongly fortified lines by direct assault was clearly shown during the Virginia campaign in the assault at Cold Harbor. In his Memoirs Grant expressed regret that it was made. The uselessness of direct assault against such fortified lines was also shown, time and again, in the Atlanta campaign, as at Pickett's Mill, and especially in the bloody assault at Kenesaw Mountain, June 27; 1864, which was disapproved by Sherman's subor- dinate generals and afterward admitted by him to have been a mistake. In his account of the assault at Pickett's Mill, General Jacob D. Cox says :
"The attack of Hooker at New Hope Church and this of Howard at Pickett's Mill were both made in column of brigades or demi-brigades. The result in both cases demonstrated that in a difficult and wooded country, and especially against intrenched lines, the column had little if any advantage over a single line of equal front. It could not charge with the ensemble which could give it momentum, and its depth was therefore a disadvantage, since it exposed masses of mnen to fire who were wholly unable to fire in return. Since the office of breastworks is to give the defense an advantage by holding the assailant under fire from which the defenders are covered, the relative strength of the two is so changed that it is within bounds to say that such works as were constantly built by the contending forces in Georgia made one man in the trench fully equal to three or four in the assault. Each party learned to act upon this, and in all the later operations of the
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campaign the commanders held their troops responsible for making it practically good. The boasts, on either side, that a brigade or division repulsed three or four that attacked it, must always be read with this understanding. The troops in the works would be proved to be inferior to the assailants if they did not repulse a force several times greater than their own."
General Schofield also gives very decided testimony on this point. He says : "In the days of the bayonet successful tactics consisted in massing a superior force upon some vital point and breaking the enemy's line. Now it is the fire of the musket, not the bayonet, that decides the battle. To mass troops against the fire of a covered line is simply to devote them to destruction. The greater the mass the greater the loss-that is all. A large mass has no more chance of success than a small one. That this is absolutely true since the introduction of breech-loaders is probably not doubted by any one; and it was very nearly true with the muzzle- loading rifles used during our late war, as was abundantly demonstrated on many occasions."
There was only one way to take such works, and that was by flanking them. This required an attacking army largely superior in numbers to the enemy, so large that the attacking party could maintain its position in front of the works and still have enough to threaten the enemy's communication and thus force an evacuation. This was Grant's plan in the Virginia campaign, and Sherman's in the Atlanta campaign. This plan, however, while it largely avoided the inevitable and useless sacrifice of life in direct assaults, nevertheless required obstinate and bloody fighting for it was necessary continually to push the lines of the attacking army as near as possible up to those of the enemy. When, therefore, an advance was made against fortified lines, either for the purpose of carrying them, if a weak place could be found in them, or for the purpose of advancing the lines of the attacking army, it was necessary to provide for holding the ground gained, even if the attempt to take the enemy's works should fail.
Charging columns were often followed by men with entrenching tools with which defensive works could be speedily constructed, and it was not an unusual sight to see some of the men in a charging column carrying rails. These were thrown down as soon as a halt was made and then, if there were no picks and spades, the men would scoop out a trench behind the rail pile with their bayonets and their tin dinner plates, and thus construct rude breastworks even under a galling fire. This was not an uncommon occurrence in the Atlanta and Virginia campaigns.
Of course there was grave danger that those engaged in battle might be either killed or wounded, and some regiments, as shown by Colonel Fox, suffered an appalling loss of life. The artillery in battle made the greatest noise, but com- paratively few men were killed by cannon-balls. A single cannon-ball rarely hit more than one man ; most of them hit no one. The most deadly work of artillery was when it fired grape and canister at short range, especially at dense columns of men, or at a line exposed to an enfilading fire. The greatest danger in battle was that of being killed or wounded by a musket-ball. Considering the number of musket-balls fired in a great battle, the wonder, at first thought, is, not how many were killed or wounded by them, but how many escaped unhurt. It has been said, however, that it takes a man's weight in lead to kill him in battle, and,
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though this is a roughi guess, it is near the truth. Generally speaking, most of the bullets fired in battle overshoot the mark; many just miss; some go through the clothing only; of those which hit the person, many inflict only flesh wounds and do not touch a vital spot. The explosion of a mine, like that at Petersburg, causes great loss of life, but there were few such catastrophes in the Civil War.
In reading of battles and in considering the inspiring motives of those who fought them, there are many things to be taken into account. The personal bravery of the combatants is of course an important element. This has always been a distinguishing quality of the American soldier, and no troops in the world ever exhibited it in a higher degree than did the soldiers on both sides in the Civil War.
But there were motives and feelings other than mere personal courage that inspired the soldier. An honorable pride nerved many men to face death rather than to seek safety in dishonorable flight. Moreover, there was something in the highest degree inspiring in a great battle. Probably some of the inspiration was artificially created, or at least stimulated, as we see it created and stimulated in an exciting political campaign by great processions, fire-works, huzzas, and other artifices well known to politicians. The example of a general rallying his troops, as General Sheridan rallied his at Winchester, seemed to impart to all who saw him an enthusiasm that spread like wild-fire. There were hundreds of such instances, less noted but equally heroic and equally inspiring, in the Civil War.
It was characteristic of the Confederates that they charged with what came to be well known as the Confederate "yell." It was apt to strike terror to the new recruit who heard it for the first time, but his veteran comrade waited until the advancing hosts came within range of his musket, well knowing that a musket- ball was far more effective than a yell.
In the author's opinion, the most inspiring motive was a conscientious sense of duty-the same feeling that in all ages has inspired martyrs at the stake or on the scaffold. We call it patriotism, but patriotism is only another name for that sense of duty to country which, next to the sense of duty to God, is the highest motive that can excite men to heroic deeds. On a great battlefield everything is calculated to arouse heroic impulses in even the ordinary man. The most philo- sophic person catches some of the excitement created by a fire-engine tearing along the street. But such a sight is of trifling significance compared with that of a battery ploughing along a rough road, or through fields and woods, bouncing over rocks, logs and ditches, wheeling into position, and in the twinkling of an eye opening fire with deafening roar and sheets of flame mowing great swaths through the columns of an advancing enemy.
We see a great political procession go by with waving banners and loud huzzas and we can not help catching some of the enthusiasm. We see a regiment of militia marching with gleaming guns and martial step; we hear the bugle notes ; and the sight inspires the ordinary spectator with something of military ardor. An audience is sometimes stirred to its depths by the mere waving of a flag. An old soldier at a regimental reunion, even after a third of a century has passed, can hardly repress the tears that come unbidden at the unfolding of a battle-rent flag, typical to him of so many hard-fought battles and desperate contests. Is it cause for wonder that, when it waves over him in battle, it makes him almost delirious with enthusiasm ?
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But it is impossible to impart to one who never participated in a battle the feelings of the soldiers themselves, when, amidst the roar of cannon, the bursting of shells, and the flash of musketry, opposing hosts madly rush against each other in charge and counter-charge, "where men become iron with nerves of steel," and those who at home were esteemed the most quiet and orderly citizens, become, for the time, animated with almost supernatural courage that makes them utterly fearless of death.
In every battle were seen those known as "skulkers." Despite tlie utmost vigilance of the officers, they would succeed in getting to the rear, and to all who passed they would tell how their regiments had been cut to pieces and that they were the only survivors left to tell the doleful tale. They generally had a sneaking look and were easily recognized by the veteran soldier, who soon came to know them by sight and who paid little attention to their extravagant stories of carnage in front. These were the men who, after the war, were usually found on street- corners loudly boasting of their prodigies of valor.
Besides the ordinary skulkers there were the constitutional cowards. It is as difficult to define the psychological distinction between an ordinary skulker and a constitutional coward as it is to define that between an ordinary thief and a kleptomaniac, for between the skulker and the constitutional coward there were innumerable gradations. But a well-defined type of the latter was easily recognized. He did not boast. His face in time of battle took on a look of abject terror pitiable to behold, betokening an inward unspeakable agony. Men of this type could be found in almost every regiment. No appeal to their sense of duty, their patriotism or pride could overcome the terror inspired by the sound of battle. The author saw men who, the moment the firing commenced, began to tremble like an aspen leaf, with the perspiration dripping from them in great drops. An- officer in the Army of the Cumberland has told of a man of this type who, when situated so that he could not run away, would mechanically load his gun, shut his eyes, and fire into the air. The poor fellow was killed after all. The wise and humane officer soon acquired the experience enabling him to differentiate the constitutional coward from the ordinary skulker, and he endeavored, if possible, to assign the timid soldier to some duty where he could do better service than he was able to do on the firing line, and where his terror would not demoralize his comrades.
To speak of the "amenities of war" would seem to most persons like using a misnomer, and yet during the Civil War there were many illustrations of a fra- ternal feeling between the combatants such as probably never existed between the soldiers of opposing armies in any other war in the history of the world. Those who have heard the eloquent lecture of the Confederate General John B. Gordon. recounting some of his war reminiscences, will remember hearing him relate how the Confederate and Union soldiers fraternized in the eastern armies, and how on one occasion the Confederate soldiers in his command indignantly insisted that the laws of hospitality required the safe return of the Union soldier who had been surprised while making them a friendly visit. Subsequently the same fraternal feeling existed between the opposing pitckets during the siege of Chattanooga. It was a frequent occurrence for them to meet and exchange papers and have a friendly chat and the laws of hospitality were never abused by the soldiers of either side.
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With the exception of the assault at Kenesaw Mountain, the bloodiest engage- ment of the Atlanta campaign, in proportion to the numbers engaged, was that at Pickett's Mill, May 27, 1864, in which an unsuccessful assault was made on the Confederate fortified lines. In this assault Wood's division of the 4th corps suffered a very heavy loss. The 86th Indiana, one of the regiments in Wood's division, participated, and its colonel, George Dick, was severely wounded. It would naturally be supposed that these circumstances were not such as to inspire the most amicable feelings in the combatants, and yet in the History of the 86th Indiana, pp. 387-8. is recorded this singular incident which occurred the next day between a Confederate picket and one of the 86th Indiana :
"On the next day, the 28th, the boys of the Eighty Sixth and the Confederates formed a 'Board of Trade' on a small scale for the purpose of disposing of surplus coffee on the one hand and tobacco upon the other. An offer to 'dicker' coffee for tobacco always caught the 'Johnnies' and put them in good humor, if there were no officers around. On the other hand tobacco was in brisk demand in the Union ranks. When there was an official about they would signal not to come, but as soon as he was gone, traffic would be resumed. They seemed to be in excellent humor over their great success in repelling the assault of the previous day. They were quite willing to talk of the campaign, expressing themselves freely in regard to the probable success of it on the Union part, and 'lowed they had enough for another killing yet in ranks.'
"At one of these meetings an interesting discussion arose between Wat Baker, of Company H, and a Confederate. Snugly ensconced behind two logs hid from view of the rebel line, the discussion began. Baker was an oddity, over six feet in height, of a nervous disposition, jerkey in manner and emphatic in speech. The discussion, as related by Baker afterwards, ranged over the whole subject of contention between the North and the South-slavery pro and con was argued, secession and coercion, and the probable success of the northern armies finally. For nearly two hours these men chatted and argued every phase of the contest which suggested itself to their minds."
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CHAPTER V.
NEGRO SOLDIERS IN THE CIVIL WAR.
VALUE OF SLAVERY TO THE CONFEDERATE CAUSE-THE EMANCIPATION PROCLA- MATION, A WAR MEASURE-NORTHERN OPPOSITION TO ENROLLMENT OF NEGROES AS SOLDIERS-THE FIRST COLORED REGIMENTS-CHANGE OF SENTI- MENT IN THE SOUTH AS TO EMPLOYMENT OF SLAVES IN CONFEDERATE ARMIES -JEFFERSON DAVIS, GENERAL LEE AND OTHER SOUTHERN LEADERS FAVOR EMPLOYMENT OF NEGRO SOLDIERS AND GRADUAL EMANCIPATION.
During the progress of the war a marked change was brought about in the attitude of the people of both North and South, not only as to the question of freeing the negroes, but also of arming them. It was, however, a change caused by the exigencies of the war, rather than by any change of sentiment in regard to the moral aspects of slavery. At the beginning of the war the radical element in the North would have preferred to let the seceding states go rather than that they should remain in the Union with slavery ; before the war closed the radical leaders in the South would have preferred to let slavery go if by so doing they could have remained out of the Union. The evidence is abundant and convincing that, before the close of the war, many of the radical leaders of the South would willingly have consented to universal emancipation if by so doing they could have saved the Confederacy. The study of the causes operating to produce such a revolution of ideas is both curious and interesting.
The value of the services of the slaves to the Confederate cause was manifest from the beginning. Jefferson Davis, in the "Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government," vol. I, p. 303, says :
"Much of our success was due to the much-abused institution of African servitude, for it enabled the white men to go into the army, and leave the cultiva- tion of their fields and the care of their flocks, as well as of their wives and children, to those who, in the language of the Constitution, were 'held to service or labor.' "
This fact was soon perceived in the North. At an early stage of the war the slaves were also employed in building forts and breastworks and in various places at first filled by white men, thus relieving an equal number of white soldiers for service in the Confederate ranks. This also was seen and its significance was appreciated in the North and especially in the northern armies. It was obvious that whatever would weaken the allegiance of the slaves to their masters and induce them to favor the Federal cause would weaken the Confederate armies and the Confederate cause. The emancipation proclamation was, therefore, a logical war measure, and it was on this ground that many in the North and in the northern armies, at first hostile to emancipation, were at a later period induced to favor it.
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If the first step in severing the allegiance of the slave to his master was to declare his freedom, then obviously the next step was to arm him so that he might fight for it; because, in fighting for his freedom, he was not only directly aiding the Federal armies, but was inspiring his fellow-slaves to do likewise. Thus a dangerous enemy of the South and a zealous ally of the North was developed in the very heart of the Confederacy.
But, when it was first suggested, the idea of arming negroes and enrolling them as soldiers in the Federal armies aroused violent opposition in the North and furnished new arguments to those who denounced the prosecution of the war as an Abolition crusade.
The first act of Congress authorizing the enlistment of colored soldiers was passed July 17, 1862, after very bitter opposition, particularly from the members representing the border states, but this act discriminated between the slaves of loyal and those of disloyal citizens. Few colored men enlisted, and the first order for raising colored troops was issued by the War Department August 25, 1862, to General Saxton, in command at Hilton Head, South Carolina, authorizing him to enlist and equip "such number of volunteers of African descent as he might deem expedient, not exceeding five thousand." When the order was issued it was accompanied with the remark, "This must never see daylight, because it is so much in advance of public sentiment." It was not until 1863 that the work of enrolling colored troops in the Federal armies was begun in earnest. The first order for raising colored troops in the free states was issued from the War Department January 20, 1863, to Governor Andrew of Massachusetts. It was not until March 3, 1864, that Congress passed an act making free the families of colored soldiers, and not until later in that year that colored soldiers were allowed the same pay and emoluments as white soldiers.
The first colored regiment mustered into the United States service was the First Louisiana Native Guard, raised by General Butler in New Orleans and recruited chiefly among the free blacks. It was mustered in September 27, 1862. Another, organized in Kansas but recruited chiefly from Missouri slaves, was mustered in January 13, 1863, as the First Kansas Colored Volunteers, but the name was afterward changed to that of 79th U. S. Colored Infantry. The first colored regiment raised in a seceding state from former slaves was recruited in South Carolina, of which T. W. Higginson was commissioned colonel. Its organization was begun by order of General Hunter in May, 1862, but not com- pleted until January 31, 1863. It was at first called the First South Carolina but afterward the 33d U. S. Colored Infantry. The first colored regiment raised in a northern state and recruited from free blacks was the 54th Massachusetts, organized in Massachusetts, but recruited from several northern states. Its organization was begun in February and completed in May, 1863. The total number of colored troops enrolled in the Federal armies during the war was 178,975, of whom 99,337 were recruited in the southern states.
The idea of enlisting negro soldiers was not at first favorably received in the northern armies. The opposition was plainly manifest in the Army of the Potomac during McClellan's command of that army. Nor was the idea generally favored in the Army of the Cumberland. There were never many colored soldiers in that army. They were at first viewed with curiosity by the white troops, but all finally came to the conclusion that the black man might quite as well help the
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Union cause by fighting for his freedom and that, in so doing, he was far better employed than he was when helping to construct Confederate forts and breast- works.
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