USA > Indiana > Vigo County > History of Indiana from its exploration to 1922, Vol II > Part 8
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64 Indianapolis Journal, Feb. 14, 1861. "For myself, while the sword remains undrawn, while kindred blood remains unshed, never shall I despair of the republic. While there is peace there is hope, for peace is the life of the Union."
65 Indianapolis Sentinel, Feb. 12, 1861. "Mr. Lincoln is a theorist, a dreamer and, perhaps, an enthusiast in his convictions. He is not a practical man, and for that reason will be deficient in those qualities necessary to administer the government wisely. He lacks will, purpose -- that resolute determination necessary to
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A union state convention, composed of the lead- ing politicians of the state opposed to the Republi- cans, met at Indianapolis, February 22, to deliberate on the state of the Union. It demanded of the state support of the Crittenden compromise and resolved that rather than use force a peaceful separation should be arranged. The resolutions were drawn up by Robert Dale Owen.88
On the same day there met at Indianapolis what was called the Soldiers' convention. There were present 59 veterans of the War of 1812, among them James Blake, who presided, and 90 soldiers of the Mexican war. Their resolutions were defiant toward the South and secession.
While this coercion discussion was going on the new President was inaugurated and on April 14, Fort Sumter, a United States post, was fired upon. These events at once monopolized the attention of all the people. In the meantime Indiana had made up its mind on the most important question of the war.
The question of the power of the constitution to compel obedience on the part of the states was as old as the government. Time and again it had come up. It had been seized upon as a defense by first one sec- tion of the nation and then another. Now the slavery aristocracy of the South was taking refuge behind it in the defense of their asserted rights. Whatever of justification the South can ever have for its rash con- duct must be along this line, for the flimsy excuse of
success. For those reasons Mr. Lincoln will be an uncertain man; and today, with a full knowledge of his views upon the present condition of our public affairs, it will be impossible to predict what his action will be. At a time when it requires a man of nerve, will and purpose to administer the government successfully, it is most unfortunate that the administration of our public affairs should be confided to such hands."
66 Indianapolis Sentinel, Feb. 23, 1861.
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the election of Lincoln will never be regarded as other than a pretext.
The literature of the time is filled with denuncia- tion of the Republicans, in league and in sympathy with the Abolitionists, for their aggressions on the South. The party was charged with the responsibil- ity for all the disunion sentiment and the animosity between the sections. The truth seems to be that it contained about as many positive characters like Seward and Lincoln as the southern wing of the Democracy did like Toombs and Davis. The Douglas Democrats in Indiana throughout the campaign of 1860 declared that the Republicans were a menace to the Union, and that safety lay in the election of Douglas. Not only the state convention, but that of county after county reiterated the assertion.87
Since the Democrats in these instances did not make known what they would do in case secession was attempted they apparently were using such declarations merely for political effect and as such it was accepted by their opponents. The Republican county conventions answered these lugubrious declarations with equally inflated assertions of their own loyalty to the Union which their fathers' blood
67 Indiana Sentinel, July 12, 1860. "Resolved, That in view of the unjustifiable secession of a portion of the southern dele- gates from the Charleston and Baltimore conventions, we are admonished more than ever of the evils that threaten our beloved country by the formation of sectional parties; that the foot- prints of the northern sectional party, known as the Republican, since Its inception have been marked only by hypocritical pro- fessions, infractions of the constitution, and as a natural result of these, sectional animosity, which, if not speedily arrested, will lead to all the deplorable eviis that would follow a dismember- ment of the confederacy, and therefore, it is the duty of all men to heed the warning voice of Washington and 'frown upon all aectional parties' and organizations, whether North or South, and under whatever name they may be known." Corydon Democrat.
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had consecrated.68 How sincere the party as a whole was, it is impossible now to determine satisfactorily. The Republicans were solemnly charged with being Abolitionists, bent on getting control of the national government for the purpose of making an assault on the property system of the South. The public speeches of Lincoln, Seward, Sumner, H. S. Lane and Morton were cited in evidence. "The fatal and in- evitable result of its mission is to beget social dis- order, financial panic, commercial revolution, servile insurrection, bloodshed, incendiarism, civil war, and a final dissolution of the Union," said the Indian- apolis Sentinel of the Republican party. This in Indiana was mere political rant, in which both par- ties habitually indulged but how it impressed its readers in the distant South can not be so easily told. S. E. Perkins, then on the supreme court bench, in a speech at Richmond, declared the result of a Repub- lican success would be "a dissolution of the Union, for, though the Republicans would have violated the constitution, broken the compact, and thus absolved the South from all obligations to adhere to it, yet the Republicans would attempt by the superior physical force of the North to crush her into submission."69 These dismal prophesies were answered with sar- casm by the Republicans. On the other hand, Mor- ton at Terre Haute, March 10, 1860, said: "The treasonable doctrine of rule or ruin has been boldly
68 Indianapolis Journal, Feb. 17, 1860. The following resoln- tions from a Huntington county convention, Feb. 11, 1860: "Re- solved, That we condemn the foolish, treasonable, disunion senti- ments proclaimed by the leaders of the seif-styled Democratic party in congress, whose acts have been endorsed by the leaders of the Indiana Democracy, and that we believe all such sentiments, come from what source they may, deserve the execration of ail true patriots."
69 Indianapolis Sentinel, Sept. 26, 1860.
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avowed by leading Democrats in the senate of the United States; they have declared without rebuke from their fellows that the last hope of the Republic was bound up in the success of the Democratic party, and that the success of the Republican party would present a contingency not only authorizing but de- manding the secession of the southern states from the Confederacy."70 Occasionally there was a spark of fire in all this smoke. In answer to these reiter- ated threats, John D. Defrees, first chairman of the Republican party, replied: "If it be supposed that the Republicans are to be driven from their purposes by threats that Lincoln shall not be inaugurated if elected, permit me to remind you that the race whence they sprang must not be forgotten. They do not come of cowards, to fawn and crouch at the feet of any power on earth. They are free and know their rights and dare maintain them.""71 Other Republi- cans answered that if the South were in earnest, now was the time to try the last resort. No good could be accomplished by one concession after another. If it must be settled by war then let it be war now. R. W. Thompson, leader of the Constitutionals, also ex- pressed his belief that there was no virtue in this threat of secession.72
After the election in November public opinion centered on means of conciliation and compromise. The southern states, as is well known, lost little time in carrying their threats into execution, a haste per- haps partly due to fear of public opinion in their own states. At first, in Indiana, it was believed the con- servative sentiment of the South would prevent
70 Indianapolis Journal, March 16, 1860.
71 Indiana Sentinel, Oct. 1, 1860.
72 Indianapolis Journal, Aug. 17, 1860: "This stuff about dissolving the Union when any man is elected is all humbug." Also, Sept. 26, 1860.
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secession. As this hope vanished it was followed by one that if the actual secession could be postponed until Lincoln were inaugurated he could avert it by conciliation.
When it came to a matter of compromise the two parties differed in Indiana. The Democrats favored concession, while the Republicans did not disclose much alacrity in that direction. The only promise of success seemed in some kind of restoration of the Missouri Compromise line. Governor Lane suggest- ed that if the line were extended to the Pacific it might possibly be acceptable to the North. A resolu- tion to this effect was presented in the Indiana house, but the Republican majority let it die on the table.73 As plan after plan of conciliation was proposed by the Democrats in the Assembly and voted down by the Republicans, the Democrats lost faith in the ma- jority's desire for peace. At the same time the Re- publicans regarded all this as mere partisan politics,
The last resort of the peace party was the Crit- tenden compromise. Almost as much oratory was wasted in the Assembly on this measure as in con- gress. The compromise involved an extension of slavery and on that the Republicans stuck fast. Their answer was that Democrats and not Republicans had repealed the Missouri Compromise, and since Demo- crats had left the fence down they might have all the pleasure chasing the cattle out of the field." The Democrats were baffled at every turn. John H. Stot- senberg, of Floyd, proposed that they order a refer- endum vote of the state on the Crittenden plan, but
73 House Journal, 1860, p. 145.
74 Indianapolis Journal, Jan. 25, 1861. George R. Steele, of Parke county, Jan. 17, 1861, quoting Clay : "I never will, I never can, and no power on earth can ever make me vote to put slavery where it does not now exist."
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this too was tabled. It is entirely probable that the majority of Indiana voters at this time would have favored this. It is fair to say that a great many Re- publicans in the Assembly were flatly opposed to any offer of conciliation, expressing themselves after the manner of Mr. Defrees.75
Very similar expressions were voted in public meetings held in all parts of the state, the sentiment varying from secession itself to pledging their lives for the Union.76
With the inauguration of Lincoln and his plain statement of his own duty the question confronted Indiana of supporting the President or following Kentucky. The initial wobbling in Indiana was due to two editorials, one in the New York Tribune, the other in the Indianapolis Journal, the former the leading Republican paper in the United States, the latter the party organ in Indiana. Both papers advo- cated giving the seceding states the glad hand and bidding them Godspeed in their haste to secede. On the other hand at a meeting in Indianapolis, Novem- ber 21, 1860, Lane and Morton both spoke frankly and forcibly on the issue. There was only one solu- tion of the difficulty and that was pointed out so clearly that there seems no excuse for the drivel that was spoken and printed on the subject between No- vember 1860, and April 14, 1861.77 The one sufficient
75 Indianapolis Journal, Jan. 4, 1861. "Their first duty is to obey the will of the majority. Let them renew their allegiance to the constitution; then, when purged of treason, if they have grievances, we will hear them patiently."
76 See files of Journal and Sentinel during the period. For the opposite doctrine, see Madison Courier. The Journal was weak throughout the war.
77 The best expression of the Democratic position Is In the following resolution by a mass-meeting at Indianapolis, Jan. 8, 1861 :
1. "That it is the highest aim and most imperative duty of
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answer to this was made by the people themselves. When, on April 15, the call of the governor for troops to preserve the Union was posted in cities, villages and countryside there was neither question nor hesi- tation. The men came marching, demanding that they be armed and led to their country's defense. The following telegram is a type of those that came from every corner of the state:
MADISON, April 19 .- Bachman, who was in Mexi- can service, desires to raise a company here of good, able-bodied men from the country. Will you accept them? I hope you will assist, and oblige your friend.
H. W. HARRINGTON
patriotism and philanthropy to preserve the Union and maintain the Federal compact in its spirit; and that in consideration of the true interests of Indiana, as well as fidelity to the Union, it is demanded that we use all means and exert every power to defeat the purposes of those whose spirit and act endanger the one or impair the other.
2. That we repeat the sentiments of our platform of 1856, which upheld 'non-Intervention by Congress with slavery in State or Territory, or in the District of Columbia.'
3. That, whereas, a sectional party based upon sentiments of hostility towards the institutions of the Southern States, has triumphed, and in consequence the sections of the country stand in hostile position upon the verge of disunion and civil war; and, whereas, the most direful calamities must befall our country un- less the sectionai differences are speedily and properly adjusted ; and although we have unabated confidence in the doctrine of non- intervention, yet to save the Union we will accept and earnestly support any measure of adjustment that is fair in its terms, and that will, by constitutional provisions, forever remove the ques- tion of slavery from the field of federal politics and legislation ; and because we believe it will attain these ends, and because we believe that the Union must be preserved by the united action of the border and conservative States, and because it comes from a border State, of great influence in the confederacy, and is under- stood to be acceptable to the conservative sentiment of the coun- try, we accept the propositions presented to the United States
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§ 121 BREAKDOWN OF STATE GOVERNMENT
Partisan politics both on the stump and in the leg- islature reached its culmination in 1862 and 1863. The heavy drafts on the manhood of the state left their impress on every trade and profession. The newspapers of the state were robbed of virility and judgment. The lawyers, physicians and preachers were in the service of the nation. The business men who had not enlisted were too busy organizing trade for the supply of the army to take time for politics. The Union armies, after a series of successes, were on the defensive and calling for aid.
At the Democratic convention which met in Indi- anapolis, January 8, 1862, the presiding officer, Thomas A. Hendricks, made a sharp attack on the state government. His lamentations could not have
Senate by the Honorable John J. Crittenden, of Kentucky.
4. That while it is the duty of the Federal Executive to maintain the possession and control of the public property, and execute the laws; yet in the discharge of that duty the highest considerations touching the material and moral prosperity of the country require that bloodshed and civil war be avoided; that the Union is to be preserved, if at all, by the cultivation of fra- ternal affection among the people of the different sections and by the maintenance of equal and exact justice.
5. That if Congress shall fail to adopt the measures proposed by the Senator from Kentucky, or measures of like effect, or call a convention of the States to revise the Constitution, then we recommend that the border slave-holding and non-slave-holding States, by an election of the people thereof, appoint delegates to a convention which shall, if possible, devise measures that may adjust existing difficulties, and reunite disaffected sections.
6. That we believe a large majority of the people are con- servative; that we have confidence in the willingness of our people to mete out justice to every State.
7. That if civil war shall result, it would become the duty of Indiana, bound, as her citizens are, to the North and the South, by ties of consanguinity and commerce, to act, with other conser- vative States, as a mediator between the contending factions."
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been exceeded if the state had been laid waste and the people led away in chains.78
The whole campaign was carried on in much the same spirit. The war Democrats, those in sympathy with the conduct of the war, were at the front and their influence in the political campaign lost. There were dark hints of a Northwestern confederacy, a separation from Abolition New England, and open sympathy for the South. Governor Morton answered the charges against his administration with equal haughtiness. He spoke of armed interference with public meetings, of military arrests; Democratic newspapers were mobbed and private citizens ar- rested. At the October polls the state went Demo- cratic by majorities slightly less than 10,000.79
The General Assembly which convened, January 8, 1863, was a disgrace to both parties and the state. One seeks in vain for any trace of statesmanship or patriotism. At a time when the state was in the deepest distress it has ever known, the members were content to fritter away their time in petty political chicanery. They refused to receive the governor's
78 Rockport Democrat, Jan. 18, 1862. "May I not say cor- ruption, when the factions of that party contend in mutual accu- sations of more enormous frauds and peculations, when the sup- porters of Fremont threw back the charges preferred and proven against him by the extraordinary defense that the sappers and miners at and about Washington, the Camerons, the Weeds, the Welles, the Morgans and the Cummingses, are more flagrant plunderers of the Treasury than the camp-followers of Fremont, when this reeking corruption is not confined to the miserable wretches who sell hospital stores or give short weights, or adul- terate the food and drink of the soldier, but crawls upon the very council table of the President, and mingles in cabinet delib- erations, and is brought to the knowledge of the President by indubitable and record evidence, and yet the public wrong Is not righted; when to such astounding lengths these things have gone." Also see Indianapolis Sentinel.
79 The vote is given in Indianapolis Journal, Nov. 3, 1863.
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message and in its place received that of the govern- or of New York. They higgled over a vote of thanks to the soldiers at the front. When they should have proceeded to the election of two United States sena- tors the Republicans bolted in order to break the quorum. After spending considerable time in trying to secure evidence of embezzlement by the governor, the Democrats undertook by means of a Metropolitan Police bill and a militia bill to take from the gov- ernor the control of the military part of the govern- ment. In order to frustrate this the Republican sen- ators withdrew to Madison where, if any attempt were made to arrest them they might cross over into Kentucky. The General Assembly thus robbed of a quorum in the senate, adjourned, leaving the state government without appropriations for its ordinary expenses. Taken as a whole, the members were not entitled to more praise than has usually been be- stowed on them. It has usually been regarded as the most unworthy General Assembly ever convened in the state's history.
CHAPTER XXIV
THE COMMON SCHOOLS
§ 122 EARLY CONDITIONS
UNDER the old constitution Indiana did not suc- ceed in organizing a school system. It is a mistake to say the people of Indiana in the forties, fifties and sixties were ignorant. The fact is they were far from it, but it is also true that a large number were unable to read and write.1 There were several reasons for the failure of the school system. The foundation of the old common school system of Indiana was the one-room district school. During this period there were not enough children ordinarily in a district to constitute a school and not enough wealth to support it. The sentiment of the people was not yet united. The different churches objected with more or less vehemence to non-sectarian schools and still more vehemently to sectarian schools unless controlled by their own denomination. This opposition was especially detrimental to the academies, seminaries and colleges. Those who could afford it sent their children to private schools, thus withdrawing from the district school both its financial support and the interest of the best families of the community. In the preparatory schools and colleges children were given a surplus of dead languages and mathematics, neglecting the so-called practical subjects for which
1 In 1846 there were 31 seminaries open, with 1,106 pupils; 17 seminaries were idle. State Superintendent's Report, 1846.
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the people were clamoring. Finally, the teachers, though entitled to great credit, were a sorry lot.2 The better ones soon found employment in the prepara- tory schools, leaving a residue of incompetency in the districts. The wages, from ten to twenty dollars per month, with board at the homes of the patrons, were not such as would attract superior men. Had there been teachers and funds sufficient, the decen- tralized system of control would have paralyzed all worthy effort.3
With the election of James Whitcomb governor in 1844 school sentiment began to improve. The com- mon school began to take on definition and purpose, the first step in any system.4 The state was wholly
2 H. F. West visited about 300 schools in the State during the year 1844. Incompetent teachers he found in four out of five schools. There was neither system nor articulation among them. State Superintendent's Report, 1845.
8 State Superintendent's Report, 1850, p. 1. "Indiana is far behind some of her sister States on the subject of common schools. Not that we lack legislation; we have entirely too much of It. The whole subject has attained an intricacy which requires the first civilians within our State to unravel; the great mass of the people are unacquainted with its intentions. Many of the statutes are at intervals of years from each other, and but a small proportion of those Into whose hands falls their administration possess the means to Inform themselves perfectly in regard to their dutles. It is not infrequently the case that one set of trustees appeals to the superintendent, relying on one statute, and another set relying on another-each unaware that the con- flicting statute has never been in force."
4 The first report of George H. Dunn, first State superin- tendent of common schools, was made Jan. 13, 1844. No statistics had been collected previous to this. The census of 1840 showed 1,521 district schools, with 48,189 children, out of an enumeration of 273,784, in attendance. The common school fund in 1844 was $1,949,853; county seminary fund, $21,457. The available income from this would total about $120,000, or less than 50 cents per capita.
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agricultural. All other interests were subsidiary to, and in comparison with it negligible. The old-time expression, "readin', writin', and 'rithmetic," ex- presses with fair accuracy the education thought nec- essary for farmers' sons and daughters.5 Reading was the cornerstone. It was the key which unlocked the world's storehouse of knowledge. Get it and the rest would be added. Stress was laid on oral reading and if tradition does not mislead us there were excel- lent readers in those days of "lyceums" and "liter- aries." Second to reading was the art of writing. Business and social intercourse depended largely on letter writing. Each child, it was hoped, would acquire a good, plain, round hand. Itinerant teach- ers taught writing as an accomplishment, so that in every community one could find expert penmen. The third member of this educational trilogy was arith- metic, enough of which was thought necessary to enable the farmer to calculate whatever problems arose in his commercial intercourse with the world. Arithmetic beyond the rule of three, or double posi- tion, was more of an accomplishment than a neces- sity.
Grammar knocked early for admission into the district school, but was never received in full part- nership. Grammatical language did very well for the ladies, but was rather detrimental in a man. Lawyers and ministers might, if they wished, acquire a smattering of it at the preparatory schools, but "talking proper" was no credit to the everyday farmer. Mathematics, including surveying, was a side study looked upon with favor. Any young man
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