USA > Kentucky > A history of Kentucky and Kentuckians; the leaders and representative men in commerce, industry and modern activities, Volume I > Part 19
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The address to the general assembly of Virginia seeking an act of separation, was now finally agreed to by the convention, fol- lowing the Wilkinson paper, the gist of which has been given. The address was as follows:
"To the General Assembly of the Common- wealth of Virginia-Gentlemen : The representatives of the good people inhabiting the several counties composing the district of Kentucky in convention met beg leave again to address you on the great and important subject of their separation from the par- ent state and being made a member of the Federal Union. Being fully impressed with these ideas and justified by frequent examples, we conceive it our duty from the regard we owe to our constituents and being encouraged by the action of congress, again to apply to your honorable body, praying that an act may pass at the present session for enabling the good people of the Kentucky district to obtain an independent government and be admitted into the confederation as a member of the Federal Union, upon such terms and conditions as to you may appear proper and equitable; and that you transmit such act to the president of the convention with all con- venient dispatch, in order for our consideration and the final completion of the business. Finally, we again solicit the friendly interposition of the
parent state with the congress of the United States for a speedy admission of the district into the Federal Union; and also, to urge that hon- orable body, in the most express terms, to take effectual measures for procuring to the inhabi- tants of this district the free navigation of the Mis- sissippi river, without which the situation of a large part of the community will be wretched and miser- able and may be the source of future evils.
"Ordered that the president sign and the clerk attest the said address, and that the same be en- closed by the president to the house of delegates."
General Wilkinson offered and the conven- tion adopted the following :
"Resolved, that a committee be appointed to draft an address to the good people of the district setting forth the principles from which this conven- tion acts; representing to them their true condition ; urging the necessity of union, concord and mutual concession; and solemnly calling upon them to fur- nish this convention, at its next session, with in- structions in what manner to proceed on the im- portant subject to them submitted."
The committee called for by this resolution was composed of Messrs. Wilkinson, Innes, Jouett, Muter, Sebastian, Allen and Caldwell. Thus the committee was controlled by what was known as the "conrt" party, though it failed to avail itself of the opportunity to ex- cite the people in favor of an immediate sep- aration from Virginia and the setting up of an independent state. It is altogether prob- able that the "court" party, with perhaps two exceptions. Wilkinson and Sebastian, was as loyal to the Union and as subservient to the constitution and the laws, as were the mem- bers of the "country" party.
CHAPTER XXI.
BITTERNESS AFTER THE CONVENTION-SPAIN'STEMPTING OFFER-CHARGES AGAINST WIL- KINSON-A BRITISH EMISSARY-CINCINNATI FOUNDED-JOHN FILSON AND THE FILSON CLUB.
And thus adjourned the seventh convention which had considered the question of Ken- tucky's separation from Virginia and admis- sion into the Federal Union, yet the district seemed no nearer the goal sought than when the agitation had first begun. Arizona and New Mexico, of late years, seeking Statehood now about to be accomplished, have thought the way hard and long, but theirs has been a primrose patlı of dalliance compared to that of Kentucky. Nevada, then as now, a rotten borough, the State of legalized prize-fights and easy divorces, was admitted to the Union for the mere asking, though the entire State had not then, nor has it now. a voting popula- tion equal to that of some Congressional dis- tricts in other states of the Union. West Virginia, ravished from the old Mother of States without asking her consent, was admit- ted to the Union almost without asking for such a favor ; but Kentucky, one of the bright stars in the galaxy of states, was forced to take the suppliant's place for years and though the first to ask for the high honor of Statehood was ignored and compelled to see Vermont, which had never joined the Confed- eration, admitted before it.
The adjournment of the convention brought to Kentucky the first of the many political contests which have marked its history with a bitterness not in keeping with the question at
issue. Charges of treason were bandied about as though that most serious of offenses were no more than a charge of disorderly conduct. The men of today who have passed beyond the half-century mark, have heard the same charge made against the best men of Ken- tucky and have seen those same men haled to prison walls simply because they differed in political opinion from some of their neigh- bors. In the time of war the laws are silent, and good men, with the bad, must suffer not only indignity but greater wrongs, as hun- dlreds of Kentuckians did in 1861-5. But there was no war other than a war of words, when our good grandfathers fought political battles and called each other hard names after the adjournment of this seventh convention. They were desperately in earnest, these fore- fathers of ours, no matter on which side they were aligned, and if in the heat of the contest they used harsh terms, they did no more than we, their descendants, do today with not a tithe of reason therefor. We prate of the necessity for two great parties in a system like ours and straightway proclaim the mem- bers of the party opposed to our own as thieves, meanwhile meeting those same "thieves" on terms of personal equality as our friends : fraternizing with them in the lodges to which we jointly belong; kneeling with them at the altar rail of the churches in which
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we and they worship; inviting them to our homes ; giving to them our daughters in mar- riage and in every way, except that of poli- tics, accepting them as our social equals and bosom friends. It has been thus from the be- ginning of politics ; it will be thus to the end of politics, which will be when Gabriel has sounded his trumpet for the last time. This protest avails naught ; the men most guilty of the charges herein made will be the first to admit their truthfulness and the last to learn moderation and justice from them.
But this publication professes to be a his- tory, not a moral essay, and the politicians and their devions ways may well be left out of it. Spain, ever a land of intrigue, was lending every aid to those who would have Kentucky declare her independence and set up as a state separate and apart from the Union. Good men and bad men favored the plan. Consider the isolated situation of Kentucky ; -cut off by mountain ranges even from Vir- ginia, of which it was a part ; subject to savage raids and savage horrors, with none other than its own people to look to for aid in times of stress ;- is it any wonder that the pioneers grew sick at heart and were ready to accept anything that offered a change no matter the source whence it came? Good men favored the plan hopeful that it would be for the bet- terment of all the people; bad men, and there were not many of these, favored it because they hoped for the betterment of their own interests, political and financial. Spain was offering much: The exclusive right to navi- gation of the Mississippi river; trade with all Spanish America which then comprised all the territory west of the Mississippi to the Gulf of Mexico; all east of the river to the Atlantic, south of the latitude of Natchez, besides all of Mexico. This was a tempting offer and in sharp contrast to what congress had done or rather had not done.
Meanwhile, the best lands of Kentucky were being covered by Virginia warrants, the
sums of money paid for these lands being covered into the Virginia treasury. The peo- ple of Kentucky felt that this money should be theirs. They had at their own expense of money and the blood of their brothers, re- deemed these lands from the savage and were now compelled to sit idly by and see the pro- ceeds of their great sufferings and sorrows emptied into the laps of those who had shared none of their dangers. There were shrewd men who believed that Kentucky statehood had met its many obstacles to the end that these land transfers might be made to the ad- vantage of Virginia. But the masses did not join in this belief. Many of them, the great majority of them, were natives of the Mother State and retained an affection for it; they could think no evil of it. This feeling exists today. No Kentuckian in whose veins flows Virginia blood, but looks with veneration and affection upon that splendid old State, upon every foot of which the god of war has set his foot and upon every foot of which history has been written in the crimson stains of war. Great in prosperity ; greater still in adversity, the proud Mother of States and of Presidents, is worthy to be reckoned as first among the commonwealths of the Union. And Ken- tucky did not prove unworthy of its high lin- eage. Though the Spaniard and his unworthy coadjutors, their pockets filled with his tainted gold, pleaded never so entrancingly-in the end, Kentucky proved true to herself; true to the splendid deeds of her pioneer citizens, and to the good mother from which she sprang, and in the face of manifold disap- pointments, calmly bided her time, confident that justice would yet be done and that she would be permitted to take her place in the galaxy of States.
General Wilkinson was not a Virginian, but a native of Maryland. He had served with some distinction in the War of the Revolution, at the close of which his active mind turned to the accumulation of wealth. He saw his op-
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portunity in Kentucky and came hither with his eyes directed towards trade with the Span- ish possessions in which he embarked with financial success. This led him into deeper waters than those of trade and he soon became a secret agent of Spain in the efforts of that country to separate Kentucky from its alle- giance to Virginia and the Union. There have been two opinions as to Wilkinson. One party has claimed that he sought only valua- ble trade relations; the other, that he not only sought trade relations valuable to the district-and himself-but that he went fur- ther and lent his great talents to Spain for so many pieces of gold.
Butler, writing at an early period in the history of the state, but after Washington had been inaugurated as president for the first time, says :
"To the new president-elect, Colonel Thomas Marshall wrote an account of the district and of such symptoms of foreign in- trigue and internal disaffection as had mani- fested themselves to him, the names of Wilkinson and Brown being alone mentioned among the implicated. In this communica- tion Colonel Marshall was, it ought not to be doubted, actuated by an honorable zeal for the interests of his country, though the author is constrained to say, from the evidence now accessible, a mistaken one, of which both he and his illustrious correspondent were after- wards convinced. This inference flows from a letter of General Washington to Colonel Marshall as follows :
"'In acknowledging the receipt of your letter of the 11th of September, I must beg you to accept my thanks for the pleasing communication which it contains of the good will of the people of Kentucky toward the government of the United States. I never doubted but that operations of this govern- ment, if not perverted by prejudice or evil designs, would inspire the citizens of America with such confidence in it, as effectually to do away these apprehensions, which, under our former confedera- tion, our best men entertained of divisions among
themselves, or allurements from other nations. I am, therefore, happy to find that such a disposition prevails in your part of the country as to remove any idea of that evil which, a few years ago, you so much dreaded.'"
Butler continues as the advocate of Colonel Wilkinson, saying: "This letter, taken in connection with the subsequent appointment of Wilkinson to be a Lieutenant Colonel in the army, at the recommendation of Colonel Marshall, as well as others, and the repeated military commissions of high trust and ex- pressions of thanks to Messrs. Brown, Innes, Scott, Shelby and Logan amply confirms the
idea that the imputed disaffection of any of these distinguished citizens to the Union of the states, had been abandoned by Colonel Marshall himself; and most certainly by Washington, if ever admitted to disturb his serene and benevolent mind."
Wilkinson, for himself, says: "The people are open to savage depredations ; exposed to the jealousies of the Spanish government ; unprotected by that of the old confederation, and denied the navigation of the Mississippi river, the only practicable channel by which the productions of their labor can find a mar- ket."
Daniel Clarke writes to Secretary Picker- ing: "All who ventured upon the Mississippi had their property seized by the first com- manding officer whom they met and little or no communication was kept up between the two countries."
Clarke's statement is not in keeping with the fact that Wilkinson on his return from trading expeditions to New Orleans, always returned with money with which he dis- charged his obligations to those from whom he had purchased his cargoes. When Wilkin- son was appointed to the command of the army charges were made that he had been in the pay of Spain, and he made defense that the moneys he had received were the proceeds of the sales of the merchandise he had floated
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down the river to New Orleans. And the court-martial evidently believed him, as it brought in a verdict in his favor.
But Spain was not the only tempter hold- ing out glittering offers to Kentucky. In 1788, a Dr. Connolly came to Lexington os- tensibly to make an effort to recover 2,000 acres of land at Louisville, which had been forfeited by his adherence to the British crown during the Revolution. He came from Quebec, Canada, and was accompanied by a Colonel Campbell of Louisville, and with him called on Colonel Thomas Marshall, Judge George Muter and later on General Wilkin- son. To these gentlemen Connolly stated that Great Britain was ready to give to Kentucky the same protection as she extended to Canada if the district would ally itself to the empire. In addition, the free navigation of the Missis- sippi river was guaranteed, to secure which, Connolly declared there were 4,000 British troops ready to be sent down the river to take New Orleans if that be found necessary. Connolly's offer was not warmly received and the news becoming current that an English spy was in the town some serious entertain- ment was about to be prepared for him, to avoid which he was secretly conveyed to Maysville, whence he returned to Canada. The recollection of savage outrages incited by the English was so fresh in the minds of the people that had Connolly not fled, it is prob- able that something more serious than the confiscation of his landed estate might have happened. The climate of Kentucky at that time, was malarious and filled with danger for secret agents of the British crown.
During this year the site of the present city of Cincinnati, Ohio, was laid out. The eight hundred acres of land, described as being op- posite the mouth of the Licking river in Ken- tucky, was purchased from a man named Symmes, who claimed that the earth was hol- low and whose strange theories as to what would be found at the north pole were of in- terest to scientists who wrote voluminously of "Symmes' Hole," which, by the way, Peary did not find when he reached the pole. The price paid by the purchaser, Mathias Denman, was $500 in continental money. Denman sold two-thirds of the land to John Filson and Robert Patterson who, with a party of fifteen, came from Limestone, surveyed and staked off lots and gave to the newly-fledged city the name of Losantville, which it bore with com- mendable fortitude until it occurred to some one to change it to Cincinnati, under which latter name it has flourished and grown to the dimensions of a respectable city in size.
John Filson, the first of Kentucky histo- rians, was subsequently killed by Indians. His memory is kept green in Kentucky by the "Filson Club," of Louisville, an organiza- tion of excellent women and men interested in the history of Kentucky. The president is Colonel Reuben T. Durrett, in whose library the monthly meetings are held, and where may be found more of Kentucky's early history than elsewhere in the world.
Two new counties, Mason and Woodford, had been formed by the Virginia legislature and the towns of Maysville, Danville and Paris incorporated, the last named being first known as Hopewell.
CHAPTER XXII.
OBJECTION TO DEBT CLAUSE-FOURTH ACT OF SEPARATION-NINTH CONVENTION MEETS -- FRUITION OF HOPES, LONG DEFERRED FIRST STATE GOVERNMENT-GOVERNOR SHELBY -- THE BULLITT FAMILY-"HE WAS A BRECKINRIDGE"-GOVERNMENTAL WHEELS START- - NATURAL SPEAKERS AND OFFICIALS-FIRST AND SHORTEST SESSION-HONEST STATE LEC- ISLATORS NEEDED.
There were in Kentucky in 1790, seventy- three thousand, six hundred and seventy-three inhabitants; of these sixty-one thousand, one hundred and thirty-three were whites; twelve thousand, four hundred and thirty slaves and one hundred and fourteen free colored people.
The third act of separation for Kentucky contained clauses requiring the payment by the district of a portion of the domestic debt of Virginia. It was also required that the state and continental soldiers should locate their land warrants in Kentucky. Each of these provisions was objectionable, especially the first. The people of the district had fought their own battles; paid their own ex- penses, and were not in a pliant mood when their assistance in paying other people's debts was demanded by Virginia. They cared less about the land warrant clause, but this, too, was objectionable.
July 1789, the eighth convention met at Danville and rejected the conditions above noted, at the same time memorializing the Vir- ginia legislature to abolish them. When that body met in December following, this request was complied with and a fourth act of sepa- ration adopted. A new convention was to be assembled July 26, 1790, to determine the wishes of the district as to separation. As this was only the ninth convention ordered for
the consideration of an act of separation and as all former conventions had favored separa- tion the requirement in this last act seems to belong in the category of jokes if one may accuse his grave and reverend forefathers of joking about so serious a matter as legislation. Other conditions were that Congress should release Virginia, prior to the Ist of Novem- ber, 1791, from all her federal obligations arising from the district; that the proposed state shall on the day after separation, be ad- mitted into the Union and that such day shall be after the Ist day of November, 1791.
The ninth convention met at Danville, July 26, 1790, accepted the modified terms of the latest act of the Virginia legislature and se- lected June 1, 1792, as the day on which Ken- tucky should become a full-fledged state, separate from Virginia. An address to the legislature of the latter was agreed upon as well as a memorial to the president of the United States, praying that he and congress should sanction their proceedings, at the same time offering assurances of admiration and loyalty to the new government. Those good old forefathers of ours hold the championship on conventions and were ready writers in the matter of addresses, memorials and such ex- pressions of their very positive opinions.
It was ordered that on the respective court
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days of the counties to be held in December, 1791, delegates should be elected and who should meet at Danville on the first Monday in April, 1792, for the purpose of forming a constitution for the new State, together with a code of laws to remain until repealed or re- enacted by a legislature to be subsequently chosen.
Congress, in February, 1791, had passed an act admitting Kentucky as a State of the Union, said act to take effect June 1, 1792.
· In December, 1791, delegates to a constitu- tional convention were chosen and these met at Danville, April 3, 1792, and proceeded to adopt the first constitution of the sovereign state of Kentucky which was to become ef- fective on the ist day of June, 1792. For eight years the people had sought the boon of statehood; ten times had they chosen dele- gates to conventions the object of which was securing admission into the Union and at last, after patient wait and vigil long, there came the fruition of their hopes.
The historian, Marshall, a learned man, and a Federalist who, if living today would probably be called a Republican, says of the new constitution : "It is to be observed that antecedent to the formation of the constitu- tion an immense mass of information had been presented to the public mind in news- paper essays and in books, on political sub- jects, while, in addition to these, may be men- tioned the Constitutions of the States as storehouses or fountains of information from which to draw constitutional provisions."
The newly-elected governor, Isaac Shelby, and the first legislature of Kentucky met at Lexington, June 4, 1792, It seems at this dis- tance of time that poetic justice would have given the honor of this meeting to Danville which had been the "convention city" of the district and had fairly won the honor of hay- ing the first legislature meet within its bor- ders. But to Lexington went the honors and Danville people could fairly rest on their
laurels saying: "Well, we do not care; the people of the district held ten conventions here in eight years and no other place has had such honor."
On the assembling of the legislature, Alexander Scott Bullitt of Jefferson, was elected speaker of the senate, and Robert Breckinridge of Fayette, speaker of the house. Thus three names that were to be- come noted in Kentucky history were brought prominently to view.
Governor Shelby had been a brave officer in the Revolution and had served with signal honor. He was twice elected governor of Kentucky and when years had whitened his locks and age had served its warning upon him, the ardent and veteran soldier buckled on his sword again, and in the war of 1812-15 rendered valiant service against the British and their savage allies. His descendants in Kentucky have been among the foremost of the good citizens of the State.
Alexander Scott Bullitt was the first sheriff of Jefferson county, and became the founder of a family that has been a credit to the state. It is a noteworthy coincidence that about one hundred years later his great-grandson and namesake was also sheriff of Jefferson county and county attorney for the same county. Three of Mr. Bullitt's grandsons became noted lawyers; one in Philadelphia, W. C. Bullitt ; another, Joshua F. Bullitt, was chief justice of the court of appeals of Kentucky, while a third, Thomas W. Bullitt, a gallant and dashing Confederate soldier, was among the leaders of the bar of Louisville and of Kentucky, at the time of his death. His three sons follow in his honored footsteps and are all lawyers.
Of the speaker of the house, it is only nec- essary to say that he was a Breckinridge. The very name calls up the honor and the glory of the state: John Breckinridge, author of the Kentucky Resolutions of 1798 which have been for more than one hundred years a guid-
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ing star for such patriots as preferred to fol- low the principles of true Democracy rather than the vain imaginings of an opportunist, ready to adopt any theory that might possibly lead to victory, place and power.
Robert J. Breckinridge. Sr., was the most eminent Presbyterian divine of the country. the friend and adviser of Mr. Lincoln, and the father of four gallant boys-two of whom fought bravely for the Union in 1861-5, while their two elder brothers. equally gallant, won honors for their state and name in the army of the Confederacy. One of these was the eloquent Col. W. C. P. Breckinridge who, for years, represented the famed Ashland district and whom the late Senator William Lindsay. declared was "one of the great men of Ken- tucky."
John C. Breckinridge. Major of Volunteers in the war with Mexico; representative in congress from the Ashland district: Vice President of the United States : Senator from Kentucky : major general in the Confederate army and secretary of war at the close of the war. The very name of Breckinridge means history in Kentucky.
Two days after the organization of the general assembly. Governor Shelby appeared before a joint session of that body, and fol- lowing the example of President Washington. read his message, at the conclusion of which he furnished a copy to the speaker of the sen- ate and of the house. and retired from the chamber. Thus quietly and with proper dig- nity, were the wheels of self-government first set in motion in Kentucky.
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