USA > Kentucky > A history of Kentucky and Kentuckians; the leaders and representative men in commerce, industry and modern activities, Volume I > Part 75
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a rude awakening. The new governor had scarcely taken his seat until a party of men, prominent in the Democratic Councils of the state, met at Frankfort and decided, in effect, that the Election Board had made an unten- able certification and that the election of Taylor should be contested before the legis- lature which was to assemble in the coming January. This programme was carried out and on the second day of the session of the general assembly, which was composed of a Democratic majority in both house and senate, a formal notice of contest was offered, in which it was set forth that William Goebel had received a majority of the legal votes cast at the November election in 1899 and was therefore entitled to be seated as governor. In the notice of contest it was declared that at "said election held in the counties of Knox, Jackson, Magoffin, Pike, Martin, Owsley, Lewis, Carter, Pulaski, Bell, Clinton, Russell Adair, Harlan, Casey, Wayne, Whitley, Todd, Caldwell, Crittenden, Perry, Muhlenberg, Met- calfe, Butler Letcher, Leslie, Lee, Laurel, Hart, Greenup, Grayson, Estill, Edmondson, Cumberland Clay, Breckinridge, Boyd and Allen, and in each precinct thereof, all the official ballots were so thin and transparent that the stencil marks made thereon by the voters could be distinguished from the back of said ballots, that none of the said ballots used in said counties were printed upon plain white paper sufficiently thick to prevent the printing from being distinguished from the back of the said ballots whereby the secrecy of the said ballots was destroyed and said elec- tion in all of said counties rendered void, and the pretended vote thereof should not be counted in ascertaining the result of the elec- tion in this commonwealth.
"That the said alleged election held in the county of Jefferson and the city of Louisville on the 7th day of November, 1899, was and is void because the contestant says on the day before the said election, the governor of the
commonwealth unlawfully called the military forces of the state into active service in said city, armed with rifles, bayonets and gatling guns for the purpose of overawing, intimidat- ing and keeping Democratic voters from the polls thereof, and did, himself, in violation of the laws of the land, go to the said city and county the day before said election and as- sume direction and command of the said military forces and ordered and directed them to go, and they did go in obedience to said order, to the polling places in said city on the day of said election and thereby many thou- sand voters, to-wit, more than enough to have changed the result of the said election, were intimidated and alarmed and failed and re- fused to go to the polls or to vote on said day ; that for this cause, the said election in the city of Louisville and county of Jefferson was not free and equal, but is void, and the said alleged votes cast thereat should not be counted."
It is a fact that each of the counties named as having voted on what came to be called but wrongly, "tissue ballots," had given ma- jorities to the Republican ticket as had the city of Louisville. The writer of these words was in Louisville and cast his vote at the said election ; he saw not a single soldier during the day though on the streets frequently, nor was there any attempt by any per- son to overawe, intimidate, alarm or make him afraid. The Courier-Journal on the morning after the election testified to the good order and quietude which had prevailed at the polls. The governor had been advised, it may be by indiscreet or easily alarmed persons, that there was a probability that extreme dis- order might prevail at the election and in con- sequence, he ordered the Louisville Legion under arms, but they were kept in barracks ; did not go to the polls while the election was in progress nor intimidate any voter. It is extremely doubtful if one person in each hundred in the city of Louisville knew that the Legion was in barracks.
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There were other grounds for the contest ; one to the effect that Sterling B. Toney, a Judge of a Circuit Court had without author- ity of law issued an order, on application therefor, that certain persons should be ad- mitted to the polling places after the votes had been cast, to witness the counting thereof.
"Another count was to the effect that the Louisville and Nashville railroad company had intimidated many thousand voters who were in the employ of that company. It was further charged that the railroad company and other corporations had agreed to raise large sums of money to be used in the defeat of the contestant. These constitute the chief grounds for the contest, the remaining grounds being in large part, a repetition in different form, of what had gone before.
In due time, members of the contest com- mittee were drawn from a box containing slips on which were the names of all the mem- bers of the house in which body there were a number of Republican members. By some strange combination of circumstances, none but the names of Democrats were drawn, in this fateful lottery, with the exception of one man, Mr. Yarberry. The gentlemen thus selected to form the committee to hear and determine the contest were Representatives G. W. Hickman, M. R. Yarberry, Abram Renick, H. B. Lyon, G. T. Berry, G. T. Finn, M. H. Sledge, and E. E. Barton-all being Democrats, with the exception above noted.
In the senate the following members were drawn in like manner for service on said con- test committee. Newton Frazier. R. C. Cren- shaw and J. Embry Allen-again all Demo- crats though there were numerous Republican Senators.
Protests by the contestee Taylor, in relation to the formation of the committees, both in the senate and house, were offered, but proved of no avail. The fiat seemed to have gone forth that Mr. Goebel should be scated as governor, in compliance with the demand of
the self-constituted committee which had ad- vised the contest.
Pending the taking of testimony by these committees, there came to Frankfort, from the mountains of Kentucky, eleven car-loads of men numbering about one thousand. These men arrived on the morning and left again that night with the exception of perhaps one hun- dred. Governor Taylor seems to have been under influence which he had not strength of character enough to resist. The bringing of this "mountain army," as it was called, to Frankfort was urgently advised against by those of his supporters who should have been listened to. He was surrounded by a party of young men, inexperienced in politics, who so strenuously urged the bringing in of these men that he finally consented to their coming. Though they remained for but a short time, the fact that they had come at all was used against Taylor with powerful. effect in the subsequent events. That their coming was a tactical error no one will deny.
Mr. Goebel was a member of the state sen- ate. On the organization of that body, which had a small Democratic majority, though pre- sided over by Lieutenant Governor John Mar- shall, a Republican, Mr. Goebel was elected president to preside in the absence of the lieutenant governor.
On the morning of Tuesday, January 30, 1900, Mr. Goebel was on his way to the sen- ate chamber, accompanied by Col. Jack Chinn and Ephraim Lillard. This day marks the beginning of the blackest chapter ever written in the history of Kentucky. While near to the capitol a shot was fired from a window in the office of the secretary of state, and Mr. Goebel fell with a death wound, fired from ambush by a cowardly assassin. Tremen- dous excitement and confusion naturally fol- lowed. The Frankfort company of the State Guard was at once called out by Governor Taylor and took possession of the State House. The Governor at the same time
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ordered other State troops to rendezvous at once at Frankfort. This was a mistake of judgment equal to that of bringing the moun- tain men to the capital.
On the morning following the attempted assassination of Mr. Goebel, the house met with armed forces in possession of the capitol where there was no occasion for their pres- ence. The speaker of the house adjourned the session to the City Hall, but on approach- ing that building found it in possession of the military. An effort to hold a session of the house in the court house met with the same result. On January 31, the house and senate met in joint session at which session the ma- jority of the contest committee reported that "we have heard all the evidence offered by both parties and we now respectfully report to the general assembly of the commonwealth of Kentucky that, in our opinion William Goebel was legally elected governor of the commonwealth of Kentucky on the 7th day of November, 1899, and that he then and there received the highest number of legal votes cast for any one for the office of governor of Kentucky at said election, and respectfully suggest that this report be approved and a res- olution adopted by this joint assembly declar- ing the said William Goebel governor-elect of the commonwealth of Kentucky for the term commencing the 12th day of December, 1899. We decide that the said William Goebel has received the highest number of legal votes and is adjudged to be the person elected to the office of Governor for the term prescribed by law."
"Signed: G. W. Hickman, chairman; E. E. Barton, R. C. Crenshaw, G. T. Finn, Newton Frazier, J. Embry Allen, Abram Renick and Gus Talbott Berry.
"Jan. 30, 1900."
It will be observed that this report is not signed by Mr. Yarberry, the sole Republican representative who, by some chance, was Vol. 1-33.
drawn as a member of the contest committee.
The question being taken on the adoption of the above report it was adopted, fifty-six Democratic senators and representatives vot- ing in the affirmative, no votes being cast in the negative. The general assembly consists of thirty-eight senators and one hundred rep- resentatives, a total of one hundred and thirty- eight members of which seventy is a majority. But fifty-six votes proved sufficient in this in- stance; Taylor was deposed and Goebel, toss- ing on his bed of pain, the victim of a cow- ardly and senseless murderer, was declared to be the governor of Kentucky. He took the oath of office administered by Chief Justice James H. Hazelrigg, of the court of appeals, on January 31, 1900.
The committee on the contest begun by J. C. W. Beckham, claiming to be the lieutenant governor-elect made a like report to that in the contest for the governorship which report was adopted in the joint session and Mr. J. C. WV. Beckham soon afterwards took the oath of office as lieutenant governor. Mr. Goebel, after taking the oath of office, issued a procla- mation ordering the state troops from Frank- fort to their respective stations.
On January 30th, Governor Taylor had issued a proclamation declaring a state of in- surrection to exist in Kentucky and especially at Frankfort, and ordered the general as- sembly to meet at London, Laurel County, on Tuesday, February 6, 1900. The Republican members of the house and senate, and one Democratic senator, Major Thomas H. Hays of Jefferson County, obeyed this order and met at London, but did nothing while as- sembled there.
The Democratic members of the house and senate repaired to Louisville where they held several sessions beginning, on February 5th, but transacted no business of any importance, the highest number reported as present at any meeting being forty-nine. On February 20th, the General Assembly resumed its regular ses-
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sions at Frankfort, the ridiculous attempted meetings at London and Louisville having been abandoned.
At 6:45 P. M. Saturday, February 3, 1900, Mr. Goebel died from his injuries, at the Capital Hotel in Frankfort, Kentucky, and his remains were subsequently taken to his home at Covington where the body lay in state, and was then returned to Frankfort where it was intererred in the State Cemetery, the general assembly later voting an appro- priation of $25,000 for the erection of a monu- ment to his memory on the Capitol grounds.
Lieutenant Governor Beckham became act- ing governor until the ensuing November elec- tion, when he was chosen governor by a small majority, over Mr. John W. Yerkes, his Re- publican opponent. Mr. Beckham was but thirty-one years old when he succeeded to the office of governor, the youngest man ever fill- ing that position in the state. He had served as a representative from Nelson county and had once been speaker of the house. He served as governor by one contest and two succeeding elections for nearly eight years. In a contest during his last term, he defeated, in a state primary. Hon. James B. McCreary for a seat in the United States senate, but in the general assembly was defeated by his Re- publican opponent, Hon. William O. Brad- ley.
Soon after the death of Mr. Goebel, Gover- nor Taylor quitted the gubernatorial office and repaired to Indiana to escape threatened ar- rest and prosecution for alleged complicity in the murder of Mr. Goebel. No man not wholly blinded by partisan prejudice, believes that Taylor knew aught of the assassination until the fateful shot was fired. He was a man perhaps unfitted to be governor, but he was not a fool. Those who knew of his ser- vice as attorney general have stated that he performed the duties of that important office capably. He knew the law in relation to gu- bernatorial succession and, though he had been
wicked enough to encompass the death of the contestant, he knew that Mr. Beckham, who was contesting the lieutenant governorship, if both Mr. Goebel and himself were success- ful, as the formation of the contest committees foretold that they would be, would by pro- 'cess of law succeed Mr. Goebel in the event of the latter's death. Aside from the wicked- ness of the murder of Mr. Goebel, it was the sheerest of folly if the hare-brained youth whom many believe to have fired the deadly shot, expected to thus end the contest. Tay- lor, as has been said, fled to Indiana where he remained and still remains, though, in 1910, the governor of Kentucky issued pardons to him; Charles Finley, who had also gone to Indiana, and to Caleb Powers who had been arrested in Kentucky and for more than eight years confined in different jails charged with complicity in the murder of Goebel. Powers was secretary of state, and it was from a window in his office that the assassin fired. Powers was in Louisville at the time, but in the midst of the excitement of the time and because of the bitterness of partisan politics, suspicion rested upon him for the rea- son that the shot was fired from his office and the additional reason that he had advised the arming of the mountain men. He weakened his defense by attempting to escape, but was arrested at Lexington. He was subsequently tried, and three times convicted of complicity in the murder of Goebel; was twice sentenced to death and once to life imprisonment, but appeals to the court of appeals based on ir- regularities in his several trials, resulted, in each instance, in the verdicts being reversed and new trials ordered. While awaiting a fourth trial, a pardon was issued by Governor Willson and he went forth a free man. Pow- ers, in 1910, was elected to congress from the Eleventh Kentucky district and at this writing occupying a seat in that body.
Henry Yontsey, a clerk in the office of the auditor of public accounts, was arrested
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charged with the murder of Mr. Goebel, was convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment. He is at this time-1911-serving his term in the State prison at Frankfort. James How- ard was also arrested, tried and convicted of complicity in the crime, and was afterwards pardoned by the governor. Indictments against others have been dismissed or filed away and the murder will no more receive the attention of the courts.
What a terrible aftermath followed the Music Hall convention and the conference at Frankfort which brought about the contest. Kentucky has suffered unspeakably through the unholy greed of men for office and political power and not until the older generation has passed and newer ones come to take their places, will this fateful chapter in her history cease to be held against the state. For years after the death of Mr. Goebel, pitiful politi- cians, used his assassination as their stock in trade in their pursuit of office and even now, when he has lain in his grave for eleven years, there are not wanting some whose souls are so small, that ghoul-like, they metaphorically dig up his remains to excite the populace and accomplish their pitiful little ends.
Peace to the soul of the murdered Goebel. Those who needlessly accomplished his end accomplished nothing, unless it be that they have consciences which must daily suffer un- told tortures.
The Democratic candidates for the minor offices on the State ticket shared the fortunes of the governor and lieutenant governor and in due time were installed in their respective offices. Among these was Judge Robert J.
Breckinridge of Danville, who became, for a time, attorney general of the state. The can- didate for this office on the Republican ticket was Clifton J. Pratt, who contested in the courts the holding of the office by Judge Breckinridge and was successful. Judge Breckenridge retired gracefully to private life and Mr. Pratt enjoyed the responsibilities and emoluments of the office during the first term of Governor Beckham, being the only one of the candidates elected on the Republican ticket who had such good fortune.
It will be remembered that one of the grounds of contest on which it was sought to seat Mr. Goebel in the office of governor was that the election held in Louisville was void by reason of the fact that the Democratic voters were intimidated by the military power of the state. It is presumed that the contest committee recognized the force of this change, if not its untruthfulness, and that it entered into the conclusion that Mr. Goebel received a majority of the legal votes cast at the elec- tion in that city which had given a majority for Taylor. At the time of that election there were chosen members of the house and senate in .certain of the Louisville districts, but it does not appear that any of them subsequently relinquished their seats after the joint session of the senate and house had, in effect, declared the election held in Louisville at which they were chosen, to have been illegal. void and therefore of no effect. In other words, the election was void for certain purposes and entirely valid for other purposes. And such is partisan politics.
CHAPTER LXIV.
KENTUCKY, MOTIIER OF GOVERNORS-GOVERNORS OF MISSOURI-ILLINOIS AND INDIANA GOV- ERNORS-NOTED KENTUCKIANS OF OHIO-WESTERN GOVERNORS-TENNESSEE, TEXAS AND VIRGINIA-TERRITORIAL GOVERNORS.
In the publication of the Kentucky His- torical Series John Wilson Townsend has is- sued a volume entitled "Kentucky, Mother of Governors," in which he proves the correctness of the title chosen.
In his introductory Mr. Townsend says : "Virginia, the Mother of Presidents; Ken- tucky the Mother of Governors. And it is in a larger, truer sense, that Kentucky is the Mother of Governors than it is that Virginia . is the Mother of Presidents. It has been many years since the Old Dominion furnished a president-and she has furnished but five in all-while the Blue Grass State has been mak- ing governors for her sister states since the republic was founded. To be exact, Kentucky has given one hundred and five governors to twenty-six commonwealths or territories. This count, however, regards a Kentuckian and a term of office as synonymous; but it does not include Justice John Boyle, who de- clined the governorship of Illinois territory in 1809, nor Gen. William O. Butler, who re- fused to govern Nebraska in 1855, nor James Birney, son of James Gillespie Birney, who was lieutenant governor of Michigan in 1860, nor Governor Moses Wisner of Michigan, who died in Kentucky ; nor does it include the brilliant Jesse D. Bright, lieutenant governor of Indiana, and a citizen of Kentucky for many years. By a Kentuckian the present writer means a native son; an adopted son, who has lived at least ten years in Kentucky ;
one who has lived but a few years in this State, a sojourner; and one who was educated in whole or in part, in this state. Under these four heads-although, perhaps, admitting that the first two are the only legitimate claims a state can hold upon a man or woman, and that the last two are merely interesting-the theme will be considered. The Kentuckians who were to the manor born will be discussed first, beginning with Missouri, because it is generally known that more sons of Kentucky have occupied the gubernatorial chair of that state than of any other."
The present writer choses to condense from Mr. Townsend's interesting publication, references only to native-born Kentuckians who have been governors in other states, be- ginning with Missouri.
Lilburn W. Boggs, born in Kentucky in 1798, became governor of Missouri in 1836, and his administration was marked by vigor- ous opposition to Mormonism.
Thomas Reynolds, born in Bracken county, Kentucky, in 1796, was governor of Missouri in 1840.
John C. Edwards, a Kentuckian born, was educated in Tennessee, going afterwards to Missouri of which state to become governor in 1845.
Claiborne F. Jackson was born in Fleming county, Kentucky, in 1807, followed the stream of immigration to Missouri and was elected governor in 1860. He sympathized with the
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south in the Civil war and was removed from office by a Union legislature.
Benjamin Gratz Brown was born in Lex- ington, Kentucky, in 1826, going to Missouri in 1851, and being elected to the United States senate in 1863. In 1870 he was elected gov- ernor. In 1872 he was the candidate for vice president on the ticket with Horace Greely.
Silas Woodson, born in Knox county, Ken- tucky, succeeded Governor Brown as gover- nor in 1872.
Charles H. Hardin, born in Trimble county, Kentucky, was elected governor of Missouri in 1874.
Thomas T. Crittenden, a native of Shelby county, Kentucky, a nephew of the celebrated John J. Crittenden, was elected governor of his adopted state in 1880, and his administra- tion was notable for his eradication of the notorious Jesse James gang of robbers.
David R. Francis, born in Madison county, Kentucky, was chosen governor of Missouri in 1889. In Mr. Cleveland's last administra- tion, he was secretary of the interior.
William J. Stone, who succeeded Governor Francis, was, like him, born in Madison county, Kentucky. He was elected governor in 1892 and subsequently was chosen to suc- ceed his fellow-Kentuckian, the brilliant George G. Vest in the United States Senate in which body he sits at this writing.
It will be seen that ten native Kentuckians have served as governors of Missouri, and if that state desires to make further requisitions along that line upon Kentucky there are scores of statesmen in the state who will hearken to her call, even though it be in whispered tones.
Joseph Duncan, born in Paris, Kentucky, in 1789, was the fifth governor of Illinois, and was elected in 1834.
Thomas Carlin, who succeeded Governor Duncan, was born near Frankfort, Kentucky, in 1789.
Richard Yates, the eleventh governor of
Illinois, was born at Warsaw, Kentucky, in 1818. He was elected governor in 1860, after having stumped the state for Mr. Lincoln in opposition to Mr. Douglas. He was famous as "the War Governor." His son, born in Illinois, was the twenty-fourth governor of that state.
Illinois' twelfth, fourteenth and eighteenth governor was one man and, a Kentuckian.
Richard J. Oglesby, was born in Oldham county, Kentucky, July 25, 1824. He was first elected governor in 1864, after having at- tained the rank of major general in the Union army. His second term as governor was in- terrupted by his election to the United States senate. At the end of his service in that body, having acquired the gubernatorial habit, he was a third time elected governor of his adopted state.
John M. Palmer, the thirteenthi governor of Illinois, was born in Scott county, Kentucky, in 1817. He rose to the rank of major general in the Union army, and in 1868 succeeded General Oglesby as governor. He subse- quently served in the United States senate, and in 1896 was the candidate of the sound money Democrats for the presidency, having on the ticket with him as vice president, that sturdy Kentuckian, Gen. Simon Bolivar Buckner.
Shelby M. Cullom, sixteenth and seven- teenth governor of Illinois, was born in Wayne county, Kentucky, in 1829. He served as gov- ernor for six years and since the conclusion of that service has served continuously in the national congress, either as representative or senator. At this time-1911-he is a member of the senate, at the age of eighty-two years.
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