USA > Louisiana > Orleans Parish > New Orleans > Standard history of New Orleans, Louisiana, giving a description of the natural advantages, natural history settlement, Indians, Creoles, municipal and military history, mercantile and commercial interests, banking, transportation, etc. > Part 10
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49 | Part 50 | Part 51 | Part 52 | Part 53 | Part 54 | Part 55 | Part 56 | Part 57 | Part 58 | Part 59 | Part 60 | Part 61 | Part 62 | Part 63 | Part 64 | Part 65 | Part 66 | Part 67 | Part 68 | Part 69 | Part 70 | Part 71 | Part 72 | Part 73 | Part 74 | Part 75
In 1810 a still greater improvement was begun, one Louis Gleiscs obtaining the right to establish water-works, which would not only provide the inhabitants with such drinking water as they needed, but would be of assistance in the ex- tinguishment of fires.
The city charter of 1805 lasted thirty-one years-until 1836-a longer period than any subsequent charter. It must not be imagined, however, that during all that time it remained unchanged. On the contrary, there was scarcely a session of the legislature in which some important modifications and changes
95
STANDARD HISTORY OF NEW ORLEANS.
were not made, in the vain attempt to straighten out matters and overcome the difficulties and prejudiees which, from the very start, threatened the new gov- ernment, and which finally resulted in the repeal of the city charter and the sub- stitution of an entirely new government, built on radically different foundations. The difficulties that faced the government were racial. The great majority of the population of New Orleans at the time of its purchase by the United States was Creole French. The Spanish government had humored the race, and na- tional sentiment of the native population, and while it hield a tight hand on the colony, it allowed the Creoles control of local affairs, or at least appeared to do so. While Spanish became the official language, Freneh was also permitted, and the deliberations of the Cabildo were conducted in that language. The an- nextion of Louisiana to the United States brought in a new race, the American, speaking a new tongue, known to very few of the native population, and there was a more or less natural elash between the two races.
The Creoles objected to the introduction of English, which so few of them understood, as the official language of the city, and especially that the governor, Claiborne, did not understand their tongue, the French. They complained of a large number of Americans appointed to the new eourts and offices instead of these positions being filled by natives of New Orleans, and they asserted that the new courts showed favoritism to Americans in their decisions. Other causes of objcetion to the new dominion was the formation of American military com- panies and their indisereet parades in the public streets, the interference of the American authorities with the publie balls, which were one of the chief amuse- ments of the Creoles, and the scarcity of money. The principal currency in use in Louisiana under the Spanish had been Mexican dollars. These ceased to be imported when the Spanish left, and there was, consequently, a scarcity of cur- rency, until Louisiana could put a new and American banking system into opera- tion,
The two races did not fuse well at first. In the early days of the American dominion those Americans who had immigrated to New Orleans settled in the city proper, the vieux carré of Bienville ; but that section is limited in area, and the rents demanded were so high that most of the immigrants after 1815 moved into Faubourg St. Marie beyond the walls, which had been of old the Jesuit plantation, and which is to-day the first municipal district of New Orleans. These people complained that the American section of the city was greatly neg- lected for the Creole portion, and that the public revenues were expended almost
1
.
96
STANDARD HISTORY OF NEW ORLEANS.
entirely in the improvement of the city proper and none in the suburbs. As the Creoles were in a large voting majority in the city and possessed three-fourths of the members of the city council, they found this easy enough-indeed they were in complete control of the municipality. Against this condition of affairs the American element frequently appealed, and finally secured, in 1836, what they aimed at-a division of the city.
During these years of Creole supremacy, New Orleans grew rapidly in wealth, commerce and population. Many important public improvements were made, especially in the city proper ; but it cannot be said that the improvements kept up with the progress made by he city in other directions.
In 1817, in the face of much skepticism on account of the yielding nature of the soil, the first cobble-stone pavement was laid-on Gravier and Magazine, in the new American section. Previous to that the streets had all been unpaved- dirt or mud streets. In 1820 the wooden sidewalks and curbs gave way, in the main thoroughfare, to others of brick and stone. In 1822 a general paving of the commercial streets was begun in both the old and new quarters. This im- provement boom did not last long, however, and up to 1835, although there had been a second improvement movement in 1832-4, only two streets in the city had been paved any considerable distance.
Still less had been done in the matter of drainage and sanitation. Be- tween 1835 and 1838, a natural drain in the rear of the American section was improved and deepened into Melpomene Canal. In 1836 a municipal draining company began operations with a draining machine on Bayou St. John, but it drained only a very small portion of the city even in that neighborhood.
THE THREE MUNICIPALITIES.
The strife between the American and the Creole had, during all that time, continued to call forth exhortations from the governors against jealousies and party spirit with reference to the accidental circumstance of language and birth. These prejudices culminated in 1836, when the legislature, principally in re- sponse to the appeals of the American section in New Orleans, repealed the charter of the city and provided for an entirely new municipal organization, the like of which has never been seen in the country, save, perhaps, in the charter of (Greater) New York. The latter is very similar, in some respects, to that of New Orleans in 1836. To prevent racial ill feeling the city was di-
97
STANDARD HISTORY OF NEW ORLEANS.
vided into three municipalities, each with a separate government of its own and independent power, but with a mayor and a general council (composed of the councils of the three municipalities) over the whole city.
The old town, the "city proper," as it is called in the charter (and what is now the second municipal district), formed the first municipality, the bulk of its population being Creoles or French.
The Faubourg St. Marie, what is now the first municipal district and above the city proper, formed the second municipality.
The Faubourg Marigny, what is now the third municipal district and below the city, formed the third municipality.
The first municipality composed the first, second, third, and fourth wards of New Orleans as it existed in 1836 ; the second municipality, the sixth and seventh wards; and the third municipality, the fifth ward. Each of the municipali- ties was governed by a recorder and a council of aldermen elected by wards. The councils were composed as follows: First municipality-12 alder- men, 3 from each of its four wards; second municipality-first ward, Canal to Poydras, 4 aldermen ; second ward, Poydras to Calliope, 2 aldermen ; third ward, Calliope to upper end of city, 2 aldermen ; total 8 aldermen ; third municipality -first ward, Esplanade to Marigny, 2 aldermen ; second ward, Marigny to Eng- hien, 2 aldermen ; third ward, Enghien to Lafayette, 2 aldermen; fourth ward, below Lafayette, 1 alderman ; total, 7 aldermen.
The municipalities had complete control of all their local affairs, paving, improvements, etc .; they could fix taxes and issue bonds, which they did quite actively.
The recorders of the several municipalities performed all the duties of magistrates, and were conservators of the peace.
Once a year, on the first of May, the general council, which was com- posed of the aldermen from the several municipalities, met in the City Hall of the city proper on Jackson Square, and attended to such matters as belonged to the city as a whole, that is, to all the municipalities. The division of powers between the general council and the separate municipal councils, was on much the same lines as that between the Federal and the State governments. The gen- eral council enjoyed only such powers as were specially delegated to it; all other municipal powers belonged to the several municipalities. The general council, for instance, had control of all matters relating to wharfage rates, charges and dues, and all licenses. It had the care and control of the police and supervision
98
STANDARD HISTORY OF NEW ORLEANS.
over all incorporated companies, and it was its duty to provide for the salary of the mayor.
The parish prison, which was situated in the city proper, was the property equally of all the municipalities, who could use it on paying pro rata for its maintenance. The revenues derived from the licenses on drays were to be divided among the several municipalities in proportion to the amount of reve- nue collected by each. The old debt was similarly divided, that is, the share which each municipality was to assume was estimated on the bases of its reve- nues.
A further provision was that all rules and ordinances of the old city should continue in force in all the municipalities until repealed by any of them.
The division of the city into three municipalities seemed to give an im- petus to public improvement, the three councils competing with each other to see which could make the most progress. The next few years, therefore, chronicle a great advance in all respects. The city was provided with water-works and gas. The year 1837 saw the completion of the new canal, which gave the second municipality (the American city) connection with Lake Pontchartrain, the con- struction of the Merchant's Exchange, St. Charles Hotel, St. Louis Hotel and a number of large and influential banks. The progress was slightly checked soon after by the big panic of 1837.
The division of New Orleans into three cities continued until 1852, when the animosities between the Creoles and Americans had disappeared. The ne- cessity for union had, by that time, become apparent. The city finances, for instance, had been badly managed and a large debt created, confusion prevailed in nearly all branches, and, as the report of the commissioners declared, "the people were disheartened."
A BI-CAMERAL COUNCIL.
The legislature in 1852 repealed the charter of the three municipalities and consolidated them into one. On the same day it annexed the City of Lafayette, now the fourth municipal district of New Orleans, which had grown up just above the city limits. The debt of the three municipalities and Lafayette at the time was $7,700,000, of which $2,000,000 was over due. Commissioners of the consolidated debt were appointed, who soon straightened out this confusion and put the debt on a better basis. Through the improved credit of the city some $5,000,000 of this indebtedness was extinguished, and in 1853, one year after the consolidation, the bonded debt of the city was given as only $3,000,000.
99
STANDARD HISTORY OF NEW ORLEANS.
The new city government was bi-cameral-with two chambers, one of alder- men and the other of assistant aldermen. The former were elected by municipal districts, which were then fixed by the charter, and have remained unchanged up to this day. The assistant aldermen were chosen by the wards, of which eleven were created, and which also remain unchanged. The representation was as follows: Aldermen-first district, 5; second, 4; third, 2; fourth, 2; total, 13. Assistant aldermen-first ward, 2; second, 3; third, 6; fourth, 3; fifth, 3; sixth, 2; seventh, 2; eighth, 2; ninth, 1; tenth, 2; eleventh, 1; total, 25. Besides the aldermen there was a mayor, who was ex officio chief of police, and who received a salary of $4,000 a year ; a controller, surveyor and street commis- sioner. The city election was held in March.
This municipal system continued eighteen years, until 1870; but a consid- erable portion of that time it was under suspension, because of the civil war, dur- ing which period New Orleans was under martial law and the municipal affairs were administered by the military authorities. Considerable modifications were made in the city charter in 1856, with reference to assessments and taxa- tion ; and in 1866, in order to provide for the reorganization of the civil govern- ment, which had so long been suspended.
During the military occupation of New Orleans, a military officer was de- tailed by the commandant to act as mayor of the city, but possessed little real power. Such municipal matters as required attention were performed by a finance committee and a committee on streets and landing. The street-cleaning was attended to by the military authorities, and was well done. A new depart- ment of the municipality had sprung up in consequence of the war: this was some provision for the poor. The suspension of commerce and of all industries had greatly increased the number of the poor in New Orleans, and the situation was made worse by the large number of negroes who fled to New Orleans to seek refuge within the Union lines. These people had to be fed, and public markets were provided, whence free rations were distributed. The money necessary therefor was obtained in fines and assessments levied on the banks and other cor- porations, and even on private individuals, for assistance given by them to the Confederate cause.
THE ADMINISTRATIVE SYSTEM.
In 1870, another experiment was made in city government by the establish- ment of what is known as the "administrative system." The government of the municipality was vested in a mayor and seven administrators elected on a
100
STANDARD HISTORY OF NEW ORLEANS.
general ticket. Each of these administrators presided over a separate depart- ment of the city government. They were severally administrators of finance (about equivalent to comptroller), commerce, improvements (similar to a com- missioner of public works), assessments, police, public accounts (treasurer), water works and public buildings. Some of these titles were more or less absurd and did not cover the duties of the office held by the administrator. Thus the city had practically no control over assessments and there was no reason why it should have an administrator of assessments, and as it parted with its control of the water-works in 1877 there was equally little reason why it should have an administrator of water-works. However, each administrator had certain executive duties to perform. The mayor and the seven administrators were con- stituted a city council for local purposes, thus combining the executive and leg- islative branches of government in one body.
This council was too small to have committees, and each administrator was allowed freedom in his special department. Weekly meetings of the council were held to consider general municipal matters; but they were, from the very small number of members, necessarily of a somewhat informal character.
Judge W. W. Howe, in his "Municipal Government of New Orleans," ex- presses the opinion that the administrative system, 1870-82, was the best the city had ever had. This view, however, it is difficult to accept, and Judge Howe's opinion was probably based on the fact that the municipal government of New Orleans was exceptionally bad at the time he wrote his pamphlet. The admin- istrative system had the advantage of compactness and of working quickly. There was no danger of a conflict between the legislative and administrative branches, as is so frequently the case in American cities. The administrators fully understood the legislation coming before them, and vice versa, since they first made laws for themselves and then carried them out. It is admitted that the councilmanic system is slow and cumbrous; but it is sometimes wise to "go slowly" in legislation, and to give the people time to consider and pass on public matters. The new system was naturally more secret, and the people knew less of what was going on. Several scandals occurred; and whether from the form of government or from other causes, the municipality dropped behind and surrendered many of the functions of a city government. It would be unjust to attribute this decay wholly to the several city governments which adminis- tered the affairs of New Orleans between 1870 and 1882. The city was decay- ing in many other ways during that period. It had lost heavily in commerce
IOI
STANDARD HISTORY OF NEW ORLEANS.
and business, in consequence of the civil war, and overflow and pestilence. The general panic of 1877-8 cut down values and reduced the assessment and revenue far below what it had been for years. The lowest depth was reached in 1880, when assessments fell to $91,117,918. Moreover, during most of this period the city was at the mercy of the legislature, which played shuttlecock with it, changing its boundaries, rearranging its courts, and constantly tampering with its bonds and indebtedness. Finally a low condition of political morality was prevalent, which, while it was far worse in the State government, yet more or less reflected itself in the municipal government.
But aside from these outside influences, the municipality of New Orleans seemed to be drifting backwards. It lost control of the water-works in 1877, it being shown that the city was unable to administer them without loss; it sur- rendered control of its wharves and leased them out to a private company. The necessity for this action was recognized by all, as the wharves had got into a thoroughly bad condition under the city government, and it became obvious that the city could not properly administer them.
The treatment of the city debt was equally bad. The debt was made up of various kinds of bonds, differently guaranteed, bearing different rates of interest and wholly different in their character. The conflict between the consolidated bonds and premium bonds, which were supported by different administrations, led to a great deal of litigation and brought discredit on the city's bonds, some of which sold at less than twenty-three cents on the dollar. Finally the city's credit got so bad, and so many judgments were outstanding against it, that the creditors searched right and left to find public property subject to seizure, and even threatened to seize the parish prison and public markets. The tax rate of the city, which had been 1.5 per cent. in 1860, and 1 per cent. during the greater part of the Civil War, rose to 2.375 per cent. in 1869, 2.625 in 1870, 2.75 in 1871, and 3 per cent. in 1873. It was cut down afterwards, but this accomplished only by defaulting on many of the debts of the city. The result was a great deal of litigation and many judgments against New Orleans, which had to be included in the taxes of 1882, the last year of the administrative government. The tax rate of that year was the highest ever known in New Or- leans, reaching a total of 3.175 per cent., of which 1.675 per cent. was a special judgment tax, levied by order from the United States Court to satisfy judgments that had been found against the city.
In 1870, Algiers and Jefferson City were annexed to New Orleans and be-
102
STANDARD HISTORY OF NEW ORLEANS.
came the fifth and sixth municipal districts respectively ; in 1874, Carrollton was annexed as the seventh district.
Under the circumstances that existed it was not to be wondered at that popular sentiment should demand an entirely new charter for the city. This was granted by the Legislature in June, 1882.
THE COUNCILMANIC SYSTEM.
As usual in the frequent changes in municipal government in New Or- leans, the transformation was a radical one. The administrative system was entirely abolished and for it was substituted the councilmanic government, but wholly different from the councilmanic government which had existed from 1852 to 1870. The council consisted of one instead of two chambers, but the old distinction of districts and wards was preserved. Each of the seven districts elected one councilman at large without regard to population, while the seven- teen wards elected twenty-three councilmen, based on their population. The council was thus composed of thirty members, there being no difference what- ever in the powers between the district and ward councilmen. The councilmen received no pay. The council was the legislative department of the govern- ment, levying taxes and licenses, having control over all expenditures, over the repairs of the streets, lights, the extinguishment of fires, the maintenance of levees, the streets, squares, cemeteries, etc.
The executive department was in the hands of the mayor, treasurer, comp- troller, commissioner of public works and commissioner of police and public buildings-all of whom were elected at the same time on a general ticket. The other municipal officers, such as surveyor, city attorney, etc., were elected by the council.
The mayor was commander-in-chief of the police and appointed the entire force, which was subject to radical changes with each change of administration. The police ordinances were enforced by four police courts, presided over by re- corders, while in the fifth, sixth and seventh districts the justices of the peace had the power of committing magistrates.
The fire department at the time was completely out of the control of the city, being in the hands of the Firemen's Charitable Association (the volunteer firemen), under a contract with the city, which was renewed every five years. (There was, as a matter of fact, four fire departments, for the volunteer firemen
James Smith Tutto
103
STANDARD HISTORY OF NEW ORLEANS.
had organized separate and independent associations in the fifth, sixth and seventh districts. )
The new city government had really very little to do, the several depart- ments that properly belong to a municipality having been lopped off at various times. The fire department, as already noticed, had always been separate and independent.
In order to protect the city, as well as the bondholders, against the misman- agement which had been the feature of the city government from 1870 to 1882, all control over the debt was taken from the city in 1880 and given to a Board of Liquidation, consisting of six members, two of whom were chosen by the Governor, two by the Lieutenant-Governor and two by the Speaker of the House of Representatives. The mayor, comptroller and treasurer were ex-officio members of this board. With this exception, the city had nothing to do with its municipal debt except to provide for the payment of interest on it; and this act was nearly perfunctory, as the Legislature required that the proper provision be made.
The wharves had been surrendered as early as 1882, when they were leased to a private corporation, the lease being renewed from time to time. As the United States had decided that the revenue derived from wharfage dues could be used only for the commercial improvement of the city, the lease made to the lessees was for so much money to be expended in improving the wharves and port facilities of the city. There can be no question that under the wharf lease a great improvement took place over the conditions that had prevailed un- der the municipal ownership and control.
In 1892, the city government, having shown itself in no position, from lack of funds, to deal with the problem of the construction and maintenance of levees, and the city being put in danger of a general overflow, the council's control of the levees was taken from it and given to a board, known as the Orleans Levee Board, with power to levy district taxes for the construction, repair and maintenance of levees. This board was appointive, and named by the governor, and was a state rather than a municipal body, although its jurisdiction was restricted to the City of New Orleans.
The control of the city's public schools was wholly out of the hands of the city council, which had no control over them, save in the election of some of the members of the school board. This, however, had always been the case, save for a short period after 1852, when the council had organized the public schools and created three districts, maintaining its control over these three boards.
104
STANDARD HISTORY OF NEW ORLEANS.
What was true of the public schools was equally true of the Board of Health. This was a peculiar body, half state and half city, with certain municipal as well as state powers. Its members were partly elected by the city council and partly named by the governor.
To such a degree was this disposition to vote away municipal functions, rights and duties carried that even the parks, squares and principal streets were given over to commissions, consisting of tax payers of the vicinity. The city being unable to make provisions for keeping these parks, squares, etc., in good condition, the duty of raising the necessary funds by subscription or public en- tertainments devolved upon the commissioners. In fine, the City of New Or- leans had surrendered nearly all its franchises and duties, had sold, leased or transferred the municipal property and privileges to various private individuals or corporations, to state boards or commissions of citizens. About 1884 the city had reached, perhaps, the lowest depths as a municipality. It is true that its credit had improved and its wharves were in better condition, but the city government was powerless and had no jurisdiction or city property to administer.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.