USA > Massachusetts > The pre-revolutionary Irish in Massachusetts, 1620-1775 > Part 1
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org.
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14
Gc 974.4 D72p 1779198
M. L.
REYNOLDS HISTORICAL GENEALOGY COLLECTION
JE
Go
ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY 3 1833 01100 4261
THE PRE-REVOLUTIONARY IRISH IN MASSACHUSETTS, 1620-1775
C
BY GEORGE FRANCIS DONOVAN, A.B., A.M.
DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SAINT LOUIS UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FUL- FILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
1931
1779198
THE PRE-REVOLUTIONARY IRISH IN MASSACHUSETTS, 1620-1775
Donovan, George Francis, 1901-
The pre-revolutionary Irish in Massachusetts, 1620-1775, by George Francis Donovan ... [Menasha, Wis., George Banta publishing company, '1932)
4 p. 1., 15S p, 1 1. 23em.
Thesls (PH. D.)-St. Louis university, 1931. "Vita auctoris." Bibliography : p. (1401-153.
LF CARD
1. Irish in Massachusetts. 2. Massachusetts-Geneal .- Sources. I. Title.
Library of Congress
F75.16D8 33-1538
Copy 2. QQ Copyright A 58002 [2] 325.2415
C
Copyright 1932 by GEORGE FRANCIS DONOVAN
C
To The Memory of My Mother Catherine Smith Donovan
-
CONTENTS
I. Plymouth and Boston
1
II. Northeastern and Southeastern Massachusetts
62
III. Central and Western Massachusetts
99
IV. King Philip's War and the Irish Donation
127
Summary
138
Bibliography 140
Index 155
Vita Auctoris 159
VI
CHAPTER I
PLYMOUTH AND BOSTON1
1. PLYMOUTH (1620-1691)
The purpose of this work is to set forth facts concerning the Irish element in Massachusetts during the seventeenth and eight- eenth centuries, correct wrong impressions and finally, establish a firmer basis from which future research or activity in the same or similar fields will begin.
C
The history of Plymouth naturally begins with the Mayflower. Of the one hundred and two passengers certain authorities have claimed that ten persons or .098 per cent of the total number were Irish. Not one of these, however is of certain Irish origin proved by authentic documents.2
Shortly after the arrival of the Pilgrims' ship the founder of the Higgins family reached Plymouth. He, too, has been pointed out as an Irishman but no source exists testifying to the fact.3 It was not until November 9, 1621, that two persons of apparently Irish origin joined the colony. On that date, the Fortune arrived from London with thirty-five passengers, including John Cannon and William Coner.4 It has been maintained, but with no supporting evidence, that in 1623 five hundred and fifty Irish men and women were transported to New England.5
In March, 1623, the Reverend John Lyford, who had been a preacher in Ireland, came with his wife and child in the ship Ann. Very little is known of his residence in Plymouth. In 1625 he was dismissed from the colony on account of his Episcopal tendencies. He next appeared in Nantasket, where he had a plantation at the east end of the beach near Staits Pond on a river, whence the name "Lyford's Licking River." Lyford went to England but soon came back again to Nantasket. From here he moved to Cape Ann, and shortly after to Virginia, where he probably died. His widow, Mrs. Sarah Lyford, married Edmund Hobart at Charles- town on October 10, 1634. The latter union resulted in three children, Mordecai, Rachael, and Ruth, who married James Bates and had by him seven sons and three daughters.6
--
2
THIE PRE-REVOLUTIONARY IRISII IN MASSACHUSETTS
The Irish element in Plymouth remained dormant for twenty- six years. It is not until June 10, 1661, that the records reveal the name of an Irishman. The complete quotation is interesting. "10th June, 1661-Prence, Governor-Upon the complaint of Wil- liam Hiberney, Irish man, servant to John Hollot of Saituate, that hee is bounde to his said master the tearms of twelve years, have- ing been stolen away out of his owne country and engageing to soe long a time when he was unacquainted with the English tongue, the Court haveing heard what the said master and servant could say in pmises have pswaded the said John Hollot, and hee, by these psents, hath engaged to the Court that if his said servant shall and doe perform vnto him faithful service and carrye.him- self as he aught to doe, that hee doth and will perform the condi- tions of his indenture to and with his said master."7
The relation of Plymouth to King Philip's War and the "Irish Donation" will be more conveniently treated separately under those topics in connection with the Massachusetts Bay Colony.
An incident that portrayed the ill feeling against the Irish was the case of Elizabeth Kenedy, the wife of Alexander. She was admitted into the Church at Plymouth on April 1, 1688.8 On October 27, 1698, she with other "sisters" was dismissed from the Church.º All during this period local resentment against the Irish was strong. On July 28, 1688 the Elders agreed to set apart a day for "Fasting and Prayer" on account of five great dangers, "the drought, great sickness, the Heathen doing mischiefe East- ward, our Present Unsettlement and the Distresse of Ireland."10 The following Tuesday, July 30, 1688 was the date fixed upon. The same attitude was shown on January 31, 1691 when the pastor requested a day of Thanksgiving for some seven reasons, one of which was the "good successe of the Kings forces in subduing Ireland."11
Plymouth up to 1691, the year of its annexation to the Massa- chusetts Bay Colony, played a very insignificant rôle in Irish de- velopment. Few Irishmen came to the Plymouth colony. Intoler- ance, lack of economic advantages, and the growing prosperity of Boston and other towns in Massachusetts were rapidly diminishing the wealth and population of Plymouth. One minister and a few servants constitute the seventeenth century Celtic contribution of Plymouth.12 The other towns in the Plymouth colony were not sig-
-
3
PLYMOUTH AND BOSTON
nificantly related to the Irish element while they were part of the Plymouth settlement. It was not until after the union of the two colonies that the Irish appear in any number in these towns. It is for this reason, as well as for convenience sake, that the entire history of these towns will be taken up under the Massa- chusetts Bay development.
2. BOSTON (1630-1775)
The early history of the town of Boston recalls the names of several Irishmen about whom little is known, especially in regard to the exact place of birth in Ireland, the date of birth, the date of entrance into the Colony and place of residence in the town. One such case was that of Anthony Gulliver, who was born in Ireland in 1619. He came to Boston at an early age and settled later in Milton. One historian declares that a descendant, Captain Lemuel Gulliver, returned to Ireland in 1723 and gave such glowing ac- counts of the new country to his friend and neighbor, Jonathan Swift, that the latter was prompted to write his famous Gulliver's Travels in 1726.13 The truth of this declaration has never been fully proved. The Reverend John Lyford, who was banished from the Plymouth Colony by Governor Winslow in 1625 and who came to Boston for a brief stay in that year, was another example of the early Celts.14 Only brief mention is made of him here because he rightfully belongs to the Plymouth Colony. In a "List of An- cient Names in Boston and Vicinity" between the years 1630 and 1644, compiled by the antiquarian, John Farmer and numbering six hundred and forty names, only five are rated as Celtic, Coggan, Farley, Gibbons, Henrickson and Larkin. The first and third names were borne by men known to have recently arrived from Ireland. From a statistical viewpoint the percentage is very low, amounting to about .0078 per cent of the entire number.15
The first Irishman who appears in the history of Boston with the stamp of permanence on his residence is John Cogan. He was an individual of high repute among his Puritan contemporaries. He possessed the unusual distinction of being the merchant who owned the "first shop" in Boston. It was opened for business on March 4, 1633,16 or according to W. F. Trash, in the following year.17 The establishment was located on what is now the north east corner of Washington and State streets. Less than three years
4
THIE PRE-REVOLUTIONARY IRISH IN MASSACHUSETTS
after his business career had begun Cogan showed a true interest in education when he gave in 1636 twenty pounds "toward the maintenance of free-schoolmaster for Mr. Daniel Maude, being now also chosen thereunto."18 His generosity in this respect was later shown in 1657 when he left another twenty pounds for "the benefitt of a schoole master for teaching children to write and read. .. . "19
Cogan's life, however, was devoted chiefly to business. The long list of legal transactions in which he was involved indicates his readiness to seek the protection of the law. One passage reads : "John Cogan of Boston in New England, appoints an attorney to receive money due him from James Carrington of Thorsthorp, county Lincolne."2º A second passage shows the wide influence of Cogan, who "appoints his friend, John Storing, citizen and haberdasher of London, to sue one John Harrison, late of Boston in New England, for twenty-six pounds he owes said Cogan."21 A larger amount of money was involved in a third case where "John Cogan appoints Nicholas Carwithye, citizen and grocer of Exeter, his attorney to collect of the executors of Ignatius Jordan, of said Exeter, sixty-six pounds due him by bond, and also all legacies from I.J. to C. or his wife or children."22 His importance is also recognized in three other ways. On March 10, 1651 Cogan married Mrs. Martha Winthrop, widow of Governor Endicott.23 She survived him by three years, passing away in 1660. He was one of the twenty-two men, who, on April 1, 1634, subscribed to a "Sea Fort" in the Colony.24 On November 5, 1633 he became a freeman.25
Colonial records reveal many other interesting phases of his long career. On April 1, 1634 he was appointed an administrator of the estate of Mr. John Tilley.26 On August 4, 1635 "Mr. Cogan witnessed upon oath that James Hawkins tooke 28 6ª a day of him, for 14 dayes."27 In 1640 "John Coggan" again appears in court in an "attachment ... , against Nicholas Bacons cattle, for the pay- ment of his rent to Mr. John Coggan."28 A John Coggin, Jr. was made a freeman on May 18, 1642.29 He apparently was the son of the merchant but the exact relationship, if any, has not been as- certained.30
His wealth was great, to judge by inventories of his estate and that of his wife. In his will the following seventeen items were
5
PLYMOUTH AND BOSTON
listed : "mansion house, one house, two shops, farmes and land at Rumney Marsh, Corne Mill at Moulden, 1/8 pt. of Corne Mill at Charles Towne, Moulden Lands, 500 acres at Waburn, 10 per annum to daughter Robinson, 10 per annum to daughter, wife of Joseph Rocke, 10 apiece to my three grand children of daughter Robinson, 20 to church at Winsor, 5 to sonne Rocke, 5 to Mr. Scottow, 40 s. apiece to his oversers, Rocke of Martires to sonne Caleb, Gould Ring to nephew John Coggan."31 The will was dated August 3, 1658. The inventory of Mrs. Martha Coggan made in 1660 did not indicate so much wealth. Only three articles were enumerated, a farm at "Rumby Marsh" valued at 450, 1% of a mill at "Charles town" worth 40, and 500 acres of land at "Ouborne."32 The entire estate was estimated to be valued at about £500.
There were other Irishmen living in Boston during the time John Cogan amassed his riches but none of them became as in- fluential as he did in the field of business. One of the former was William Hibbins, who came in the ship Mary and John in 1634. He married a widow, Mrs. Anne Moore, sister of Richard Balling- ham, Governor of Massachusetts and became the agent of the Colony in England. His death in 1654 was soon followed by that of his wife, who suffered death from witchcraft persecution, her property being given to two sons in Ireland, John and Joseph Moore, of Ballyhorish, in the County of Cork. Haltigan maintains that Hibbins was a very wealthy man but records do not prove the assertion.33 In a list of Bostonians for the year 1634 is the name of Coogan,34 a wealthy resident according to Halliday.35 Here, too, no substantiating evidence is available.
An interesting affair which happened on March 15, 1636 shows both the close contact between Ireland and Massachusetts and also some of the ill feeling that existed between the two lands. A con- temporary account reads: "Here arrived a ship, called the St. Patrick, belonging to Sir Thomas Wentworth, deputy of Ireland, one Palmer, master. When she came near Castle Island, the lieu- tenant of the fort went aboard her, and made her strike her flag, which the master took as a great injury, and complained of it to the magistrates, who calling the lieutenant before them, heard the cause, and declared to the master that he had no commission so to do. And because he had made them strike to the fort, they tendered the master such satisfaction as he desired, which was
6
THE PRE-REVOLUTIONARY IRISII IN MASSACHUSETTS
only this, that the lieutenant aboard their ship, should acknowledge his error, that so all the ship's company might receive satisfaction, lest the last deputy should have been informed that discourtesy to his ship, which we had never offered to any before."36 An earlier instance of this recognition of Ireland's importance is revealed in a letter written by Mr. Higginson to friends at Leicester in September, 1629. He wrote: "Ireland is the best place to provide sheep, and lies in the way."37 The first instance of Irish relief of New England economic distress was in 1631 when two ships ar- rived from Ireland loaded with provisions for the starving in- habitants.38
It was not long before the Irish made plans to come to Boston and its vicinity in larger numbers. The Massachusetts Bay Com- pany records contain a resolution worded as follows: "It is or- dered, that the Scottishe and Irishe gentlemen weh intends to come hither shall have liberty to sitt downe in any place vpp Merimacke Ryver, not ppossessed by any."39
Only eight years after the colony had been settled a second Cogan appears on the scene, a Henry Cogan or Coggan. A search in the records reveals him as the owner of at least one slave. On December 4, 1638 the slave, William Andrews, assaulted his mas- ter. He "was censured to bee severely whiped, & delivered vp a slave to whom the Court shall."+º Andrews was later released from slavery and on September 3, 1639 was "put to Mr. Endecot," a · member of the Quarter Court. The latter paid Henry Coggan "8"" [ ?].41 An indication of property ownership appears in the sale of a "house, yards, gardens, and eighty-six acres of land" by William Balstone to Thomas Connell, on August 5, 1639.42 One year later another Irishman, Teague Cochore, appears in Boston. He married Mary, daughter of Robert Spurr of Dorcester in 1665. He died in Milton on January 3, 1695, fifty-five years old, there being eight children from the union. Haltigan asserts that a descendant of Cochore, Benjamin, made the first piano in the United States at Milton in 1800.43 That the number of Irishmen in Boston must have been considerable at this time is reflected in a resolution of the General Court on May 13, 1640 when it was considering the tax laid on all the towns, on cattle and produce : "ordered that the goods of the persons come from Ireland shall bee free from this rate."
7
PLYMOUTHI AND BOSTON
In 1642 an explorer of Celtic extraction brought renown to himself and the colony when he discovered and explored the White Mountains. The original account recorded on April 8, 1642 reads :
One Darby Ficld, an Irishman, living about Pascataquack, being accom- panied with two Indians, went to the top of the white hill. He made his journey in eighteen days. His relation at his return was, that it was about one hundred miles from Saco, that after forty miles travel he did, for the most part, ascend, and within twelve miles of the top was ncither tree nor grass, but low savins, which they went upon the top of sometimes, but a continual ascent upon rocks, on a ridge between two vallcys filled with snow, out of which came two branclics of Saco river, which met at the foot of the hill where was an Indian town of some two hundred people. Some of them accompanied him within cight miles of the top, but durst go no fur- ther, telling him that no Indian cver darcd to go higher, and that he would die if he went. So they staid there till his return, and his two Indians took courage and by his example and went with him. They went divers time through the thick clouds for a good spacc, and within four miles of the top they had no clouds, but very cold. By the way, among the rocks, there wcre two ponds, onc a blackish water and the other reddish. The top of all was plain about sixty fcet squarc. On the north side there was such a precipice, as they could scarce discern to the bottom. They had neither cloud nor wind on the top, and modcrate heat. All the country about him seemed a level, except here and there a hill rising above the rest, but far beneath them. Hc saw to the north a great water which he judged to be about one hundred miles broad, but could scc no land beyond it. The sea by Saco scemed as if it had been within twenty milcs. Hc saw also a sea to the eastward, which he judged to be the gulf of Canada: he saw some great waters in parts to the westward, which he judged to be the great lake which Canada river conics out of (probable fog banks). He found there much muscovy glass, tlicy could rive out pieces of forty fect long and seven or eight broad. When he came back to the Indians, he found them drying themselves by the fire, for they had a great tempest of wind and rain. About a month after he went again with five or six in his company, then they had some wind on the top, and some clouds above them which hid the sun. They brought some stoncs which they supposed had been diamonds, but they were most crystal.46
Up to 1650 the lot of the ordinary Irish immigrants was a hard one. One of these was Thomas Briant, a servant of Mr. Allerton. He served a prison sentence of two months for reasons unknown and then was sent on June 14, 1642 to a Mr. Moses Mavericke "to be imployed for his master."46 Another Irishman but more fortunate was John Smith, who in 1642 had his assessment re- mitted because of losses in Ireland.47
C
8
THE PRE-REVOLUTIONARY IRISHI IN MASSACHUSETTS
One of the earliest instances of the wholesale importation of Irish children to the Bay Colony was in 1643. In a measure passed by the English House of Commons, January 31, 1643 it was "Re- solved, that the agents for the affairs of New England shall have liberty to collect the free contributions of all well-affected people, in all the parishes of London, Westminster, the borough of South- warke, and parishes adjacent, on the next two Lord's Days; for the transportation of divers poor children driven out of Ireland, and others: and it is referred to my Lord Mayor, so to appoint this collection, that it may not be on the same day as that for Ire- land.48 Winthrop in the same year wrote of the arrival of Sea- bridge "with twenty children . . . out of England . . . sent by money given one fast day in London .. . "49 Winthrop here refers, un- doubtedly, to the same group mentioned in the legislative enact- ment of January, 1643. For some seven or eight years after this the question of migration was a silent one until 1651 when "La Cour générale de Massachusetts adressa à Olivier Cromwell une lettre dans laquelle elle . . . l'assurait ... que l'émigration de tant de colonies en Irlande serait une insulte à la colonie . . . "50
The feeling between New England and Ireland was intense and was relaxed only on exceptional occasions. One case was that of Mr. David Sellake, who "craveing pardon for his offense in bring- ing some of the Irishmen on shoare, both his fine remitted, so as the first optunitie be taken to send them out of this jurisdiction."51 He was allowed later to have "libtie for the bringing another Irish man on shoare, to endevour his recovery, pvided he be given bond to send him out of this jurisdiction when he is well."52 Three Irishmen are here noted, two in the first, and one in the second quotation. Their names are not given with the result that it is impossible to trace their later history. Another example of re- laxation of anti-Irish feeling occurs in connection with the peti- tion of Martha Brenton, who on October 23, 1652 desired to have as servants "an Irish boy & girlie"53 She was granted this privilege on condition that she prove that they were born of English par- ents. Since no Irish records existed, this was not so difficult to do. Their names were probably changed thus destroying their Celtic identity. Despite the racial antagonism of the decade John Coggan was appointed an overseer in the will of John Woodey on May 18, 1653.54 On June 2, 1652, Irish womanhood was protected de-
-
9
PLYMOUTH AND BOSTON
spite a reduction in the fine when the General Court "In answer to the petition of William Thompson, craving the remittment of a fine of five pounds ye law imposeth on him, for making a motion of marriage to Sarah Coggan before he had liberty so to do from his friends, the Court judgeth it meet to abate him fiffty shillings of that fine."55
When the middle of the decade, 1650-1660, was reached, Irish influence was still strong and getting more and more pronounced. In 1655 the ship Goodfellow, Captain George Dell commanding, arrived with a group of Irish servants.56 On May 22, 1656 and Edward Burk was appointed one of two administrators in the estate of Augustine Walker.57 In the same year Margaret Bird, an Irish maid-servant to John Grover, and Edmond Cousins, were married.58 On August 31, 1659, John Morrell, an Irishman, and Lysbell Morrell, an Irishwoman, were married by Governor John Endecott.59 At the end of the fifties, on June 13, 1660, "Johanna Riland and Clement Salmon" were married.60 From isolated mar- riage and court records it thus becomes apparent that the Irish element was being recognized as an essential factor in the Colony. In the next decade this situation became considerably more pro- nounced.
The extension of the Cogan family's influence, as indicated in 1660 is an example. A quotation reads : "Joseph Rock engages in behalf of his brother, Mr. Thomas Robinson, to pay $50 to be paid by his mother, Mrs. Martha Cogan, as the amount of a legacy due to his sister, Mary Robinson, and her children, as per the will of his father, Mr. John Cogan. Work-to raise a frame of a house for Thomas Robinson of Sittuate upon land of Thomas Robin- son in Boston."61 In the following year (July 20, 1661), a Mar- garet Mayhoone, a widow, was married to Boyan Morbrey.62 On May 7, 1662, the name of John Cogan appears again, this time in a matter involving his estate after his death. The words of the records state : "In answer to the petition of Mrs. Margaret Sheaffe, relist & administratix to the estate of the late Jacob Sheaffe, humbly desiring the favor of this Generall Court to impower Mr. Joseph Rocke; administrator to the estate of the late Mr. John Cogan, to make a firme deed of sale to his oune, having payd ye sd Mrs. Coggan, to a smale matter, for the same, y' so she might be enabled to pay hir late husband Coggans debt, as ye order of
10
THE PRE-REVOLUTIONARY IRISH IN MASSACHUSETTS
this Court, October, 59, did impower hir, the Court, on pervsall of y® order & accomt, judge meet to graunt ye peticoners request, so as the heires, executors, or administrators of Mr. Coggans estate, or ye petitioner, performe what the forementioned order re- quires."63 In the same year the marriage of Tego Ockynall (O'Con- nel) and Philipa King took place.64
Figures based on the records of the early part of the decade, 1660-1670, will serve to show the numerical proportion of the Bostonian Irish. Out of one hundred and fifty births registered in Boston during the years 1660 and 1661 only six had Irish names attached, namely, Kellocke, Kelly, Moore, Bryen, Mahoone and Collens. Assuming these persons to be of Irish extraction, the number would represent .04 per cent of the total number of births.65 A slightly lower estimate is reached in another brief sur- vey. During the years 1661 and 1662 only four individuals with Irish names were noted out of a total of one hundred and twenty- five. The names were Manning, Griffins, Conney and Moore. The percentage was .032 per cent.66 During the same years in only two out of thirty-five marriages in Boston, were Irish names recog- nized, these being Morfrey and Ockonnell. The percentage of marriages in which at least one party was Irish was .05 per cent while of the seventy persons married only two or .025 per cent were of Celtic extraction.67 One marriage not in the above list, of unusual interest because it was the only one in Massachusetts Irish colonial history to which a Dutchman was a party, was the one performed by Captain Joshua Hobart, on January 4, 1664 uniting Mary Conell and Johannes Demosmaker, who said that his name in English was John Cutler.68
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.