USA > Massachusetts > Chronicles of the first planters of the colony of Massachusetts Bay, 1623-1636 > Part 21
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284
WILLIAM PYNCHON, OF SPRINGFIELD. .
CHAP. Genealogical Register. No copy of XIV. Pynchon's book is known to exist in this country, but Mr. Savage found 1629. it in the British Museum, and two other tracts written by him. A se- ries of papers, belonging to him and
his family, is printed in the Mass. Hist. Coll. xviii. 228-249. See Col. Rec. ii. 280-3, 295, 328; Breck's Century Sermon at Springfield, pp. 15-17; Mass. Hist. Coll. xvi. 308, xxviii. 248, 288, 294.
THE COMPANY'S LETTERS TO
HIGGINSON AND ENDICOTT.
١
CHAPTER XV.
THE COMPANY'S LETTER TO THE MINISTERS.1
REVEREND FRIENDS,
THERE are lately arrived here,2 being sent from CHAP. the Governor, Mr. Endecott, as men factious and evil conditioned, John and Samuel Browne,3 being
XV. 1629. Oct. 16.
1 See note on page 99.
2 The Brownes arrived in London before Sept. 19, in the Talbot or Lion's Whelp. They probably left Salem soon after the installation of the ministers, which took place Au- gust 6. Of course they remained in New-England only five or six weeks, having landed at Salem June 30. See pages 89, 90, 235.
and that they did administer baptism and the Lord's supper without the ceremonies, and that they professed also to use discipline in the congre- gation against scandalous persons, by a personal application of the word of God, as the case might require, and that some that were scandalous were denied admission into the church, they began to raise some trouble. Of these, Mr. Samuel Browne and his brother were the chief, the one being a lawyer, the
3 The case of the Brownes has already been frequently mentioned and referred to. See pages 89, 91, 94, 123, 168. We are fortunate in . other a merchant, both of them having a statement of the affair from one who was a contemporary and probably an eye-witness. Gov. Brad- ford, who was at Salem on the day that Higginson and Skelton were ordained, Aug. 6, tells us, (for, as Prince says, p. xx. " Morton's His- tory, down to 1646, is chiefly Gov. Bradford's manuscript abbreviated,") that " some of the passengers that came over at the same time, observ- ing that the ministers did not at all use the Book of Common Prayer,
amongst the number of the first pa- tentees, men of estates, and men of parts and port in the place. These two brothers gathered a company together, in a place distinct from the public assembly, and there, sundry times, the Book of Common Prayer was read unto such as resorted thi- ther. The Governor, Mr. Endicott, taking notice of the disturbance that began to grow amongst the people by this means, he convented the two brothers before him. They accused
288
THE AFFAIR OF THE BROWNES.
CHAP. brethren ; who, since their arrival, have raised ru- XV. mors (as we hear,) of divers scandalous and intem-
1629. perate speeches passed from one or both of you in
Oct.
16. your public sermons or prayers in New-England, as
also of some innovations attempted by you. We have reason to hope that their reports are but slan- ders ; partly, for that your godly and quiet condi-
the ministers as departing from the orders of the Church of England, that they were Separatists, and would be Anabaptists, &c. ; but for themselves, they would hold to the orders of the Church of England. The ministers answered for them- selves, They were neither Separa- tists nor Anabaptists ; they did not separate from the Church of Eng- land, nor from the ordinances of God there, but only from the corruptions and disorders there ; and that they came away from the Common Prayer and ceremonies, and had suffered much for their non-conformity in their native land; and therefore be- ing in a place where they might have their liberty, they neither could nor would use them, because they judged the imposition of these things to be sinful corruptions in the wor- ship of God. The Governor and Council, and the generality of the people, did well approve of the min- isters' answer ; and therefore, find- ing those two brothers to be of high spirits, and their speeches and prac- tices tending to mutiny and faction, the Governor told them that New- England was no place for such as they, and therefore he sent them both back for England at the return of the ships the same year ; and though they breathed out threaten- ings both against the Governor and ministers there, yet the Lord so dis- posed of all, that there was no fur- ther inconvenience followed upon it." Morton's Memorial, p. 147.
It appears from page 89, that on their return to England, a committee of ten was appointed by the Compa-
ny, four of whom were nominated by the Brownes themselves, to in- vestigate the affair. To what result that committee came, we are not in- formed ; but the fact of the appoint- ment of such a committee shows the disposition of the Company to do am- ple justice to the complainants, and disproves the charges of contempt and injustice alleged against them by Chalmers, (Annals, p. 146.) We find from page 94, that, at their re- quest, the Brownes were furnished with a copy of Endicott's accusation against them, to enable them to pre- pare their defence, -and from page 123, that a statement of grievances, which they presented to the Compa- ny for loss and damage 'sustained in New-England, was referred to an- other committee, with full power to allow what indemnity they should think proper, and so end the matter. Endicott undoubtedly thought he was acting in conformity with his instructions, in sending them home. See pages 159, 160, 196. Grahame, in his History of the United States, i. 218, says, " Notwithstanding the censure with which some writers have commented on the banishment of these two individuals, the justice of the proceeding must commend it- self to the sentiments of all impartial men." Bancroft, i. 350, remarks that " faction, deprived of its lead- ers, died away," and adds, that " the liberal Ebeling, i. 869, defends the measure." A mural tablet has been erected to the memory of the Brownes in the Episcopal church at Salem.
. -
289
THE COMPANY'S LETTER TO THE MINISTERS.
tions are well known to some of us ; as also, for that CHAP. these men, your accusers, seem to be embittered XV. against you and Captain Endecott for injuries which they conceive they have received from some of you there. Yet, for that we all know that the best ad- vised may overshoot themselves, we have thought good to inform you of what we hear, that if you be innocent you may clear yourselves ; or if otherwise, you may hereby be entreated to look back upon your miscarriage with repentance ; or at least to take notice that we utterly disallow any such passages, and must and will take order for the redress thereof, as shall become us. But hoping, as we said, of your unblamableness herein, we desire only that this may testify to you and others that we are tender of the least aspersion which, either directly or obliquely, may be cast upon the State here ;1 to whom we owe so much duty, and from whom we have received so much favor in this Plantation where you now reside.
So with our love and due respect to your callings, we rest,
Your loving friends,
R. SALTONSTALL,
ISA. JOHNSON,
MATT. CRADOCK, Governor.,
THO. GOFF, Deputy,
GEO. HARWOOD, Treasurer,
JOHN REVELL,
JOHN WINTHROP,
FRANCIS WEBB.2
London, 16 October, 1629.
1 The Company seem to have been very solicitous that nothing should be done in their Plantation which might furnish a pretext for the Government to revoke their Char- ter. Such prudential considerations, however, weighed but little with
Endicott, as we may infer from the daring and reckless spirit with which he afterwards cut the red cross out of the King's colors, not being able to brook what appeared to him a Popish and idolatrous emblem.
2 Sec note 3 on page 179.
19
1629. Oct. 16.
THO. ADAMS,
SYM. WHETCOMBE,
WILLIAM VASSALL,
WM. PINCHION,
290
THE COMPANY'S LETTER
THE COMPANY'S LETTER TO THE GOVERNOR.
SIR,
CHAP. XV.
1629. Oct. 16.
As we have written at this time to Mr. Skelton and Mr. Higgison touching the rumors of John and Samuel Browne, spread by them upon their arrival here, concerning some unadvised and scandalous speeches uttered by them in their public sermons or prayers, so have we thought meet to advertise you of what they have reported against you and them, concerning some rash innovations1 begun and prac- tised in the civil and ecclesiastical government. We do well consider that the Brownes are likely to make the worst of any thing they have observed in New-England, by reason of your sending them back, against their wills, for their offensive behaviour, ex- pressed in a general letter from the Company there.2 Yet, for that we likewise do consider that you are in a government newly founded, and want that assist- ance which the weight of such a business doth re- quire, we may have leave to think that it is possible some undigested counsels have too suddenly been put in execution, which may have ill construction
1 These innovations, I suppose, is, as far as I can yet gather, no had reference principally to the form- other than is warranted by the evi- dence of truth, and the same which I have professed and maintained ever since the Lord in mercy reveal- ed himself unto me, being far differ- ing from the common report that hath been spread of you touching that particular." See Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 66. ation of the church at Salem, the adoption of a confession of faith and covenant by the people, and their election and ordination of the minis- ters. Endicott, we know, sympa- thized fully with the Separatists of New-Plymouth. In a letter of his to Gov. Bradford, dated Naumkeak, May 11, 1629, he writes, " I rejoice 2 It is to be regretted that this letter is not now in existence. See pages 89 and 94. much that I am by Mr. Fuller satis- fied touching your judgment of the outward form of God's worship. It
291
TO GOVERNOR ENDICOTT.
with the State here, and make us obnoxious to any CHAP. XV.
adversary. Let it therefore seem good unto you to be very sparing in introducing any laws or commands 1629. which may render yourself or us distasteful to the Oct. 16. State here, to which (as we ought) we must and will have an obsequious eye.1 And as we make it our main care to have the Plantation so ordered as may be most for the honor of God and of our gracious Sovereign, who hath bestowed many large privileges and royal favors upon this Company, so we desire that all such as shall by word or deed do any thing to detract from God's glory or his Majesty's honor, may be duly corrected, for their amendment and the terror of others. And to that end, if you know any thing which hath been spoken or done either by the ministers, (whom the Brownes do seem tacitly to blame for some things uttered in their sermons or prayers,) or any others, we require you, if any such thing be, that you form due process against the offend- ers, and send it to us by the first, that we may, as our duty binds us, use means to have them duly punished.
So not doubting but we have said enough, we shall repose ourselves upon your wisdom, and do rest
Your loving friends.
Dated and signed as the former letter to Mr. Skelton and Mr. Higgison.
To the Governor, Capt. Endecott.2
1 In dealing with such unscrupu- lous persons as Charles I. and Laud, the Company had to exercise a good deal of the wisdom of the serpent. See note 1 on page 289.
2 Nothing is known of the life and history of JOHN ENDICOTT pre-
vious to his coming to New-Eng- land, except what is stated on page 143, that he had sat under Mr. Skel- ton's ministry, perhaps in Lincoln- shire. He was of course supersed- ed in his office of Governor of the Colony by the arrival of Winthrop
8
. t
292
JOHN ENDICOTT, OF SALEM.
CHAP. with the Charter, in 1630. He was, XV. however, the same year chosen an Assistant, which place he occupied 1629. nine years. In 1636, he was chosen Oct. a colonel, and commanded the first unsuccessful expedition in the Pe- 16. quot War. In 1641, he was elected Deputy Governor, which office he held four years. He was chosen Governor in 1644, 1649, 1651-53, and 1655-1665, sixteen years, a longer period than any Governor of the Colony was in office under the old Charter, and exceeded one year only, under the new, by Shirley alone. In 1645 he was chosen Ma- jor General, which office he held for four years. In 1644, he removed to Boston, where he died, March 15, 1665, in his 77th year. His wife, Anna Gover, a cousin of Gov. Cra- dock, died soon after his arrival at Salem. See page 131. His house stood on the lot now occupied by the shops in Tremont-street, at the head of Court-street, in front of Pem- berton Square. His portrait hangs in the Senate Chamber, at the State House. See Savage's Winthrop, i. 26, 156, 158, 192 ; Snow's Hist. of Boston, p. 148; Mass. Hist. Coll. xviii. 52.
Hutchinson says, i. 17, that " En- dicott was among the most zealous undertakers, and the most rigid in principles. This disposition distin- guished him, more than his other mental accomplishments, or his out- ward condition in life. I have seen
a letter from the Secretary of State in King Charles the Second's time, in which is this expression, ' The King would take it well if the peo- ple would leave out Mr. Endicott from the place of Governor.'" Mr. F. M. Hubbard, in his new edition of Belknap's Amer. Biog. iii. 166, remarks, " Gov. Endicott was un- doubtedly the finest specimen to be found among our Governors of the genuine Puritan character. He was of a quick temper, which the habit of military command had not soften- ed ; of strong religious feelings, moulded on the sterner features of Calvinism ; resolute to uphold with the sword what he had received as Gospel truth, and fearing no enemy so much as a gainsaying_spirit. Cordially disliking the English Church, he banished the Brownes and the Prayer Book; and, averse to all ceremonies and symbols, the cross in the King's colors was an abomination he could not away with. He cut down the Maypole at Merry Mount, published his detestation of long hair in a formal proclamation, and set in the pillory and on the gal- lows the returning Quakers. Infe- rior to Winthrop in learning, in com- prehensiveness to Vane, in tolerance even to Dudley, he excelled them all in the eye keen to discern the fit moment for action, in the quick re- solve to profit by it, and in the hand always ready to strike." See note 1 on page 13.
THE HUMBLE REQUEST.
THE HUMBLE REQVEST of His Majestie's loyall Subjects, the Governour and the Company late gone for NEVV-ENGLAND ; To the rest of their Brethren, in and of the Church of England. For the obtaining of their Prayers, and the removall of suspitions, and misconstructions of their Intentions.
LONDON. Printed for IOHN BELLAMIE. 1630. sm. 4to. pp. 12.
CHAPTER XVI.
THE COMPANY'S HUMBLE REQUEST.
REVEREND FATHERS AND BRETHREN,
THE general rumor of this solemn enterprise, wherein ourselves with others, through the provi- dence of the Almighty, are engaged, as it may spare us the labor of imparting our occasion unto you, so it gives us the more encouragement to strengthen ourselves by the procurement of the prayers and blessings of the Lord's faithful servants. For which end we are bold to have recourse unto you, as those whom God hath placed nearest his throne of mercy ; which, as it affords you the more opportunity, so it imposeth the greater bond upon you to intercede for his people in all their straits. We beseech you, therefore, by the mercies of the Lord Jesus, to consi- der us as your brethren, standing in very great need of your help, and earnestly imploring it. And how- soever your charity may have met with some occa- sion of discouragement through the misreport of our intentions, or through the disaffection or indiscretion
CHAP. XVI. 1630. April 7.
296
THE HUMBLE REQUEST
CHAP. of some of us, or rather amongst us,1 (for we are not XVI. of those that dream of perfection in this world,) yet
April 7.
1630. we desire you would be pleased to take notice of the principals and body of our Company, as those who esteem it our honor to call the Church of England, from whence we rise, our dear mother ; and cannot part from our native country, where she specially resideth, without much sadness of heart and many tears in our eyes,2 ever acknowledging that such hope and part as we have obtained in the common salvation, we have received in her bosom and sucked it from her breasts.3 We leave it not therefore as loathing that milk wherewith we were nourished there ; but, blessing God for the parentage and edu- cation, as members of the same body, shall always rejoice in her good, and unfeignedly grieve for any sorrow that shall ever betide her, and while we have breath, sincerely desire and endeavour the continu- ance and abundance of her welfare, with the enlarge- ment of her bounds in the kingdom of Christ Jesus.
Be pleased, therefore, reverend fathers and breth-
. 1 There may be an allusion here you leave us or stay at home with to the case of the Brownes. See note 3 on page 287.
2 This language, so full of sincere and tender affection, exposes the falsity of Chalmers's statement, where he speaks of "the savage fury with which they deserted their native land." And this too when he himself admits that they had been persecuted in England. See Chalmers's Pol. Annals, pages 152 and 165.
3 John Cotton, in his Discourse entitled "God's Promise to his Plantation," p. 18, delivered just before the sailing of Winthrop's fleet, said, " Be not unmindful of our Jerusalem at home, whether
us. O pray for the peace of Jerusa- lem ; they shall prosper that love her. As God continueth his presence with us, (blessed be his name !) so be ye present in spirit with us, though absent in body. Forget not the womb that bare you, and the breasts that gave you suck. Even ducklings, hatched under a hen, though they take the water, yet will still have recourse to the wing that hatched them ; how much more, should chickens of the same feather and yolk ? In the amity and unity of brethren, the Lord hath not only promised but commanded a blessing, even life forevermore." See note 1 on page 126.
.
297
OF WINTHROP AND HIS COMPANY.
ren, to help forward this work now in hand ; which CHAP. if it prosper, you shall be the more glorious, howso- XVI. ever your judgment is with the Lord, and your re- 1630. ward with your God. It is a usual and laudable ex- April 17 . ercise of your charity, to commend to the prayers of your congregations the necessities and straits of your private neighbours : do the like for a Church spring- ing out of your own bowels. We. conceive much hope that this remembrance of us, if it be frequent and fervent, will be a most prosperous gale in our sails, and provide such a passage and welcome for us from the God of the whole earth, as both we which shall find it, and yourselves, with the rest of our friends, who shall hear of it, shall be much enlarged to bring in such daily returns of thanksgivings, as the specialties of his providence and goodness may justly challenge at all our hands. You are not igno- rant that the spirit of God stirred up the apostle Paul to make continual mention of the Church of Philippi, which was a colony from Rome ; let the same spirit, we beseech you, put you in mind, that are the Lord's remembrancers, to pray for us without ceasing, who are a weak colony from yourselves, making continual request for us to God in all your prayers.
What we entreat of you, that are the ministers of God, that we also crave at the hands of all the rest of our brethren, that they would at no time forget us in their private solicitations at the throne of grace.
If any there be who, through want of clear in- telligence of our course, or tenderness of affection towards us, cannot conceive so well of our way as we could desire, we would entreat such not to de- spise us, nor to desert us in their prayers and affec-
298
THE HUMBLE REQUEST.
CHAP. tions, but to consider rather that they are so much XVI. the more bound to express the bowels of their com- 1630 April 7. passion towards us, remembering always that both nature and grace doth ever bind us to relieve and rescue, with our utmost and speediest power, such as are dear unto us, when we conceive them to be running uncomfortable hazards.
What goodness you shall extend to us in this or any other Christian kindness, we, your brethren in Christ Jesus, shall labor to repay in what duty we are or shall be able to perform, promising, so far as God shall enable us, to give him no rest on your behalfs,1 wishing our heads and hearts may be as fountains of tears for your everlasting welfare when we shall be in our poor cottages in the wilderness, overshadowed with the spirit of supplication, through the manifold necessities and tribulations which may not altogether unexpectedly, nor, we hope, unprofit- ably, befall us. And so commending you to the grace of God in Christ, we shall ever rest
1
Your assured friends and brethren,
JOHN WINTHROPE, Gov. RICHARD SALTONSTALL,
CHARLES FINES,2 ISAAC JOHNSON,
THOMAS DUDLEY,
GEORGE PHILLIPPS,3 WILLIAM CODDINGTON,
&c. &c.
From Yarmouth, aboard the Arbella, April 7,4 1630.5
1 Edward Johnson, who was one of the company that came with Winthrop, says, "For England's sake they are going from England, to pray without ceasing for Eng- land. O England ! thou shalt find New-England prayers prevailing with their God for thee."" See his Hist. of New-England, ch. 12, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xii. 77.
2. Fines never came over. He was probably a relative, perhaps a brother, of William Fiennes, Vis- count Saye and Sele. In company with his noble kinsman, Sir Richard Saltonstall, John Pym, and the great John Hampden, he was one of the patentees named in the grant of Connecticut from the Earl of War- wick, in 1632, and is there styled
299
GEORGE PHILLIPS, OF WATERTOWN.
the honorable Charles Fiennes, probable, however, that it was writ- CHAP. Esq. See Hazard's State Papers, i. 318, and Trumbull's Connecticut, i. 495.
3 The Rev. George Phillips was educated at Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge, where he took the degree of A. B. in 1613, and of A. M. in 1617. He was settled in the ministry at Boxted, in Essex. He came over in the fleet with Gov. Winthrop, and united with Sir Rich- ard Saltonstall and others in the set- tlement of Watertown, of which place he was chosen the minister, and remained there till his death, July 1, 1644. Winthrop calls him " a godly man, specially gifted, and very peaceful in his place, much la- mented of his own people and others." Dr. Fuller, of New Ply- mouth, in a letter to Gov. Bradford, dated Charlestown, June 28, 1630, writes, "Here is come over, with these gentlemen, one Mr. Phillips, a Suffolk man, who hath told me in private, that if they will have him stand minister by that calling which he received from the prelates in England, he will leave them." Tradition says he lived in the Sawin house, now standing, oppo- site the old burial-ground in Water- town. His son, Samuel, was the minister of Rowley. Most of the families of the name of Phillips in New-England, are descended, it is believed, from the minister of Wa- tertown. See Mather's Magnalia, i. 339 ; Savage's Winthrop, ii. 171; Francis's Hist. of Watertown, p. 33 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 74, xv. 186, xxviii. 248.
4 This was the day before they left England. See page 127, note 2.
5 Hubbard, in speaking of this beautiful and touching Address, re- marks, "It is commonly said that the Declaration was drawn up by Mr. White, that famous minister of Dorchester, of whom there is oft mention made in this History ; if so, it had a reverend, learned and holy man for its author." It seems more
ten by Winthrop, or Johnson, or XVI. some other one of those who signed it. "This paper," says Hutchin- son, i. 19, " has occasioned a dis- pute whether the first settlers of the Massachusetts were of the Church of England, or not." It has also exposed them to the imputation of inconsistency and insincerity. But there is no ground for such an im- putation. When they wrote this letter, they belonged to the Church of England. They disliked her cer- emonies, indeed, and abjured her errors, but had never renounced her fellowship. They were Puritans, Nonconformists, but not Separatists, differing in this respect from the Colonists of New Plymouth. It was not till they were in the wilder- ness, far away from the pursuivants and the bishops, that they set up churches of their own, independent of their mother Church. It should be recollected, too, that this Fare- well Letter was addressed not to the persecuting prelates who had driven them into the wilderness, but to " their brethren of the Church of England." There were many in the Church at this time, both among the clergy and laity, who were sigh- ing for purity and reform, as much so as those that emigrated, and were prevented from emigrating either by the lack of means or resolution, or perhaps preferred to remain at home and see what they could do there in the way of church reformation. With all such the departing colo- nists wished to hold spiritual com- munion, to retain their fellowship, and be benefited by their prayers.
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