History of Framingham, Massachusetts, early known as Danforth's Farms, 1640-1880; with a genealogical register, Part 27

Author: Temple, J. H. (Josiah Howard), 1815-1893
Publication date: 1887
Publisher: Framingham, Pub. by the town of Framingham
Number of Pages: 822


USA > Massachusetts > Middlesex County > Framingham > History of Framingham, Massachusetts, early known as Danforth's Farms, 1640-1880; with a genealogical register > Part 27


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In May, 1768, the Romney, ship-of-war, arrived in Boston harbor from Halifax, being sent, as it afterwards appeared, at the suggestion of Governor Bernard, and at the request of the Commissioners of Customs, to awe the Bostonians into subjection. To strengthen his crew, and at the same time show his disregard of the popular feelings, and the rights of the colonists, the commander forcibly impressed New England seamen to serve on board his ship. He also seized a merchant vessel belonging to John Hancock, and anchored her under his guns. These acts created intense feeling among the inhabitants. A town meeting was called, and a committee of twenty-one was chosen to wait upon the Governor, and at the same time prepare an address to the citizens. The practice of impressment was condemned in strong terms ; and the demand was made for the removal of the Romney from the harbor. The town also declared and put on record their irrevocable determination to assert and maintain their rights and liberties, at the utmost hazard of " their fortunes and their lives."


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In the midst of this excitement, Governor Bernard laid before the Legislature, then in session, a letter from the British ministry, calling upon them to rescind their Resolutions denying the power of Parlia- ment to tax the Colonies; and also to recall their Circular addressed to the other Colonies, asking their co-operation and support in defence of their just rights. Here was a more direct and vital issue than had before been made. It was no less than an express requisition made upon the Legislature for specific action; and the issue could not be avoided. Nor was the Legislature disposed to avoid it. Under the guidance of Samuel Adams, who never failed in an emergency, an answer was returned to the ministry, justifying the former course of the Legislature, and refusing to retrace the steps already taken. This bold measure was carried in the House by a vote of ninety-two to seventeen. As soon as the Governor learned of this action of the House, he first prorogued, and then dissolved the assembly.


Massachusetts was now without a Legislature.


On the first of August, two hundred and eleven merchants of Boston signed an agreement, that for one year from the first of the next January (1769), they would not order any goods or merchandise from England, except coals, salt and some few articles necessary for the fisheries ; nor import tea, glass, paper or colors, "untill the acts imposing a duty on those articles are repealed."


These proceedings furnished General Gage (then in command of all the King's forces in the Colonies) with a sufficient pretext for ordering a considerable part of the army to rendezvous at Boston. This added fuel to the fire ; and Sept. 12, a town meeting was called at Faneuil Hall. A committee of seven was appointed to wait on the Governor, and "request him to communicate to them the reasons for which troops were ordered here." Another committee was appointed to request him forthwith to convene the House of Representatives. The Governor's answer to the first request was evasive. His answer to the last was, that the summoning of the Legislature was then before the King, and he could do nothing without his Majesty's commands.


But the people of Boston were not in a mood to wait for his Majesty's commands. They met again the next day, and chose a suitable number of persons who should act for them as a Committee in Convention, and then proceeded to call such a Convention, to be composed of delegates from the several towns in the Province of Massachusetts, who should assemble in Boston, to consult and advise such measures as his Majesty's service and the peace and safety of his subjects in the Province may require.


A circular, calling this Convention to meet Sept. 22, was sent out to the towns. And on its reception in this town a town meeting was called as soon as might be. The record of this meeting is as follows :


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At a town meeting in the town of Framingham, Sept. 26, 1768, Mr. Thomas Temple was chosen moderator for said meeting.


Mr. Thomas Temple was chosen to join the Committee in Convention with others at Faneuil Hall in Boston, to consult such measures as may be for the safety of the Province.


This Convention comprised upwards of one hundred delegates, from ninety-eight towns and districts. It met at Faneuil Hall, and sat with open doors. The first business was a respectful petition to the Governor, to call the General Assembly together ; but his Excellency begged to be excused from receiving a message from that assembly which is called a " Committee of Convention," for that would be to admit it to be a legal assembly, "which I can by no means allow." But on the same day, his Excellency sent in a message without any signature, stating his opinion " that the Convention, to all intents and purposes, was an Assembly of the Representatives of the people ; " and added, "therefore I do earnestly admonish you, that instantly, and before you do any business, you break up this assembly, and separate yourselves." This message was by vote ordered to be returned to the Secretary of State; and the next day it was sent back to the Convention, with the signature of Fra. Bernard attached.


On Saturday the Convention transmitted a message to the Gov- ernor, by way of answer, which he refused to receive. The Convention continued its sittings daily till the twenty-ninth. They adopted a letter to be sent to the royal agent of the Province in London ; voted to publish the result of their conferences and consultations, in which they declared their allegiance to the King, their abhorrence of riots, and their determination to yield all assistance to the civil magistrates towards suppressing them; they also declared their rights by charter and by nature, and their humble dependence on their generous sovereign that their wrongs would be speedily redressed.


The history of the next eighteen months is only a repetition of events like those just now recorded. The quartering of troops on the town of Boston, and the exasperation of the people at such an attempt to overawe and coerce them, prepared the way for the tragic scenes of the fifth of March. 1770, known as The Boston Massacre. This was the first significant conflict between the British soldiery and American citizens. And the details of this bloody encounter are here given somewhat in full, in order to indicate the sensitiveness of the public mind at this time, the wide and widening separation between the colonists and the mother country, and because the principal character in the bloody affray was a Framingham man.


The affray really began on the twenty-second of February, when a pole bearing a caricature head on its top, was set up in Hanover


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street, in front of the store of an obnoxious importer. An informer, named Richardson, undertook to upset the pole by guiding a country- man's loaded team against it ; but from want of skill in managing the forward horse, the wheel just missed the pole. The crowd of boys who were watching the operation shouted in derision, and he answered back. They pelted him with dirt, and drove him into his house ; high words passed ; and then stones were thrown by both parties. At length Richardson discharged a musket from his door and another from his window, by which a young man was severely wounded, and a lad named Christopher Snider, was killed.


The bells were set to ringing, and an immense multitude collected. Richardson, and one Wilmot, were seized and carried to Faneuil Hall, and then committed to prison. Notices were posted, inviting all the friends of liberty to attend the obsequies of "the little hero and first martyr to the noble cause."


The funeral ceremonies were on Monday, Feb. 26, from his father's house in Boylston street. From four hundred to five hundred school boys preceded the corpse, and six of his playmates supported the pall. Following the relations were twelve or thirteen hundred citizens on foot, and thirty chariots and other carriages.


The Boston Gazette, which came out March 5, contained a particular account of the affair, and details of several quarrels which had taken place between the soldiers and citizens. Apprehensive of further trouble, the officers took pains to have all the soldiers in their barracks before night set in. The Fourteenth regiment was quartered in Brattle street, and the Twenty-ninth in Water street. A sentinel was placed in an alley fronting the Brattle-street barrack. About eight o'clock in the evening three or four young men attempted to pass through the alley, where the sentinel was brandishing his sword and striking fire with it on the brick walls and stone window-sills. They were chal- lenged, but insisted on passing ; and in the melee one of them was slightly wounded in the head. The noise drew some fifteen or twenty persons to the spot, and thirty or forty others collected in Dock square, and attempted to make a rush up Brattle street to the barracks. The street was then very narrow, and the attempt failed. A crowd by this time had gathered in Dock square. The main guard was stationed at the front south door of the Town-house; the officer of the day was Capt. Thomas Preston, with Lieut. Basset as second in command. A sentinel was stationed in front of the Custom-house, which stood on the spot now occupied by the Merchants' Bank building. Seeing a crowd approaching, he retreated up the steps and gave some loud knocks on the door to alarm the inmates. Lieut. Basset received word that the sentinel was attacked, and he instantly ordered a sergeant and


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six men to go to the assistance of the sentry, and sent a message to his captain. Capt. Preston quickly reached the guard-house, and learning the state of affairs, said, " I will follow and see that they do no mis- chief." He overtook the squad before it reached the Custom-house, and formed the men on a half circle around the steps.


By this time the bells were ringing, and people were flocking in from all quarters. A crowd, some of whom were armed with clubs and such extemporized weapons (but no fire-arms), pressed close upon the sol- diers. Billets of wood, snow-balls, and pieces of ice were thrown at them, and they were dared to fire. At this moment the soldiers heard, or thought they heard, an order to fire! One or two of their guns flashed in the pan ; the others were all effective. Crispus Attucks, Samuel Gray and James Caldwell were killed on the spot; Samuel Maverick died the next morning, and Peter Carr on the following Wednesday.


All this transpired in the course of twenty minutes from the time when Capt. Preston joined the guard. The populace instantly scat- tered, leaving the dead and wounded where they fell.


But the populace did not go home. The town drums beat. The cry " To arms ! to arms !" rang through the town. Some four or five thousand people gathered in the next street, organized a citizen's guard, and sent a squad of daring spirits to bring off the dead and wounded.


A justice's court was immediately held; at three o'clock in the morn- . ing Capt. Preston was committed to prison; and early in the forenoon the eight soldiers who had fired on the crowd were sent to join him. At eleven o'clock a town meeting was held in Faneuil Hall. Rev. Mr. Cooper opened the meeting with prayer. After hearing the statements of those who witnessed the affair of the previous evening, a committee of fifteen was appointed to wait upon the Governor and Col. Dalrymple, "to express to them the sentiments of the town, that it was impossible for the citizens and soldiers to live in safety together, and the fervent prayer for the immediate removal of the troops." After some hesita- tion, the Governor consented to remove the Twenty-ninth regiment, which had taken no part in the massacre, to the Castle, but decided to retain the rest in the town. Faneuil Hall proving insufficient to con- tain the multitude which had assembled, the meeting adjourned to the Old South church. The committee that had waited upon Governor Hutchinson came in with a report of their interview, and pronounced the Governor's answer unsatisfactory.


A new committee of seven, viz., John Hancock, Samuel Adams, William Mollineux, William Phipps, Joseph Warren, Joshua Henshaw and Samuel Pemberton, were deputed to carry to the Governor a final


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answer. Mr. Adams acted as chairman. "It is the unanimous opinion of the meeting," said Mr. Adams to the Governor, "that your reply to the vote of the inhabitants in the morning is unsatisfactory ; nothing less will satisfy them than a total and immediate removal of all the troops." Col. Dalrymple was at the side of Governor Hutchinson, at the head of the Council. Hutchinson hesitated, and repeated his former statement that he had not the power to remove them. But Mr. Adams showed him that the charter gave himn that authority ; and then stretching forth his arm, and raising himself to his full height, he added: "If the Lieut. Governor or Col. Dalrymple, or both together, have authority to remove one regiment, they have authority to remove two. It is at your peril, if you do not. The meeting that sent us is composed of 3,000 people. They are become impatient. A thousand men are already arrived from the neighboring towns, and the country is in general motion. Night is approaching ; an immediate answer is expected."


Hutchinson consulted with the Council, who advised him to remove the troops from town ; and Col. Dalrymple pledged his word of honor that the request of the town should be complied with as soon as practicable.


On the return of the committee with the report of their last inter- view, the meeting dispersed ; but not until they had provided for a strong military watch of their own to be on duty till the regiments should leave the town, whose peace they had disturbed.


" Three days after the event of the 5th, the funeral of the martyrs took place. The shops were all closed, and the bells in Boston and in the neighboring towns were rung. It is said a greater number of persons assembled on this occasion than were ever gathered on the continent for a similar purpose.


"The bodies of Attucks and Caldwell, who had no homes in the town, were placed in Faneuil Hall. Maverick was buried from his brother's house in Union street, and Gray from his brother's in Royal Exchange, now Exchange street. The four hearses formed a junction in King street, and from thence the procession marched in columns six deep, with a long file of coaches belonging to the most distinguished citizens, to the Granary burying-ground, where the four coffins were deposited in one grave. Patrick Carr, who from his name has been supposed to have been an Irishman, or the son of Irish parents, died of his wounds on the 14th, and was buried on the 17th in the same grave with his murdered associates."


Crispus Attucks, who is admitted to have been the leader of the party, was a mulatto, born near the Framingham town line, a short distance to the eastward of the State Arsenal. The old cellar-hole


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where the Attucks family lived is still visible. He was probably a descendant of John Auttuck, an Indian, who was taken prisoner and executed at the same time with Capt. Tom, in June, 1676. [See ante, p. 61.] Probably the family had intermarried with negroes who were slaves, and as the offspring of such marriages were held to be slaves, he inherited their condition, although it seems likely that the blood of three races coursed through his veins. He had been bought by Dea. William Brown of Framingham, as early as 1747. But he thus early acquired some ideas of the value of manhood and liberty, as appears from the following advertisement in the Boston Gazette of October 2, I750:


Ran away from his Master, William Brown of Framingham, on the 30th of September last, a mulatto Fellow, about twenty-seven years of age, named Crispus, 6 feet 2 inches high, short curled hair, his knees nearer together than common, and had on a light coloured Beaver-skin coat, plain brown fustian jacket, or brown all-wool one, new buck-skin Breeches, blue yarn stockings, and a checked woolen shirt. Whoever will take up said Runaway and convey him to his aforesaid Master, shall have ten pounds old tenor Reward, and all necessary charges paid. And all Masters of vessels and others are hereby cautioned against concealing or carrying off said Servant, on penalty of the law.


A descendant of Dea. Brown says of him: "Crispus was well informed, and, except in the instance referred to in the advertisement, was faithful to his master. He was a good judge of cattle, and was allowed to buy and sell upon his own judgment of their value." He was fond of a seafaring life, and probably with consent of his master, was accustomed to take coasting voyages. The account of the time says, " he lately belonged to New Providence, and was here in order to go to North Carolina."


He was of huge bodily proportions, and brave almost to reckless- ness. John Adams, who defended Capt. Preston at his trial, says : " Attucks was seen about eight minutes before the firing at the head of twenty or thirty sailors in Cornhill, and had in his hand a large cord-wood stick. . . . He was a stout fellow, whose very looks were enough to terrify any person. When he came down upon the soldiers by the sentry-box, they pushed him off ; but he cried out, 'Don't be afraid of them! They dare not fire ! Kill them ! kill them ! Knock them over !'" At the firing he was killed instantly, two balls entering his breast. He was about forty-seven years old.


Capt. Preston was tried in October, and the eight soldiers Dec. 8. The defence was conducted by John Adams and Josiah Quincy, Jr. The captain and six of the soldiers were acquitted, and two, viz.,


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Matthew Kilroy and Hugh Montgomery, were brought in guilty of manslaughter, branded, and sent to Castle Island.


To enable the reader to get an idea of the men who were prominent in town affairs at this date, the following list of town officers for 1770, and the officers in command of the local militia for 1771, are here given : " At a meeting of the inhabitants of Framingham on the 5th of March 1770, the following officers were chosen : Joseph Buckminster, Josiah Stone, Thomas Temple, Ebenezer Hemenway, and Matthias Bent, selectmen ; Josiah Stone, town clerk and treasurer, and clerk of the market ; Peter Parker, Gideon Haven, and Thomas Stone, constables and collectors; Elijah Kendall, Nathan Carter, Joseph Nichols, and David Patterson, wardens; Nathaniel Bigelow, John Parker, Isaac Fiske, James Clayes, Jonathan Edmunds, Ebenezer Marshall, Capt. Josiah Drury, Lieut. Samuel Gleason, and Maj. John Farrar, overseers of the work-house and of the poor; Jonathan Hill, Abner Stone, Simon Edgell, Hananiah Temple, Ezekiel Rice Jr., Squire Haven, Benoni Pratt, and Dea. Jonathan Morse, surveyors of highways ; John Clayes Jr., Abner Bixbee, Simon Tozer, and William Mellen, tything men; Dea. Daniel Stone, and Azariah Walker, fence-viewers; Dea. Jonathan Morse, and Benjamin Eaton, sealers of leather; Aaron Brown, Lawson Buckminster, Thomas Trowbridge, Peter Dudley, Samuel Gleason Jr., and David Patterson, hog-reeves ;. Joseph Winch, and Elijah Clayes, deer-reeves. Maj. John Farrar and Thomas Temple were chosen a committee to procure a Grammar school master, and William Mellen to procure a Writing master ; and Capt. Amos Gates, Dr. Ebenezer Hemenway, Simon Edgell, Thomas Drury and Jesse Haven to provide school dames. Jesse Eames, Jesse Haven, Daniel Stone Jr., Jonathan Rugg and John Trowbridge were chosen a commit- tee to take care of the school-houses. Voted, that the meeting-house shall be new seated, and that Col. Buckminster, Josiah Stone and Dr. Ebenezer Hemenway be a committee for that purpose; and that in doing the same they shall degrade no man ; that they shall consider what estate each man paid for in the years 1768 and 1769, and also allow four pence per year for age after forty years old.


"Granted for the support of Grammar and writing schools £30


Granted for repair of school houses 20


Granted for the support of the poor 20


Granted for repairs of highways 25


Granted to pay town's creditors


II4


Total £209"


Officers of the troop in Framingham, 1771 : Benjamin Pepper, captain ; John Trowbridge, lieutenant ; John Bent, cornet; William Boden, quartermaster.


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First company of militia: Captain Daniel Stone, Lieut. Micah Stone, Ens. Jeremiah Belknap.


Second company of militia: Capt. Joseph Eames, Lieut. Daniel Haven, Ens. Thomas Drury.


Officers in command of the Third regiment of Middlesex County militia : Col. John Noyes, Lieut. Col. John Jones, Jr., Maj. John Farrar, Adjt. Thomas Damon.


1772. The inhabitants of the town of Boston chose twenty-one of their respectable citizens, as a committee to correspond with their brethren in all parts of the Province. This Committee of Correspond- ence proved the basis of the subsequent union of the Colonies. The committee was appointed on the motion of Samuel Adams, at a town meeting held November second, "to state the rights of the colonists and of this Province in particular, as Men, as Christians, and as Subjects ; to communicate and publish the same to the several towns in this Province and to the World, as the sense of this town, with the infringements and violations thereof that have been, or from time to time may be made ; also requesting of each town a free communica- tion of their sentiments on this subject." The Letter of Correspond- ence, sent by the committee to the towns, closes thus: "Let us consider, brethren, we are struggling for our best birth-rights and inheritance, which being infringed renders all our blessings precarious in their enjoyment, and consequently trifling in their value. Let us disappoint the men, who are raising themselves on the ruin of their country. Let us convince every invader of our freedom, that we will be as free, as the Constitution which our Fathers recognized, will justify."


1773. The Letter above referred to was sent out in December, 1772. And on its receipt by the selectmen of Framingham, a town meeting was called, "To see if the town will take into consideration the request of the Boston Committee, and a petition sent to the selectmen, signed by Joseph Nichols and others, concerning charter rights and privileges, and to act thereon as the town shall see meet." The article was referred to Dea. William Brown, Maj. John Farrar, Joseph Buckminster, Dr. Ebenezer Hemenway, Joseph Nichols, Josiah Stone and Ebenezer Marshall, a committee to take the matter into consideration, and report at an adjournment of the meeting.


The report is as follows :


" That, whereas late Parliamentary measures have been exercised towards this Province, in a manner so irreconcilable with what we have till within these few years past felt, it seems really necessary that not only the Legislative but Constituent part of the Province stand forth in defence of their Liberties.


17


4.


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" That our forefathers left their native country, and came over into this then vast howling wilderness, wading through such troubles and difficulties as could only be felt, never properly exprest, - with just expectation that not only themselves but their posterity should enjoy their privileges both religious and civil, we think none will deny.


"That a Charter has been given to this Province, whereby we are entitled to all the Privileges of natural free born sons of England, none will dispute.


" That life, liberty and property, with the whole right of disposal, is in our said Charter, we think equally plain.


" Then if we are 'children,' both Sacred History and our Constitu- tion make us 'free.' For the only barrier between freemen and slaves is a whole right of disposal of property. From whence it appears, that so far as any people are deprived of this privilege, just so far they are entered into a state of Slavery.


" That we have the Honor and Faith of a British Protestant crowned head to defend these privileges, is equally true. That whoever cuts the cords that cement the Colonies to the British crown, is inimical to both, is a fact, that does not admit of dispute. That, as a Province, we have forfeited our privileges, none even pretend ; that they are invaded, none with justice can deny; since the Parliament assume the [power of legislation for the Colonies without their consent, and exert that power in raising a revenue and applying it to purposes repugnant to our privileges as a free people, by making our principal officers at the head of our Legislative and executive affairs so depend- ent on the Crown that the usual balance of government is in danger of being entirely destroyed.


" And further, to demonstrate that we are invaded, we need only to look into a late Act of Parliament entitled, An Act for the better preserving his Majesty's Dock-yards, etc. And that the Colonies are included in this Act, witness the orders to the late Honourable Com- mittee sent to Rhode Island. Now if our inhabitants may be seized, and not only denied their privilege of being judged by their own peers, in the vicinity where they belong ; but on a suspicion of their being guilty of a breach of said Act, may be carried to England, & there be tried for life, guilty or not ; we had need be possessed of Estates much greater than generally are found in America, not to be reduced to perfect Beggary & Ruin. And why, but to prosecute these Ministerial Measures, are fleets and armies sent and kept among us in time of profound Peace ?




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