History of Middlesex County, Massachusetts : with biographical sketches of many of its pioneers and prominent men, Vol. I, Part 127

Author: Hurd, D. Hamilton (Duane Hamilton), ed
Publication date: 1890
Publisher: Philadelphia, J. W. Lewis & co
Number of Pages: 1034


USA > Massachusetts > Middlesex County > History of Middlesex County, Massachusetts : with biographical sketches of many of its pioneers and prominent men, Vol. I > Part 127


Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).


Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49 | Part 50 | Part 51 | Part 52 | Part 53 | Part 54 | Part 55 | Part 56 | Part 57 | Part 58 | Part 59 | Part 60 | Part 61 | Part 62 | Part 63 | Part 64 | Part 65 | Part 66 | Part 67 | Part 68 | Part 69 | Part 70 | Part 71 | Part 72 | Part 73 | Part 74 | Part 75 | Part 76 | Part 77 | Part 78 | Part 79 | Part 80 | Part 81 | Part 82 | Part 83 | Part 84 | Part 85 | Part 86 | Part 87 | Part 88 | Part 89 | Part 90 | Part 91 | Part 92 | Part 93 | Part 94 | Part 95 | Part 96 | Part 97 | Part 98 | Part 99 | Part 100 | Part 101 | Part 102 | Part 103 | Part 104 | Part 105 | Part 106 | Part 107 | Part 108 | Part 109 | Part 110 | Part 111 | Part 112 | Part 113 | Part 114 | Part 115 | Part 116 | Part 117 | Part 118 | Part 119 | Part 120 | Part 121 | Part 122 | Part 123 | Part 124 | Part 125 | Part 126 | Part 127 | Part 128 | Part 129 | Part 130 | Part 131 | Part 132 | Part 133 | Part 134 | Part 135 | Part 136 | Part 137 | Part 138 | Part 139 | Part 140 | Part 141 | Part 142 | Part 143 | Part 144 | Part 145 | Part 146 | Part 147 | Part 148 | Part 149 | Part 150 | Part 151 | Part 152 | Part 153 | Part 154 | Part 155 | Part 156 | Part 157 | Part 158 | Part 159 | Part 160 | Part 161 | Part 162 | Part 163 | Part 164 | Part 165 | Part 166 | Part 167 | Part 168 | Part 169 | Part 170 | Part 171 | Part 172 | Part 173 | Part 174 | Part 175 | Part 176 | Part 177 | Part 178 | Part 179 | Part 180 | Part 181 | Part 182 | Part 183 | Part 184 | Part 185 | Part 186 | Part 187 | Part 188 | Part 189 | Part 190 | Part 191 | Part 192 | Part 193 | Part 194 | Part 195 | Part 196 | Part 197 | Part 198 | Part 199 | Part 200 | Part 201 | Part 202


Loammi Baldwin 4, (James 3, Henry 2, Henry 1), the son of James and Ruth (Richardson) Baldwin, was born January 10, 1745. Evincing even in early life an unusual taste for study, he was long a pupil of " Master Fowle," who was celebrated as a teacher in Woburn for many years. On reaching young man-


2 By Rev. L. Thompson. a


" It may be proper to say that, though the ordinary sources of infor- mation concerning the life and career of Colonel Baldwin are numerone and familiar to the writer of this sketch, he has thought it best, for obvious reasons, to draw the material for it almost wholly from the comparatively little known diary and numerous letters of Colonel Bald- win himself, kindly lent for the purpose by his graoddanghter, Mrs. W. A. Griffith. Many family traditions and historical facte, furnished by George R. Baldwin, Esq., before his lute docease, have also been freely used. In two or three instances, when the writer has gone out- side of these sources, ho hias indicated the authorities for his statements.


L. T.


447


WOBURN.


hood he eagerly longed for larger opportunities for acquiring knowledge, and, having sought and ob- tained permission to attend the lectures of Professor Winthrop, of Cambridge College, he used, with his life-long friend, Benjamin Thompson, afterward known as Count Rumford, a young man of kindred tastes and aspirations, to walk to and fro, in order to enjoy the luxury of listening. On reaching home from time to time, they husied themselves, heedless of weariness, in constructing rude instruments for the purpose of illustrating the principles in natural phi- losophy which they had been taught in the Cam- bridge lecture-room.


There is evidence that Loammi Baldwin, in his younger years, had also a taste for military life. As early as 1768, when in his twenty-fourth year, a paper signed at Cambridge by "David Phips, Col.," certi- fies that " Mr. Loammi Baldwin has Inlisted himself with His Excellency's Troop of Horse Guards, under my command." He was not, therefore, like many others, wholly destitute of military experience when suddenly summoned to join the Army of the Revolu- tion. His own diary, though bringing to view no facts not otherwise known, has the freshness of a per- sonal testimony :


"1775, April 19, Wednesday. This morning a little before break of day, we were alarmed by Mr. Stedman's Express from Cambridge. Informed us that the Reg- ulars were upon the move for Concord. We mus- tered as fast as possible. The Town turned out ex- traordinary, and proceeded toward Lexington. I rode along a little before the main body, and, when I was nigh Jacob Reed's, I heard a great firing ; pro- ceeded on,-soon heard that the Regulars had fired upon Lexington people and killed a large number of them. We proceeded on as fast as possible and came to Lexington and saw about 8 or 10 dead and num- bers wounded. We proceeded to Concord by way of Lincoln meeting-house, . . ascend- ed the hill and pitched and refreshed ourselves a little. . . The people under my command and also some others came running off the East end of the hill while I was at a house-and we proceeded down the road and could see behind us the Regulars fol- lowing. We came to Tanner Brook, at Lincoln Bridge, and then concluded to scatter and make use of trees and walls for to defend us, and attack them. We did so and pursued on, flanking them (Mr. Dan- iel Thompson was killed, and others), till we came to Lexington. I had several good shots. The enemy marched very fast and left many dead and wounded and a few tired. I proceeded on till coming between the meeting-house and Buckman's tavern with a pris- oner before me, when the cannon began to play, the balls flew near me, I judged not more than 2 yards off. I immediately retreated back behind the meet- ing-house, and had not been there ten seconds before a ball came through the meeting-house near my


head. I retreated back towards the meadow, north of the meeting-house, and lay and heard the balls in the air and saw them strike the ground."


The foregoing extract assumes that the writer was already an officer in command. From other sources we learn that he bore the rank of major, and that Woburn sent to the rescue no less than 180 men. Having enlisted in the regiment of foot under the command of Col. Samuel Gerrish, he was promoted June 16th, to the office of lieutenant-colonel, and, on the historic 17th of June, he was designated in the general orders as the field officer of the main guard. He was for some time stationed at Chelsea, and, while there with a small party of Americans, he was fired upon by a party of British soldiers, the attack being so vigorously and successfully met as to elicit marked commendation. To his wife, who had anx- iously written to him in regard to his condition, he says, March 6, 1776, "I received your kind letter of yesterday, filled with expressions of anxiety and con- cern for me, during the late cannonade and bombard- ment. I have been pretty much fatigued and broken of rest. I have had much to do, constantly keeping a party on Noddle's Island for spies to dis- cover all the movements of the enemy. . . . We have been under arms and at a moment's warning ever since the cannonade began, some expecting the enemy would seek revenge by coming out against us aud destroying what they conld at Chelsea. But, through the goodness of God, I am still alive and in good health, and, if called to battle, 1 pray that the same Almighty Being will give me courage, and, if consistent with His divine will, protection also.


"Our works on Dorchester Hills are completing as fast as possible. The enemy's ships are all drawn up in line of battle before them, but are very quiet at present."


Upon the retirement of Colonel Gerrish from the army in August, 1775, Lieutenant Colonel Baldwin assumed the command of the regiment as colonel, though his commission as colonel of "the 26th Reg- iment of Foot in the Army of the United States," signed by " John Hancock, President of the Congress of the United States," is dated January 1, 1776. His regiment, which had been designated as the Thirty- eighth, and consisted of eight companies, all stationed in the vicinity of Boston, was, near the close of the year, enlarged to ten companies and thenceforward known as the Twenty-sixth Regiment.


Having been ordered to follow General Washington to New York, Colonel Baldwin writes, April 1, 1776, from Grafton, Mass., " I have this moment received orders to alter the route and go to Providence, R. I.," and, on April 3, he writes from Providence, where he arrived the previous night, and, with his regiment, is "quartered in the College." On the 6th of April, "Saturday, 2 o'clock, P.M.," he writes, "I have this moment arrived in Norwich, after a march of eight days. . I have just received orders to continue


448


HISTORY OF MIDDLESEX COUNTY, MASSACHUSETTS.


my march to New London, where I expect to embark for New York."


April 10th in a long and interesting letter to his wife, Colonel Baldwin announces his arrival in New York, and relates some of his observations in and around the city, with evident zest. And on the 19th he writes : "This is the anniversary of the ever mem- orable 19th of April, when the present war com- menced. I have been in the war during the whole time and am in good health. May I, with a grateful heart, ascribe all to God Almighty, who is the author of all our mercies. This city is grand, the buildings lofty and elegant. The streets are not so fine as those of Boston, but the building, I think, exceed."


" April 28 : I know not when we shall leave New York; we go into tents this week. The encampment for my regiment is laid out near the Jews' burying- ground, joining the northerly part of the city. The army is healthy. I have just returned from hearing the last of two of the best sermons (I think) that I ever heard in my life, preached this day to my regiment and some others, at Dr. Rogers' meet- ing-house, the afternoon sermon preached by the Doctor himself."


May 2d, he learns indirectly that his youngest child is ill with the "canker-rash," and on the 15th he hears directly that the child is very sick and declares that nothing short of his duty to his imperiled coun- try could keep him from home and induce him to un- dergo, at such a distance from his family, the anxiety he feels for them.


May 21st : Still anxious for the sick child.


June 18th: Receiving a letter, dated June 1st, from his wife, announcing the death of the child and her own feebleness, he says of the news : " It so shocked me, I am unable to contain myself. . . . This is new trouble to us, and aggravated hy our being at such a distance apart. My earnest desire is that we may not be separated from God's grace and favor, although we are separated so far from each other as not to be able to assist and comfort one another."



Four days later he writes : " We have this morning discovered a hellish plot, led by the Tories, to assas- sinate His Excellency, General Washington, and the principal officers of the army, and to afford all possi- ble assistance to the enemy when they should attack us, having agreed on the place where they were to make their feint, and where their grand attacks, to blow up our magazine, etc. They have bribed a number of our soldiers in the Continental Army, four or five in the general's select guard, one or two in my regiment, chiefly old countrymen, and some in other regiments to the number of about fifteen, already found out, that belong to the army, and near fifty Torics. The mayor of the city of New York is one of the said infernal crew, and is in the dungeon, chief of the prisoners and in irons."


July 5th: "I have but just time to inform you


that the enemy's fleet arrived at Sandy Hook the 29th and 30th of June, and on the 2d, 3d and 4th of July came up through the Narrows and anchored off the northeast side of Staten Island, about four miles southwest of the city of New York, to the number of about 120 sail, all in plain view of our encamp- ment. We have expected a battle every day since they came up to the island. This island is inhabited by none but Tories."


July 14th : After giving further details of the sub- ject of the last letter, Colonel Baldwin adds: " Gen. Heath is this moment come to Camp, he informs me that a flag of Truce from Lord How, newly arrived from England, brother of General How, with a packet or single letter directed to 'George Washing- ton, Esq.', was rejected and sent back on account of the direction. I suppose the generals insist upon its being directed to ' His Excellency, George Washing- ton, Commander-in-Chief of the Army of the United States.' So we know nothing of the contents of the packet."


Thus far, in every letter to his family, Colonel Baldwin has described himself as enjoying vigorous health. But, on the 5th of August, he writes a few lines and employs a friend to write more fully, to in- form his family that for a fortnight he has been seriously ill with universal pain, sickness and weak- ness of the stomach, inability to bear any food, great loss of strength and sleeplessness. For the comfort of his family, he adds that he has around him faithful friends who kindly care for him. As soon as he was able he. came home for rest and recovery, and while here he received from Isaac Sherman, near the close of August and again on the 1st of September, de- tailed accounts of the progress of events at the seat of war. Those accounts were so full of startling in- cident that he could remain no longer at home, but hurried on his way as fast as he could safely do it, in order to rejoin his regiment. At Stratford, Conn., when on his journey, he learned that General Wash- ington, in accordance with a plan previously arranged, had evacuated New York, and that the enemy was in possession of the city. September 28th he reports himself at Fort Constitution, New Jersey, where he arrived on the 25th, after a journey of nine days. "I found my regiment encamped," he says, "upon the utmost heights of the Highlands, about one mile west of Hudson River and nearly opposite Fort Washington, about twelve miles from the city of New York. It seems impossible to set a foot upon the ground for stones, or behold a star for trees; where we can scarcely build a fire-place because of the flat stones, or make a fire on account of the plenty of wood. You smile, but you would laugh if you were to see us here, elevated at least 400 feet above the level of mankind, where scarcely earth enough can be procured to eat with our victuals, or water to wash it down."


In a previous communication Colonel Baldwin


449


WOBURN.


had, in allusion to a well-known rocky eminence in Woburn, described a portion of the region of New York as so rough a country that "Rag Rock would appear an inconsiderable knoll to some of the rocky and woody eminences on the Island and the Jersey shore."


October 1; Colonel Baldwin, still at Fort Consti- tution, reports himself " comfortable, but not strong and hearty," as he used to be, and the expectation of a " general engagement very soon."


October 12: Health quite feeble. Alarms and skir- mishes.


October 20-23: "Camp at Mile Square, about five miles north of King's Bridge and near General Lee's quarters." Health increasingly poor. Account of various skirmishes and battle-scenes at White Plains, etc.


October 31: In a letter to his wife from the "Camp at White Plains," he gives a more detailed account of the recent fighting and the general anticipation of a more serious battle, and, in a long letter to his friend, Dr. Samuel Blodgett, of Woburn, dated North Castle, November 9th, he writes more in detail :


"The movements of tho enemy made it necessary for the regiment to remove from New Jersey to York Island,-from thence to King's Bridge, East Chester, Mile Square, &c. About this time my regiment pitched aod decamped nine times in seven days, and sometimes had to remove the whole baggage of the regiment without any assistance by wagens, carts er the like, or even of the soldiers, except a few over- slows.1 Once, in particular, I had to make a remove noder these cir- cnmstances upward of two miles and in the night, after I had been fatigued all day in the skirmish and exercised at the same time with a dysentery which has now followed me for near seven weeks. But I steod the hardships beyond my expectation, never having been discour- aged ner found my spirits fail in the least. I have always endeavered te take lojging in a honse, bara er some other place, so as to keep my hody from the damps of the ground. However, I have been obliged sometimes te lodge in the common tent; at other times, ou the bare floor or soft side of a board, withont blanket or even anything but the cemmen clothes te my back, and sometimes, though very seldom, in a good feather bed, and all the time to watch the motions, and defend or eecnre ourselves against the attacks of a restless and powerful enemy, whese mevements liave made it necessary to be under arms a great part of the time since our troops left New Jersey. Sometimes we havs had te remove 12 or 14 hundred barrels of pork and flour a mile er twe by hand to keep it out of the hands of the enemy. ... Sometimes my regiment, together with others, have had to ledge two or three nights together upon the bare ground without any temis to cover them. I have not had my clothes off but three times for about a fortnight .. : Thus a soldier lives, sometimes better, but never worse."


The letter from which the foregoing extract is given proceeds to give a full and deeply interesting account of the scenes that preceded, accompanied and followed the battle at White Plains. But it is far too extended for insertion here.


Omitting, from necessity in this sketch, a large amount of Colonel Baldwin's narratives of his army experience, our limits admit of only the following from a letter to his wife dated from "Camp, 5 miles west of the Delaware, and 30 miles above Philadel- phia," December 19, 1776:


" If I were at home, I should think myself sick enough to keep house, but here feel myself in good spirits. . . . I am determined to exert myself to the last, and have no neglect of mine to reflect upon. I trust in the skill of my commanders, and have cheerfully executed the orders I have from time to time received from them. . . . The enemy have penetrated much further into the country than I expected they would be able to do this fall. They have made great destruction in their route through New Jersey. They now lay at Burlington and Trenton, en the east side of the River Delaware, and Gen. Washing- ton's Army are on the west over against them, where I expect we shall arrive and ferm & junction to-morrow.


"On the 3d inst. marched from Peekskill fer King's Ferry. Very rainy all day. Crossed the river just before night. Pitched eur tente in New Jersey by the side of the menntains, took my lodging in a com- men tent upen the wet ground ; very cold, there being no honse to go te. In the night the rain increased, and the flood came down frem the mountains, and ran in terreuts among and through our tents, and almost washed them away. I had ne bed nor blanket except a thin piece of drugget. .. . "


All the marching army under Gen. Lee received orders at Peekskill not to take anything with them but one shirt and one pair hose more than what they commonly wore.


"Dec. 4: Struck our tents in the morning and marched to Haverstraw. Rained by showers all day, exceeding bad traveling. Ordered to pitch our tents about one o'clock, which we did. Soon after came orders to strike and march two miles further, which we did, and pitched under the grand mountains at the landing at Haverstraw Bay. Lay in my tent."


Thus the long communication notes the incidents of experience from day to day ; the marches and coun- termarches, the snow, the rain, the cold weather, with no house nor refuge; yet, on his part, excruciating suffering. It is not strange that, at the close of his letter, he hints an intention to be ere long at home. It does not appear from his communication when he re- signed his commission, but there is reason to believe that it was not long after the battle of Trenton, De- cember 26th, as he expresses a hope that he shall be at home " some time in the latter part of January, and sooner, if possible." It appears, in any case, to have been early in 1777 when he received an honorable discharge from the army. It is proper, in this con- nection, to say that he had been on the most friendly terms with both officers and men. From Gen. Wash- ington he had received special commendation for his fidelity and skill, and in repeated instances notes of invitation to dine with him.2 In his resignation, therefore, there is no evidence that he was influenced by the slightest disaffection, either on his own part or on the part of others, but abundant evidence in the nature of his physical ailments that he did not retire from the army a day too soon.


Of Col. Baldwin's life and career at home our lim- its do not admit of minute detail. He was far from being an idle man. In one enterprise and another he was incessantly engaged. Honored by the town as an


1 This word, nearly illegible in the manuscript, seems to designate those soldiers whe did not keep up with the army, -the laggards or stragglers.


2 " General Washington'a complimente to Col. Baldwin. Requesta the favor of his company at dinner to-day, at three o'clock. Thursday morning, April 25th."


"General Washington's compliments to Cel. Baldwin. Requests the favor of his company at dinner to-day, at three o'clock. Thursday morning, June 20, 1776."


29


450


HISTORY OF MIDDLESEX COUNTY, MASSACHUSETTS.


officer in 1781 ; as a member of nearly every commit- tee, and generally chairman, for many years ; as rep- resentative in the General Court in 1778, 1779 and in 1780, and again in 1800 and the four immediately succeeding years, he must have felt that his fellow- citizens respected and trusted him.


Nor were Col. Baldwin's offices and honors limited to Woburn. In 1780 he was appointed high sheriff of the county of Middlesex, the first after the adop- tion of the State Constitution to hold that office. He was candidate for State Senator, for Lient .- Governor of Massachusetts, and elector of President of the United States. " At the election of representative to Congress in 1794 he had all the votes cast in Wo- burn but one. In August and September, 1796, he had all the votes, and in November of that year, at the third trial for the choice of the same officer, he had 74 out of 76 that were then cast in Woburn." 1


On January 30, 1782, Col. Baldwin was elected a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sci- ences; was member of the Council from 1785 to 1796, and again from 1797 to 1807, and a member of the Committee of Publication from 1784 to 1785. To the publications of the Academy he contributed two articles, one on "The curious appearance of the ce- lestial fluid produced by raising an electrical kite in the time of a thunder shower," and another entitled " Observations of electricity and an improved mode of constructing lightning-rods." Both these papers clearly show that he had by no means lost his early taste for scientific study and experiment.


In 1785 Col. Baldwin was made Master of Arts by the Corporation of Harvard College, and manifested in various ways, ever after, as before, his warm inter- est in that venerable institution.


The name of Loammi Baldwin is widely associated with that of Benjamin Thompson, better known now and famed afar as Count Rumford. In childhood they were near neighbors, playmates and schoolmates. As young men they were associated in attending scien- tific lectures at Harvard College and in practical ex- perimenting. In maturer life, when Thompson was under suspicion and hasty accusation, Baldwin stead- ily befriended him; was a member of the court that tried and acquitted lıim,2 and in various ways, not- withstanding his own lofty and undisputed patriot- ism, he vindicated his neighbor's loyalty, and in their subsequent life the two were, to the last, enthusiastic friends and correspondents, though separated by the


1 Sewall's History of Woburn, p. 387.


2 Among Col. Baldwin's frequent allusions to Thompson in his diary and letters is the following :


"1726, May 20, Monday : Obtained leave of the General to go to Woburn, Went. Decided the affair of Major Thompson and acquitted him."


At u previous date, May 18, 1,75, we have the following entry in his journal :


" At u Court of Inquiry into the condnet of Major Thompson, of Con- cord, New Ilampshiro, convened at the Meeting-house of the 1st Parish, in Woburn, on Thursday, the 18th of May, 1775, at 2 o'clock P.M., by the Committee of Correspondence of said town."


waters of the Atlantic. All this seems the more re- markable when it is considered that in his letters to his family he repeatedly expresses the most intense antipathy and disgust for Tories with whom he came in contact while in the army. Though he evidently regretted certain unfortunate errors and circumstances in Thompson's career, he clearly did not believe that he was a genuine Tory.


Colonel Baldwin was widely and favorably known as a projector, one of the principal proprietors and an assistant engineer in surveying the route and in the construction of the Middlesex Canal. From first to last, while the work was progressing he was most assiduous in the responsible business of superintend- ing and guiding the numerous workmen. And when, in 1803, the work was completed, he arranged for a grand jubilee in the spacious house near his home, which he had previously bought of his old friend, Dr. Samuel Blodgett. This well-known house, owned by the Baldwin family for many years, at length passed out of it, and at present is known as the " Wheeler house."


Colonel Baldwin was also extensively known in connection with the famous apple which he zealously cultivated and introduced to the public and which now bears his name. After bearing for many years, the names successfully, of Butters, Thompson and Pecker, it came at length, long after his death, to be known by his name in honor of his interest in it and his special efficiency in spreading it abroad.


From the material at hand, it would be both easy and pleasant to extend to far greater length, this sketch of the life of this distinguished son of Woburn. But our limits do not admit of it.


In his domestic relations Colonel Baldwin was sig- nally favored. He married, first, July 9, 1772, Mary, daughter of James Fowle, one of three or four of the old Fowle family who, at the same time, bore the same name. She was the mother of five children-Cyrus, Mary, Benjamin Franklin, Loammi and James Fowle. All except Mary, who died in childhood, lived to maturity, had families, and were in various ways highly distinguished.


Colonel Baldwin's first wife dying suddenly Septem- ber 26, 1786, he married, second, May 26, 1791, her cousin Margaret, daughter of Josiah Fowle. She was the mother of two children-Clarissa, who married Thomas B. Cooledge, and George Rumford, who, as the last representative of the old family, bearing the name of Baldwin, in Woburn, died in the Baldwin Mansion October 12, 1888, leaving one daughter (now Mrs. W. A. Griffith).




Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.