History of Middlesex County, Massachusetts : with biographical sketches of many of its pioneers and prominent men, Vol. I, Part 183

Author: Hurd, D. Hamilton (Duane Hamilton), ed
Publication date: 1890
Publisher: Philadelphia, J. W. Lewis & co
Number of Pages: 1034

USA > Massachusetts > Middlesex County > History of Middlesex County, Massachusetts : with biographical sketches of many of its pioneers and prominent men, Vol. I > Part 183

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A communication from Daniel Morse, probably di- rected to Governor Leverett, is of interest at this point of the history. It reads, " May it please your Worship, prostrating my humble service to your Worship, I made bold lately to request your help ol four men to be the garrison at my house, which is for my family and my son with me, most being married men . I humbly prosecute my request that so it might be that I might have four men out of Medfield, and that Edward West and Benjamin Fisk (sons-in-law) might be two of them, they living in the remote part of Medfield next my farm and they being willing to come if liberty by authority were given that they might be imprest by anthority to be ready when I shall call for them. Thus I make bold, humbly beg- ging the everlasting blessing and constant presence of the Almighty to be with your Worship." This letter was dated "Sherborne, 26, 11, 1675-76," or February 26, 1675-76, and is endorsed, "Granted for the pres- ent." It is obviously true that Mr. Morze had pre- viously made a similar request, and that as soon as the Indians had attacked Medfield, he renewed or " prosecuted " that request, not knowing how soon in turn he might be assanited.

The hold attack upon Medfield was made on the 21st day of February, 1675-76, with 300 warriors. They had been in a state of continual warfare since the previous June, assaulting tirst the settlements in the Plymouth Colony and in Rhode Island, and then appearing suddenly and unexpectedly in various parts of Massachusetts and Southern New Hampshire. The town of Lancaster, in this State, was attacked and nearly destroyed, hut eleven days before the raid upon Medfield. This latter was a daring deed, because the town was so near Boston, was well supplied with garrison-houses and 200 soldiers were quartered there. Sentinels kept a careful watch, and on Sunday, as the people were returning from public worship, one or two Indians were seen on the neighboring hills, which excited some suspicion.

At dawn of day a force of 300 Indians, led by King Philip himself, suddenly awakened the inhabitants by the unearthly war-whoop. The torch and the tomahawk were applied without mercy, and at least fifty persoos were murdered and a large part of the buildings reduced to ashes.

Among the people massacred at Medfield was the respected Lieutenant Henry Adams, one of the chief settlers of the town and a considerable owner of land in Sherborn. We have thus mentioned the surprise and conflagration at Medfield, because its inhabitants were closely associated with our settlers at Bogistow, and because it is probable that the first attack on Bullard's garrison at the latter place was made after the retreat of the savages from Medfield. On the same day Jonathan Wood, a son of Nicholas Wood,

the first settler, was killed by the Indians on the bank of the river, probably during their retreat ; and his brother Eleazer fell at his side beneath the toma- hawk, and was scalped and left for dead. He recov- ered, however, but was ever afterwards depressed in mind, and peculiar. The widow of Jonathan died the next day in Bullard's fortress, after giving birth to their only child, Silence. The latter afterwards married John Holbrook, and settled where Jonathan Holbrook, one of her descendants, formerly resided near his mills, on land inherited from her father. John Holbrook was a son of the original settler, Thomas Holbrook.

The garrison or block-house of Benjamin Bullard was constructed with great care and solidity, as has been seen. It is probable that all of the women and children and many and perhaps all of the men liv- ing in that part of the settlement repaired to this refuge as soon as they were informed that Indians were in the neighborhood. And it may be true that the brothers Wood, who were so violently assaulted, had gone out from the fortress for a reconnoissance, and had met the enemy sooner than they expected. Either on the same day on which Medfield was de- stroyed, or soon after that time, this fort was besieg- ed by a body of Philip's warriors. But the prepara- tions of the colonists for just such an event had been carefully made. There was no shelter for the foe. They must approach the garrison over open fields, and the unerring aim of its inmates, which, it will be remembered, could be taken at various angles, proved so destructive to the red men that they nearly gave up the assault in despair.

What should they do to reach the hated foe ? What could they do? The solid white oak timbers of the fortress forbade successful attempts to storm the stronghold from an open approach where multitudes would be picked off by the muskets of the English. The cunning of the wily Indian was apparently foiled, when one, wiser than the rest, thought of the torch. Wood would burn, be it ever so hard and solid, and they had a device before employed, for conveying fire to a building without the direct agency of human hands, and without exposing themselves in person to the fatal gun-barrel projected through the loop-holes before them. It will be remembered that this garri- son-house was placed on the side of a hill descending to the meadows which border Charles River. The plan of the Indians, which they soon proceeded to execute, was to fill a cart with flax, set it on fire, and from the top of the declivity above the fortress push it down against the doomed building, which must in- evitably take fire from the burning mass. Then the colonists would either be destroyed by the conflagra- tion, or be driven outside, when they would be at the merey of the savages. But "man proposes and God disposes." Although a clear and open course was doubtless selected for the descent of the cart, it devi- ated a little from the straight track and struck a rock

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which arrested its progress and there burned itself to ashes without damage to anybody. With howls of rage and disappointment the baffled savages retreated and gave up the siege, and our settlers were saved.

Then was great rejoicing and thanksgiving to God, who had mercifully interposed to shield them from a horrible form of death. Some two months later the Indians again attacked the fort, but on this occasion our ancestors sallied forth and punished them so se- verely that "they never dared to show their faces there afterwards." The walls of this fortress stood for more than a hundred years after this time, and with care might have been preserved to this day, had the owner of the land realized their interest and val- ue to posterity. The rock which stopped the cart may still be seen.

For several months after the attack on Medfield, Philip and his band continued their devastating ex- cursions in various parts of Massachusetts Bay, Plym- outh Colony and Connecticut. He excited conster- nation and terror wherever he appeared, and caused the destruction of many lives and much property. But our colonists by no means abandoned the defence, and in many cases they were victorious in the en- counters. They were gradually becoming more fa- miliar with Indian warfare, and had some noble leaders amongst their number, Col. Benjamin Church being one of the most bold and efficient. They had come to this country to stay, and although their numbers were decimated by this unhappy strug- gle, they had no thought of abandoning their settle- ments, but only of fighting to the bitter end. As the months passed on, their condition relative to the aborigines slowly improved.

They gained more victories, they gained some ac- cessions from the ranks of the Indians, who were not only inclined for their individual safety to turn to the winning side, but in many cases made the change because they became disaffected with Philip. Some of the Indians began to complain that Philip had drawn them into a war from which they were not reaping the benefits promised by him, and which they expected. Although they knew that they had in- flicted great damage upon the colonies, still their own condition was not improved. They were unable to plant their usual crops, and were often reduced to great straits for sufficient food. They were constantly watched and followed by the English soldiers, now well organized, and were obliged to retire to swamps and other inaccessible places, from which they would suddenly rush forth to their work of massacre and ruin, and again disappear as suddenly. In short, many of the Indians and even some tribes were be- coming tired of the contest from which they reaped so little ultimate advantage.

Philip was forced by his impatient warriors to com- mence the war before he was prepared to do so, and before his plans were fully matured ; and he suffered corresponding disadvantages in pursuing the conflict.

He had also some good traits of character, as he did not forget those who had befriended him previously, and in many instances used his anthority and influ- ence to protect them. A family by the name of Leonard, of Taunton, was a notable instance of this protecting care, and as long as he lived Philip gave strict orders that Taunton should be the last town to be attacked. It is believed, also, that he did not countenance the torture and cruelty that were often practiced by his subordinates, and prevented them when possible. On the other hand, the English did not always temper victory with mercy. They some- times beheaded and otherwise mutilated the bodies of Indians and squaws whom they had killed, in a manner that was neither humane nor politic. It was not politic because it aroused anew the vindictive passions of the red men, and led them to commit fresh atrocities. The settlers had naturally become exasperated with the murderous acts of their foes, and regarded them merely as savages and heathen for whom no treatment was too severe. In many cases they sent to the West Indies those whom they cap- tured alive, men, women and children, and un- justifiably sold them into slavery, and thus provoked the Indians to fresh outrages.

The summer of 1676 had now arrived, and Philip was drawing toward the end of his career. His wife and children had been taken and killed or sold, his Indian allies were forsaking him, and his own band was greatly reduced in numbers. He had become disheartened. He secluded himself in forests and swamps, and his enemies were diligently seeking his life. At length an Indian whom he had offended came to Captain Church and offered to show him the place of Philip's concealment, in a swamp near Mount Hope. Captain Church disposed of his force with great skill, surrounding the swamp and also posted men in ambush in various places. In at- tempting to flee, Philip ran into an ambush where were hidden a white man and the Indian who had brought the information, named Alderman. The white soldier first aimed at the chieftain, but his gun missed fire. He then directed the Indian to fire. Says Abbott, "A sharp report rang through the forest, and two bullets, for the gun was double charged, passed almost directly through the heart of the heroic warrior. For an instant the majestic frame of the chieftain, as he stood erect, quivered from the shock, and then he fell heavy and stone dead in the mud and water of the swamp."

Thus the directing brain and the skillful hand were removed, and the power of the Indians and their ability to harm the colonists began to wane from that day

Philip, or Pometacom, the great sachem of the Wampanoags, was dead. His followers had received a severe lesson, and had learned the power and re- sources of the English inhabitants. They did not, therefore, take any further concerted action against

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the people of Massachusetts ; but they kept the latter in suspense and in constant preparation for surprise by isolated forays in small bands. The great body of the Indians transferred the seat of operations to the district of Maine and the province of New Hampshire, where they hoped to find the inhabitants less familiar with the character of savage warfare, and where they inflicted an immense amount of misery. So greatly were the people depopulated, and so greatly were the survivors alarmed, that there was no settlement re- maining east of Portland excepting one garrison. This dreadful warfare continued for eighteen months after the death of Philip. Finally the Indians them- selves, who had suffered greatly also by death and starvation, sued for peace in February, 1678, and terms were settled between the sachems and the com- missioners from Massachusetts, not wholly to the advantage of the English, but considered preferable by them to a continuance of hostilities. It was still many years, however, before the inhabitants of New England could pursue their daily avocations in peace and security.

Besides the losses already mentioned in Sherborn, the house of Thomas Eames, at the north part of the town, now in Framingham, was burned by the In- dians during his absence from home, in February, 1676-77, his wife and some children murdered and others taken into captivity.

As soon after the close of the war in this State as the people could resume their occupations, the im- portant question of the exchange of lands with Natick was again considered. The report of the committee chosen by the General Court was favorable to the wishes of the inhabitants, and the Court approved the return provided that the tract of land (now in Framingham) belonging to Thomas Danforth, Esq., Deputy-Governor, be excepted. Finally, after much consideration and discussion, articles of agreement for the exchange of the lands were drawn up and signed " upon this sixteenth day of April, 1679," by Daniel Morse, Sr., Thomas Eames, Henry Lealand and Obediah Morse, in behalf of the town of Sher- born on the one part, and hy Wabon, Pimbow, Thomas Tray, John Awonsamage, Sr., Peter Ephraim and Daniel Takawombpait, on behalf of the town of Natick on the other part. The 4000 acres of land thus acquired by Sherhorn was bounded northeast by Natick, southeast, southwest and west by Sher- borne, and west and northwest by Mr. Danforth's farm. And Sberborn agreed to give in compensa- tion 4000 acres of land lying towards Hopkinton, and "the full and just quantity of 200 bushels of In- dian grain, to he paid one-half in hand, or at de- mand, and the other half the last of March next ensuing," which would be about one year after the date of the agreement. Peter Ephraim, above-men- tioned, owned land near Peter's Hill, which was so named on that account, and between that hill and Brush Hill ; and one article of the agreement allowed

him to "enjoy the land he hath broken up within that tract," and "to add thereunto so much more as may make the lot twelve acres, with an equal propor- tion of meadow ; but to be under the government of the township of Sherborne, as the English are." It is gratifying to observe, in the fourth article, that a lot of fifty acres was set out and appropriated forever "to the use of a free school for teaching the English and Indian children there the English tongue and other sciences." Thus at this early day the care for the education of her children which has ever distin- guished Massachusetts was notably shown, and thus was planted the seed which has grown and blossomed forth into our magnificent system of common schools. This exchange of lands, now happily completed, was a measure of great importance to the new town. It rendered their territory more compact in form, more easily governed and much more convenient for the inhabitants in their attendance on meetings and in the transaction of public business.

During the same year, 1679, the famous "social compact " was adopted. It was a very useful instru- ment, and showed great wisdom and forethought. After a suitable preamble, it says : "We, the per- sons whose names are next under-written, for the prevention of questions and mistakes, do order and determine, and resolve as followeth." Article first provides that all persons whatsoever receiving grants of land from the town shall become subject to all the orders of the town, provided that they be not repug- nant to any orders of the General Court, and that all such grantees "shall, for the firm engagement of him- self and his successors, thereunto subscribe his name to our town-book, or otherwise his grant shall be of none effect." In article second it is agreed that "questions, differences or contentions " shall be sub- mitted to arbitration, and shall be settled in that way whenever possible; and in the third article it is also agreed that they would "faithfully endeavor " that only such persons should be received into the town- ship as they believed to be "honest, peaceable and free from scandal and erroneous opinions." In arti- ticle fourth it is stipulated that none of the inhabit- ants shall, for seven years, " upon any pretence what- soever, without the consent of the Selectmen," sell or in any other manner convey to others any part of tbe land which had been granted to them by the town, " except to some formerly accepted by our so- ciety ; always provided that this shall in no sort preju- dice or hinder any heirs at common law." This provision was obviously intended to exclude persons of disreputable character, and such as might create dissensions in the community.

The compact is signed by thirty-two heads of fam- ilies, and probably included all the land-owners in the township, and it was ratified and allowed by a vote of the General Court.

The article requiring grantees to hold their lands for at least seven years, was also designed to secure

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HISTORY OF MIDDLESEX COUNTY, MASSACHUSETTS.

permanency of occupation. The settlers had en- deavored, by liberal offers of land at low prices, and, in some cases, even without compensation, to induce persons to take farms and become inhabitants of the new town ; and it was now desirable to retain all who had arrived, for a length of time sufficient to enable them to form homes and become attached to the land, with the hope that they would thus become permanent residents, and assist by their contributions and labors for the public good in building up the new community. They believed that a man should be- come a part of the body politic not merely for his own advantage, but also for the purpose of acting his part in the couneils of the town, and of promoting the general welfare.

The inhabitants, having settled the great question of the exchange of lands with Natick, now thought it time to give attention to the proper business of a town, the administration of its internal affairs having been postponed on account of more urgent matters. At a meeting held in February, 1679 (1678-11 mo. -1 day), it was voted that five men be chosen as select- men,-Daniel Morse, Sr., George Fairbanks, Ed- ward West, Thomas Eames, Obadiah Morse. This was the first Board of Selectmen chosen, and they served for ten years. Obadiah Morse, who had been chosen early in 1676 to keep the records of Sherborn, was now formally elected town clerk. He also kept such records pertaining to the church as were not re- corded on the books of the town. But as there was but one church in the town for. a great number of years, its early records were entered with the records of the secular business.

The people also felt the need of establishing a church and engaging a pastor, as these were among the prime objects of their desire to form themselves into a new and separate community. Moreover, the General Court, in the previous year, 1678, had granted them freedom from one single rate in a year for the three following years, provided " they be sup- plied with an able minister; " and they felt that in order to avail themselves of this offer they must soon secure a spiritual adviser. In 1677 they had voted to raise thirty pounds per year for that purpose, but they had accomplished no more. In 1679 they voted to pay for the " maintenance of the minister £40 per year by the inhabitants-£20 in money and £20 in good country pay as is most suitable to the minister- and to build a suitable house." They also chose a committee " for the settling the minister amongst us, Mr. Gooking or some other minister as God shall di- rect."

The great obstacle to the completion of their ar- rangements for the establishing of public worship was an obstinate disagreement concerning the loca- tion of the meeting-house. All of the earlier settlers excepting Daniel Morse resided in the southern quarter of the town, and as they had from the begin- ning of the colony practically transacted the public

business according to the dictates of their own judg- ment, they thought they had a right to decide so important a matter. as the location of the meeting- house. They naturally desired that it should be placed at a point not far from their own houses, and had staked out a lot on a hill which is believed to be near the present South Cemetery. The dwellers on Edward's Plain and those in the more northerly por- tions of the town were dissatisfied with this allot- ment, and wished for a spot more nearly equi-distant from the extremities of the township. But the south- ern inhabitants insisted upon their choice, and had laid out roads diverging to the different parts of the town. The other party was equally obstinate, and in consequence of the contention uothing was accom- plished.

A committee was chosen to build a suitable house for a minister. But the former committee, selected to engage a suitable minister, reported in 1680 that "except the inhabitants do agree to what was done by that committee in '79, 7 mo., they see no likelihood of obtaining Mr. Daniel Gookin to settle among us." Affairs were complicated, and it seemed impossible for the people to untangle the net which they had wound about themselves. Discouraged at last, the venerable Daniel Morse, Sr., Dea. Benoni Larned and others, in 1680, petitioned the General Court imploring "aid that they may be relieved of their difficulties, professing a desire to settle a pious and able minister, without which their hopeful plan- tation would be ruined and they and their wives and children be forced either to live like heathen, without God's Sabbath and ordinances, or remove."

In answer to this petition the Court appointed an advisory committee to repair to Sherborn and en- deavor to settle the differences among its inhabitants. Although the committee was invested with power to decide the questions submitted to them, they do not appear to have secured a complete reconciliation, and their return to the Court was placed on file, " not per- fected." Then the Great aud General Court seem to have thought it time to settle the disputes of the con- tumacious inhabitants by using the strong arm of authority ; and they appointed and empowered " Wm. Stoughton, Tho. Savage and John Richards, Esqs., a committee to order and governe the prudentialls of the said town for three years next commencing, as to laying out lotts, and raysing of taxes." The town could do nothing but submit, for the authority of the Court was paramount and at that time supreme ; and, to their credit be it said, they submitted gracefully and dutifully.

The new committee soon decided the question of the location of the meeting-house and placed it in the more central position, on the site of the house of the First Parish of our day. It was finished in 1684-85. And this has always remained the situation of a church edifice, a second one being completed in 1726 and enlarged in 1770 by inserting twenty feet iu the

Amariah Leland REland

Albert M. Blanchard

Franklin Grows-

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SHERBORN.

middle of the building; and a third, the present meeting-house, being built in 1830.

Before the town had obtained a minister, divine service was held for some years in the house of Capt. Joseph Morse, and Edward West acted as a lay-reader. A grant was made by the town to Capt. Morse for the accommodation thus received, and concessions were also made to Mr. West. In 1679 a grant of land was voted to the latter " in case he should stay in Sherburn one year from the date hereof, if the town have not a minister settled. If there be a minister settled, then :o be in the same condition with other inhabitants."

The year 1681 had now arrived, and the inhabit- ants were ready at last to proceed to the actual busi- ness of obtaining and settling a minister. Early in the year a committee, consisting of Daniel Morse, Sr., Joseph Morse and Edward West, three of the best men, was chosen to treat with a minister with a view to his settlement. After inquiry concerning "Mr. Cushing," they again applied to Mr. Gookin with better success. In the same year, doubtless, Mr. Gookin wrote as follows :

"I, whose name is hereby subscribed, do freely and fully engage to remain in the work of the ministry of Sherborne so long as I can hve in said place, so as to attend to my work without distraction.

" DANIEL GOOKIN, JR."

The salary which the town agreed to pay Mr. Gookin was " twenty pounds in money, and twenty pounds in country pay, such as we raise ourselves ; " and when the minister should have a family and the inhabitants increased in number, they agreed, " then to augment his allowance." This stipend seems small to us, but it must be remembered that the purchasing power of money was much greater than at the present time. He also had the use of a house in addition. In this connection it will be of interest to transcribe an order of the selectmen made May 29, 1707. "At a meeting of the selectmen, it was ordered that each person in town, for the Pool or Pools he or she is rated for, shall eut and carry to the house of Rev. Mr. Gookin one-half cord of wood per poll ; and each and every person who neglect to perform as aforesaid shall pay a fine of 2 shillings per poll to the use of said minister."

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History of Middlesex County, Massachusetts : with biographical sketches of many of its pioneers and prominent men, Vol. I, Part 183

Author: Hurd, D. Hamilton (Duane Hamilton), ed Publication date: 1890 Publisher: Philadelphia, J. W. Lewis & co Number of Pages: 1034

Author: Hurd, D. Hamilton (Duane Hamilton), ed
Publication date: 1890
Publisher: Philadelphia, J. W. Lewis & co
Number of Pages: 1034