History of the town of Oxford, Massachusetts with genealogies and notes on persons and estates, Part 3

Author: Daniels, George Fisher, 1820-1897
Publication date: 1892
Publisher: Oxford : Pub. by the author with the cooperation of the town
Number of Pages: 916

USA > Massachusetts > Worcester County > Oxford > History of the town of Oxford, Massachusetts with genealogies and notes on persons and estates > Part 3

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"The inhabitants, knowing that all disturbance that hath been before in this plantation, have happened only that some people of this plantation did give the Indians drink without measure, and that at present there is some continu- ing to do the same, we most humbly supplicate your Excellency and Honora- ble Council to give to Mr. James Laborie, our minister, full order to hinder these disturbances which put us in great danger of our lives. The said in- habitants also complain against John Ingall, that not only he gives to said Indians drink without measure, but buy all the meat they bring, and goes and sell it in other villages, and so hinders the inhabitants of putting up any pro- visions against the winter. We most humbly supplicate your Excellency and most Honorable Council to forbid said John Ingall to sell any rhoom, and to transport any meat out of the plantation that he hath bought of the Indians before the said inhabitants be provided.2

" James Laborie in his particular most humbly supplicate your Excellency and the most Honorable Council to give him a peculiar order to oblige the Indians to observe the Sabbath day, many of said Indians to whom the said Laborie hath often exhorted to piety-having declared to submit themselves to the said Laborie's exhortations if he would bring an order with him from your Excellency, or from your honorable Lieut. Governor, Mr. Stauton, or the most Honorable Council.

"Expecting these favors we shall continue to pray God for the preservation of your Excellency, and most Honorable Council " etc.

" JAMES LABORISH."

Endorsed-" Lre written 1st X br 99 w'th a proclama'con for the observance of the Sabbath day inclosed." 3

The action of the authorities on this petition does not appear.

Laborie to Bellomont. The following, addressed to Earl Bellomont, indicates that a certificate of the inhabitants had been required in reference to the charges against Bondet. The writer then opens the subject of the intrigues of the natives.

"At New Oxford this 17 June, 1700.

"My Lord : When I had the honor to write to your Excellency, I did not send the certificate of our inhabitants with reference to Monsieur Bondet,

1 Laborie was stationed here not only to labor at New Oxford but also among the Indians at Keekamoochaug. This was a tract bounded north by Oxford south line, east by the large pond, south by "Dudley's Maanexit farm," and extended westerly so as to include the valley west of Dudley centre. The brook in said val- ley bore the name.

In the Council Records, p.95, we find-"Advised and consented that his Excellency issue forth his

warrant to Mr. Treasurer, to pay forty shillings unto John Ingall, sent with an express from Oxford, bringing the news, 7 Feb., 1699."

We infer that Ingall was trader in Oxford, bringing goods from Boston, dealing with colo- nists and Indians, and that with the latter rum was a leading article in exchange for wild meats, furs, etc.

3 Mass. Arch., II., 140.

SECOND HUGUENOT COLONY.

1700

for the reason they were not all here, I have at length procured it, and send it to your Excellency. As to our Indians, I feel constrained to inform your Excellency that the four who came back, notwithstanding all the protesta- tions which they made to me upon arriving, had no other object in returning than to induce those who had been faithful, to depart with them. They have gained over the greater number, and to-day they leave for Penikook, twenty- five in all-men, women, and children. I preached to them yesterday in their own tongue. From all they say, I infer that the priests are vigorously at work, and that they are hatching some scheme which they will bring to light so soon as they find a favorable occasion.

" JAMES LABORIE."

Reports widely circulated that the King of England intended to cut them off, and at another time that it was his purpose to disarm them, aroused the hostility of the Indians and they engaged earnestly in executing the designs of the Canadians. The intrigue was busily prosecuted with the Wabquassets with the hope that they through their chief men would succeed in winning over their neighbors, the Mohegans, who had continued the fast friends of the English.

Toby's Movements. For several years after the massacre, Toby, who had removed northward, was a very active agent in this work and brought to the Nipmuck, Wabquasset and Mohegan tribes much wampum for the purpose of influencing them to combine against the English.1 On 1 Feb., 1700, Black James gave the information :

" He being in the woods a hunting came to a place near Massomuck [Pom- fret], to a great wigwam of five fire places, and eleaven hunting Indians, . . . the next morning they went out and called this James and bid him come and see the wampom they had gathered; he asked what that wampom was for, they said it was Mohawk's wampom; the Dutchman had told them that the English had ordered to cut off all Indians, and they had the same news from the french, and therefore we are gathering and sending wampom to all Indians, that we may agree to cutt off the English; and Caw- gatwo [of Wabquasset] told this James that Toby brought that wampom and that news from the Mohawks." 2

On 3 Feb., 1700, a squaw, Spuna, gave information that two strange Indians, one of whom was Toby "a great man or Cap'n," were two days at Wabquasset "consulting how they might come down upon the English and friendly Indians" and that the Wabquassets agreed to go in February to Pennacook, with wives and children.

Mr. Sabin. On 28 Feb., Bellomont wrote to the Lords of Trade, London, saying that Mr. Sabin [of Woodstock] was at Boston " the past week, having come by night that it might not be known to his Indian neighbors," that he was under great terror and apprehension having learned through " Owenico " the Mohegan Chief that the Gov- ernor of Canada through his " cunning men" was instigating a plot to cut off the English.

In another connection Sabin said, "The Indians are drawn off and gone eastward and some . . . being sent to recall them and having discoursed with the Sachem of the Pennacook about the aforesaid

1 N. Y. Col. MSS., IV., 613, 616, etc. 2 Ibid.

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HISTORY OF OXFORD.

1700-2

combination . . . he told him that he had the longest bow that ever was in New England, it reached from Penobscot to the Mohawk Country," meaning that all Indians were in the plot.

In June, 1700, French Protestants at Boston represented to the Court that they had "been at great charges" in maintaining the poor of New Oxford, "who by the occasion of the war withdrew them- selves, and since that they have assisted many who returned to Oxford in order to resettlement." 1

Bellomont to Lords of Trade. On 9 July, 1700, Bellomont wrote :-

" The Indians about the town of Woodstock and New Oxford, consisting of about 40 families have lately deserted their houses and corn, and are gone to live with the Penicook indians, which has much allarmed the English there- abouts, and some of the English have forsaken their houses and farms and removed to towns for better security. That the Jesuits have seduced these 40 families is plain from several accounts I have received, some whereof I now send .. . Labourie's letter to me is very plain evidence that French Jesuits debauched those Indians . .. Mr. Sabin is so terrified . . . that he has thought fit to forsake his dwelling and is gone to live in a town. All the thinking people here believe the Eastern Indians will break out against the English in a little time." 2

Queen Anne's War. In May, 1702, England declared war against France, initiating the contest known as Queen Anne's War, thus giving an additional incentive to hostilities, which was eagerly improved by the French Governor of Canada, and the Indian tribes were stirred up afresh to engage in their atrocious warfare. Bernon became fearful for Oxford, and called upon Dudley, who had then recently come to the Governor's chair, for aid and protection, who replied as follows :-

" Herewith I send you a commission for Captain of New Oxford. I desire you forthwith to repair thither and show your said commission, and take care that the people be armed, and take them in your own house with a palisade, for the security of the inhabitants; and if they are at such a distance . . . that there should be need of another place to draw them together in case of danger, consider of another proper house and write me, and you shall have order therein.

" I am your humble servant,

"July 7, 1702."

"J. DUDLEY.3

1 Mass. Arch., II., 150.

2 N. Y. Col. MSS., IV., 684. The Pennacooks inhabited the Connecticut valley about the site of Concord, N. H., and were largely under the influence of the Canadian Jesuits, and received presents from them, notably silver crosses as ornaments, and through them the tribes in this vicinage, who thought the religion of the Penna- cooks finer than that of the Huguenots, were prejudiced against the latter, and were induced to remove northward. Baird, II., 285.

3 Bernon came to Oxford and had his com- mission read according to his instructions, assur- ing the people that he did not look on them as soldiers but as friends. From the tone of his letter to Dudley later he seems to have approved of what had been done, but still was solicitous as to the safety of the colony and suggested that in case of further trouble Providence should send succor, and names Captain Arnold and Lieut. Wilkinson as persons to be relied on for efficient aid. Ibid., 288.

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SECOND HUGUENOT COLONY.

1703-4

Perry to Dudley. In a letter of John Perry to Gov. Dudley, Brookfield, 4 Jan., 1703, he says :-

" We have a few rambling Indians frequenting our place whose words & carriage is such as gives reason to suspect them to be evil minded men and disposed to mischief . . . Their names the one is Joseph Ninnequabon, who was the man the last year that received a wampum belt of our Enemyes, and presented it to the Moheggs to ingage them in a war with us, for which the Authority imprisoned said Ninnequabon many weeks, the then plott being dis- covered by our Moheeken friends, that storm went over. . . . It is said that Ninnequabon was bred & born at New Roxbury . . . [He names Black James and] another Indian whose name is Moamaug, who told Mr. Buroe a ffrench gentleman [Francois Bureau, an Oxford Huguenot], that he had been at Canada this last summer, and the ffrench had given him a gun, a coat and a hatchet, to ingage him against the English. These Indians are designed to draw off norward to be out of your Excellency's reach : for they are informed that your Excellency desires to settle them, which they declare against." 1

Soldiers. From the Council records, p. 509, we learn that 13 soldiers, one a sergeant, were here for protection in the summer of 1703. The Bernon papers show business transactions here in 1704. The same year Laborie removed to New York. No further mention of the settlement appears in the records.

The Frontier Attacked. In 1704 the long threatened stroke came upon the frontier towns of Massachusetts, and hundreds of the inhabitants were barbarously cut off. On 29 Feb., by the French and Indians, the fearful blow was struck at Deerfield. "This affair," says Mr. Temple, "paralyzed temporarily our Hampshire County settlements and was the predominant factor of Brookfield history [and Oxford as well] for that year." 2

Oxford Abandoned. The condition of Oxford at this period may be readily inferred, and it is not in the least surprising that its inhabitants some time in 1704 bade a final adieu to their plantations and again sought a refuge in the friendly towns on the coast.

Huguenot Character. We have not space for eulogy nor is it required. Many a glowing tribute has already been paid to this peo- ple. Michelet says :-

" Their flight was a noble act of loyalty and sincerity. It is glorious for human nature that so many for truth's sake should have sacrificed every thing in a flight so perilous and difficult; some see in these people only obstinate sectaries, I see in them people of lofty ideas of honor, who over all the earth have proved themselves to have been the élite of France."

The value of their influence upon American character and institu -: tions cannot be estimated. In politics, in religion, in the arts and manufactures, and specially in social and domestic life and the finer amenities which mark an advanced civilization we are greatly their debtors. Among the array of brilliant names in our country's history " none stand higher than those which from their foreign cast indicate

1 Mass. Arch., LXX., 618.

2 His. N. Brookfield, 165.

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HISTORY OF OXFORD.

a descent" from the Huguenots. As with the Pilgrims, loyalty to God and the truth was the first grand principle by which they were actuated.

" They felt And did acknowledge, wheresoe'er they moved, A spiritual Presence, a high dependance, a divine Bounty and government that filled their hearts With joy and gratitude, and fear and love; And from their fervent lips drew hymns of praise

With which the desert rung.

Beyond their own poor nature, and above

They looked : were humbly thankful for the good Which the warm sun solicited-and earth Bestowed : were gladsome-and their moral sense

They fortified with reverence for the Gods.

And they had hopes which overstepped the grave."

Wordsworth.

Worship. Their form of worship was simple yet impressive. They were well versed in the scriptures, and excelled in music, having a translation of the Psalms and the hymns of Beza and Marot-called the French Watts-set to the sweet harmonies of Goudamel, an early French composer, and followed a liturgy modelled by John Calvin, which had been long used in their native land. Dr. Baird gives something of their mode of Sabbath worship : First, several chapters of the Bible were read by a lecteur (who was also precentor or chorister) closing with the ten commandments ; then began a service by the pastor, an invocation, and an invitation to prayer and general confession, the congregation the while standing ; next came the sing- ing of a psalm by the congregation, seated. "This was the people's part,-the song in a ritual without other audible responses, and all the Huguenot fervor broke out in those strains that had for genera- tions expressed the faith and religious joy of a persecuted race." After a short extempore prayer came the sermon, and after that general supplications, closing with the Lord's Prayer and the apostles' creed. The benediction followed, with the word of peace. Their form of Church government appears to have been as simple as their worship, as the pastor, with the elders, elected by the membership, controlled all the interests of the body.1

1 In reference to this subject, Prof. Henry M. Baird, author of "The Rise of the Huguenots," wrote :- "The ministers who left France before the Revocation would naturally remain con- nected with the synods in that country. Those who settled in England formed themselves into new 'Synods & Colloques.' Such as came to this country were, I presume, too few in number to form any such organizations, at least I do not remember to have read of any. I presume thie individual churches were pretty much indepen- dent of each other, and if they did not 'con- form' to the Church of England elected their

own elders, by whom they were in turn governed. ... The body of believers settling at a certain place constituted themselves into a church, elected their elders and chose some minister, if they conld get one, for their pastor. Sometimes it would seem the ministers ' conformed' while the churchies did not. At least Pierre Daillé had submitted to Episcopal ordination at the hands of the Bishop of London, while the church to which lie ministered, at Boston, was not 'con- formable to the Church of England.'" Baird, Hug. Em. to Am., II., 236.

HUGUENOT COLONY.

Personal. GABRIEL BERNON, as has been seen, was the capitalist and chief guardian of the material interests of the place, although he never resided here. He came to Boston in 1688, remaining until 1697, and removed to Rhode Island. He was a worthy and honora- ble man, and in France as well as in Canada, where he for a time resided, a wealthy and influential merchant, but his ventures in New England were unfortunate, and those in Oxford a source of great perplexity and pecuniary loss. Dr. Baird says he was, perhaps, the most remarkable of the Huguenots who came to America after the Revocation. He was a leading merchant of La Rochelle with a large foreign trade, especially with Canada. While living at Quebec he was considered the principal French merchant of the city, and was a generous benefactor of the colony. He was firm in his religious opinions, and a special object of the enmity of the priests, who were bent on his ruin. The governor wrote "It is a pity he cannot be converted. As he is a Huguenot the bishop wants me to order him home, which I have done." It was recantation or ruin. He reached home in the height of the persecution and was thrown into prison where he continued several months, but was released, perhaps through the influence of his Catholic brothers. He sold his property and in May or June, 1686, fled to Amsterdam, and the next February to London. His only son Gabriel died at sea about 1706. The descendants of his daughters are now among the prominent families of Providence.

DANIEL BONDET. Of the pastor who for eight or nine years guided and fed his little flock in this wilderness of New Oxford, not much can now be known. He was of a noble family in France, his mother having been a daughter of Philippe de Nautonnier, Sieur de Castel- franc. His wife was " a most virtuous lady of a ducal family." He was not only the minister of the French Church, but was also a missionary to the Nipmucks under the auspices of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in New England, and preached in three languages, English, French and Indian.1 He left Oxford before the breaking up of the first colony in a manner apparently not altogether creditable ; resided in Boston two years, removed to New York and , was pastor of a French Church at New Rochelle, where he died in 1722. His letter to the authorities on the rum traffic in New Oxford, previously quoted, and that to Lord Cornbury at New York, given below, show us somewhat of his spirit, and the difficulties he encountered in the discharge of his duties.

[NEW ROCHELLE, 1702.]

" MY LORD. I most humbly pray your Excellency to be pleased to take cog- nizance of the petitioner's condition. I am a French Refugee Minister, incor- porated into the body of the Ministry of the Anglican Church. I removed about fifteen years ago into New England, with a company of poor refugees

1 Agnew Prot. Exiles, II., 164.

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HISTORY OF OXFORD.

to whom lands were granted for their settlement, and to provide for my sub- sistence I was allowed one hundred and five pieces per annum, from the funds of the Corporation for the Propagation of the Gospel among the Savages. I performed that duty during nine years with a success approved and attested by those who presided over the affairs of that Province. The murders which the Indians committed in those countries caused the dispersion of our company, some of whom fell by the hands of the barbarians. I remained after that two years in that Province expecting a favorable season for the re-establishment of affairs; but after waiting two years seeing no appearance and being invited to this Province of New York by Col. Heathcote who always evinces an affection for the public good and distinguishes himself by a special application for the advancement of religion and good order by the establishment of churches and schools, and the fittest means to strengthen and encourage the people, I complied with his request, and that of the company of New Rochelle in this Province where I passed five years on a small allowance promised me by New Rochelle, of one hundred pieces and lodging, with that of one hundred and five pieces which the Corporation con- tinued to me until the arrival of my Lord Bellomont, who, after indicating his willingness to take charge of me and my canton, ordered me thirty pieces in the Council of York, and did me the favor to promise me that, at his journey to Boston, he would procure me the continuation of that stipend that I had in times past. But having learned at Boston through M. Nanfan, his Lieutenant, that I annexed my signature to an ecclesiastical certificate which the churches and pastors of this Province had given to Sieur Delius minister of Albany, who had not the good fortune to please his late lordship, his defunct Excellency cut off his thirty pieces which he had ordered me in his Council at York, deprived me of the Boston pension of twenty-five pieces, writing to London to have that deduction approved and left me during three years last past in extreme destitution of the means of subsistence.

"I believe, my Lord, that in so important service as that in which I am employed, I ought not to discourage myself, and that the Providence of God which does not abandon those who have recourse to his aid by well doing, would provide in its time for my relief.

"Your Excellency's equity, the affection you have evinced to us for the encouragement of those who employ themselves constantly and faithfully in God's service, induce me to hope that I shall have a share in the dispensation of your justice, to relieve me from my suffering, so that I may be aided and encouraged to continue my service in which by duty and gratitude I shall con- tinue with my flock to pray God for the preservation of your person, of your illustrious family, and the prosperity of your government.

"Remaining your Excellency's humble and most respectful servant, " DANIEL BONDET." 1

This letter was referred to Col. Heathcote, who after investigation reported that Bondet's representations were in the main true, and that he was in New Oxford about eight years, during which time as appeared by a certificate of Lieut. Gov. Stoughton, Increase Mather and others "he with great faithfullness care & industry discharged his duty both to Xtians and Indians, and was of unblemished reputa- tion." 2

ISAAC BERTRAND DUTUFFEAU, born about 1646, styled "gentle- man," was of considerable ability and fair education. Although nominally magistrate of the village, being authorized to try cases

1 Doc. His., N. Y., III., 929. 2 Ibid.

HUGUENOT COLONY.

of 40 shillings and under, he is seldom named in its annals. He perhaps lived at the site of Fred L. Snow's present house, on Johnson's Plain, as his residence is named as near the Johnson house.1 He was of New Rochelle, 1698, where he was recorder, and resigned with credit in 1702. Bernon in his petition to Gov. Shute says, " DuTuffeau, being through poverty obliged to abandon said Plantation, sold his cattle and other movables went to London, and there died in a hospital."

ANDRÉ SIGOURNEY was perhaps the most influential resident lay- man of the place.2 He was of mature age, familiar with business routine, and as constable was the right arm of the law, having to an extent the oversight of the civil affairs of the village, and the tradi- tion that he exercised authority at the fort is not improbable. We find no evidence of his owning land in that vicinity. He imported commodities for the colony as a bill of lading of plants and nursery stock in his name in the possession of a descendant fifty years ago proved. The only member of his family who figures in the history of the settlement was his daughter Suzanne, the wife of Johnson. He returned to Boston and there died 16 April, 1727, aged 89.3

JAMES LABORIE, the minister of the second colony, on leaving went to New York City as successor of Rev. Pierre Peiret, officiating from 1704 to 1706, when he was discharged by the Consistory. 4

FRANCOIS BUREAU, styled " gentleman," was of a noble family in Rochelle. His eldest daughter Anne became the wife of Benjamin Faneuil, and mother of the noted Peter Faneuil of Boston. He removed to New York after the desertion of the Oxford colony.5

Of BOURDILLE (?) there is no mention in the records, but his con- nection with the place is attested by Dea. Ebenezer Humphrey, who informed Hon. Ira M. Barton that he was a blacksmith and lived near the old mill on the 40-acre lot taken up by his father, Ebenezer Humphrey, as one of the English settlers. The deacon's mother once told him that she saw Bourdille after his return to Boston, and that he pleasantly told her that he was coming back to Oxford to claim his farm.6

RENÉ GRIGNON, partner with Bernon in the Chamoiserie, was also of the first colony, returned to Boston after the final abandonment and later resided at Norwich, was master of a vessel, and afterward a goldsmith. He was a liberal and esteemed citizen, and gave to the

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History of the town of Oxford, Massachusetts with genealogies and notes on persons and estates, Part 3

Author: Daniels, George Fisher, 1820-1897 Publication date: 1892 Publisher: Oxford : Pub. by the author with the cooperation of the town Number of Pages: 916

Author: Daniels, George Fisher, 1820-1897
Publication date: 1892
Publisher: Oxford : Pub. by the author with the cooperation of the town
Number of Pages: 916