History of the town of Oxford, Massachusetts with genealogies and notes on persons and estates, Part 4

Author: Daniels, George Fisher, 1820-1897
Publication date: 1892
Publisher: Oxford : Pub. by the author with the cooperation of the town
Number of Pages: 916


USA > Massachusetts > Worcester County > Oxford > History of the town of Oxford, Massachusetts with genealogies and notes on persons and estates > Part 4


Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).


Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40 | Part 41 | Part 42 | Part 43 | Part 44 | Part 45 | Part 46 | Part 47 | Part 48 | Part 49 | Part 50 | Part 51 | Part 52 | Part 53 | Part 54 | Part 55 | Part 56 | Part 57 | Part 58 | Part 59 | Part 60 | Part 61 | Part 62 | Part 63 | Part 64 | Part 65 | Part 66 | Part 67 | Part 68 | Part 69 | Part 70 | Part 71 | Part 72 | Part 73 | Part 74 | Part 75 | Part 76 | Part 77 | Part 78 | Part 79 | Part 80 | Part 81 | Part 82 | Part 83 | Part 84 | Part 85 | Part 86 | Part 87 | Part 88 | Part 89 | Part 90 | Part 91 | Part 92 | Part 93 | Part 94 | Part 95 | Part 96 | Part 97 | Part 98 | Part 99 | Part 100 | Part 101 | Part 102 | Part 103 | Part 104 | Part 105 | Part 106 | Part 107 | Part 108 | Part 109


1 Paix Cazneau later lived at the same place. He married Margaret, daughter of Jean Ger- maine or Germon: Mary, a younger daughter, married André Sigourney, Jr., at Boston.


2 This name came probably from the village Sigournais, department of Vendee, 4 miles from Chatonnay-where is a chateau of the name. Baird.


3 André Sigourney and his wife Charlotte Pairan resided at [or near] La Rochelle, and being determined in their adhesion to their faith planned to make their escape, and removed a


part of their effects to a vessel in the harbor. On a certain holiday they provided a sumptuous dinner for the soldiers quartered upon them, and in the midst of the festivities left unobserved and hastened on board the vessel which soon took them safely to England. Ibid., I., 325.


4 Ibid.


5 Ibid.


6 Barton's Obit. notice, Mass. Spy. There are some reasons to believe that this name may have been confounded with Baudoin.


es


ad as er ed a·


1


e


e


I


1 r


0


e


e a d 1-


S t is h r İs is S,


e


m d


le =


id


24


HISTORY OF OXFORD.


town a bell long known as the Grignon bell. Tradition, probably ill- founded, says it once hung in the tower of the French Church in Oxford. Grignon, Guillaume Barbut, Thomas Mousset and Jean Millet, all of the Oxford colony, were later elders in the French Church at Boston. The following, according to Dr. Baird, were also of the Oxford company : Jean Germon or Germaine of Tremblade, Charles Germon, Paix Cassaneau or Cazneau of Languedoc, Elie Dupeux of Port des Barques, wife Elizabeth and four children, Jean Martin of Saintonge, wife Anne, two children, Jean and Francois, born at Oxford, later of N. Rochelle, Jean Baudoin, lived later in Virginia, Jacques Depont, nephew of Bernon, later lived in Connecti- cut, Pierre Canton, miller or trader.


Others were Alard, Baudrit, Jean Dupeu, Montier, Depont, Cornilly, Mourgue, Thibaud, Maillet, Montel, Cante, Boutineau.


Industries. The line of industries was narrow. Agriculture as the means of subsistence was of course the chief occupation. Business projects were, however, initiated through the enterprise of Bernon, one of which was the production of naval stores, pitch, tar, etc., from the forests, for the London market. He crossed the sea in 1693 to promote this scheme and made sales in spite of much opposition, and in 1696 repeated his visit, when being befriended by Lord Bellomont his appointment as Superintendent of the Manufacture in America was strongly urged before the Board of Trade, but failed, the policy of the government being to discourage colonial industries.


Hat making was a specialty with the French people. They " alone possessed the secret of a liquid composition to prepare rabbit, hare and beaver skins." The dressing of chamois skins and the making of gloves were also among the arts in which they excelled.1 Oxford in 1703 had its "Chamoiserie," or "Wash-leather Mill," at or near the upper location, in which René Grignon and Jean Papineau were partners with Bernon, from which dressed skins were sent to the hatters in Boston and Newport. In a consignment August, 1703, were otter, beaver, raccoon, deer and other skins valued at £44.2


Relics. Relics of the colony still exist, as the fort and the dam, raceway, etc., of the upper mill. The fort was an enclosure about 105 by 75 feet, built of the rough surface stones, without mortar, the wall being surmounted, as supposed, by logs in which were loop- holes for defence. Within were a house, a well and other appliances for the convenience of a garrison. Through the instrumentality of the Huguenot Memorial Society of Oxford a large quantity of débris, chiefly stones, which had been accumulating for many years was in 1884 removed from these ruins, which brought to light the cellar of the house, the chimneys and other details of the original structure.


1 Weiss, Vol. I., Book III., Chap. 3. 2 Bernon Papers.


25


HUGUENOT COLONY.


In a description of the place contributed to Dr. Baird's memorial, Mr. William D. Ely says :-


" The main block-house was thirty feet long and eighteen feet wide, with a double-walled cellar twenty-four feet long by twelve feet wide, and about six feet deep. The inner walls supported the floor beams; the outer wall three feet from this was made of heavy boulders, on a foundation about three feet deep and supported the logs forming the walls of the house. , After two days' work in digging . . the workmen came upon the top of a covered drain seventy feet long . . . most of it in good condition, though choked at the upper end. . . . The main fire place was in the middle of the north side of the house, it was nearly ten feet wide at the opening . .. The broad foundation supporting it and the chimney, almost wholly outside the house, gave ample room . . . for an oven besides. A smaller fire place was on the opposite side. Attached to the main house was an annex sixteen by fourteen feet without a cellar . .. in its northwest corner a flight of steps led to the main cellar. On the east side was a wide foundation . . . for a fire place and chimney extending five feet . . . from the house.


" In the rear of the annex and doubtless opening into it was a separate log house twelve feet square . .. near the centre of the fort and was used, it would seem, for arms and stores. Beneath it was an underground chamber about six feet deep . .. walled in a circular form which was evidently the magazine." [The main enclosure] " was a substantial structure, scientifically planned, and strongly built . . . It was a complete quadrangular fort of two bastions, with a fire flanking every face; while the main bastion at the south- west angle more fully developed than that at the northeast, also enfiladed an outer breast work and ditch, extending westerly from it for a distance of six rods. This breast work was clearly the south line of a stockade . . . pro. tecting the main approach on the west side as well as cattle and chattels too bulky to be brought within the fort, . . . a drive way for carts was made through the wall on the west side . . . not far from the drive way are broad stones said to have been steps . . . for those who went on foot," etc.


A description given ten years since recites :-


"Many years ago the walls of the structure were removed down to the foundation stones, excepting on the south line, where parts of the original wall may be seen, but which is mainly a confused mass three or four feet high, overgrown with wild grape-vines and bushes, among which are cinnamon roses, currants and asparagus, believed to be the remains of the garden which flourished in the vicinity at the time of the occupation."


Mrs. Lee, quoting from the manuscript of John Mayo, says :-


" There was a garden outside the fort on the west, containing asparagus, grapes, plums, cherries and gooseberries. There were more than ten [two?] acres cultivated about the fort."


Mrs. L. H. Sigourney said of the plants : "They were living tokens of the loved clime whence they were exiled."


This mass of stones of the southern wall with all its suggestive " shrubbery " has been removed.1 1


The Mill. The following description of the remains at the upper mill is from " The Huguenots in the Nipmuck Country " :-


" The most complete memento of the extinct colony is at the site of the upper mill, one mile easterly from the main street. It is in the midst of a


1 An attempt at partial restoration of this what detracted from the value and interest of work by relaying some of the walls has some- the place.


5


1


1


0


b


n


n


,


1


26


HISTORY OF OXFORD.


small meadow which is skirted by wooded uplands, and so shut in by trees and wild undergrowth as to be hidden from the casual observer. Here the substantial dam, about 60 feet in length, both wall and embankment, stands almost entire,-a deep trench to convey the water from the pond to the mill- wheel, a distance of 75 feet, is distinctly to be seen,-the position of the mill can be fixed,-and the raceway, running from the wheel about 100 feet to the stream below, seems to have been but recently made, so little has it been obstructed." 1


The Garden. A third memorial, a spot of much natural beauty, exists on the Mayo farm in the woods about 100 rods south of the fort. Here the ground suddenly falls off to the southward at a high ledge of rocks, which forms a covert for a sunny nook in which are the remains of an old garden. From the top is a fine view several miles in extent, embracing parts of the waters of Chaubunagungamaug. The place was cultivated by the Mayo family in the last century and was known as the "French Garden," and the "Vineyard." 2 Its principal shelter is a straight, even faced, almost perpendicular cliff of about 30 feet in height and nearly 100 in length running northeast and southwest, under which is a plot of about 30 square rods, origi- nally wild and rocky, which has been enclosed, subdued and cultivated. A large part of the surrounding wall-from two to three feet high-is now standing. At the east end, near the cliff, are two well preserved terraces of about a square rod each, made by filling between the larger rocks and walled at the outer side. Sequestration is here so complete that the work has been well preserved. Larger gardens, as we have seen, existed around the fort, but the exposed situation was unfavorable for the growth of other than hardy plants, and among the exotics imported there must have been some which could exist and thrive only in a sheltered position. This place, near at hand on Bernon's land, was well adapted to the purpose, and was doubtless a cherished spot where were nursed the choicest mementos of the far away home land.


Bernon's Troubles. Although the breaking up of the colony was a severe blow to Bernon he did not relinquish his hopes, but employed one Cooper and a " negro Tom" to occupy his lands and hold pos- session, it having been a condition of the grant that forfeiture should follow desertion. Samuel Hagburn was also here as manager for his


1 At the present time, 1890, the appearance of this place has been greatly changed. The work of the Huguenot hands is as yet undisturbed, but the woods which skirted the meadow, and the trees which covered the spot have been removed. The undergrowth is, however, left to shelter the remains, and a few years will probably restore their former seclusion.


A short distance below the old dam, on the northern border of the meadows, may now be seen portions of a ditch by means of which water was formerly taken from near the mill site down stream, perhaps 100 rods, for the purpose of


irrigation. A document on record dated 7 June, 1748, recites " that John Willson, Jr., Thomas Hunkins and Capt. Elijah Moore, owners of these meadows, then entered into an agreement under a penalty of £500, to maintain each his propor- tion of this channel. Willson's share was £10. 8d., Hunkins' £13.7s.8d., and Moore's £16. 7s. 8d., these sums making nearly £40, having been ex- pended on the project."


2 At the present time the wood lot on which these remains stand is well known as the " Vine- yard Lot,"


27


HUGUENOT COLONY.


1707-15


half-brother, the governor. On 20 May, 1707, Dudley wrote to Bernon as follows :-


" SR : I am very unhappy in my affayres at Oxford, both with your Cooper & the negro Tom. I must desire you to take other care of your affayres than to improve such ill men that disquiet the place, that I have more trouble with them than with seven other towns. If you do not remove them yourself, I shall be obliged to send for the Negro & turn him out of the place, & I under- stand Cooper is so criminal that the law will dispose of him. I pray you use your own there not to Destroy or Disturb the Governour or your best friend, who is, Sr, your humble servt.


"J. DUDLEY.


" Send an honest man and he shall be welcome. I pray you to show what I write to Mr. Grignon.


" To Mr. Gabriel Bernon, Newport, Road Iland."


Soon after, as appears, Bernon came to Oxford and "bargained with and let unto " Oliver Coller and Nathaniel Coller his house and farm called the " old mill," for five years.


On 1 March, 1710, Bernon writes thus to Dudley-[translation] :-


" Mr. Dudley, your son told me the last time I had the honor to see him that it was your Excellency's design to re-establish New Oxford; as it also appears through the public news.


"I hope your Excellency will be so good as to take into consideration the fact that Mr. Hoogborn has done his utmost to ruin my interest in the said Oxford. He has caused Cooper to abandon the old mill, and Thomas Allerton my other house, threatening that he would hinder them from haying, and [de- claring] that I had no power to settle them. When I made complaint of this to him he told me that he would drive me from the place myself. Thus it is that I have been treated after spending at the said Oxford more than fifteen hundred pistoles [and], the better part of my time during more than twenty years possession.


" Should it please your Excellency to examine the case you will find that I have chiefly at heart the furtherance of your Excellency's wishes. I have been found singularly attached to your person, more than to all else that I have had in the world.


" It is notorious that the said Mr. Hoogborn, your brother, has caused the planks of my granary to be torn up; that he has conveyed them elsewhere. and that by his orders the oxen that I reserved to be fattened have been put to work."


Bernon had neither courage or tact to contend with this opposition, and gracefully yielded, as appears from the following to the Governor, dated 19 April, 1710 :-


"Your Excellency, always benevolently disposed, informs me that you pur- pose to obtain for me a good price for one-half of that which I own in the village of Oxford. I wish to defer entirely to your counsel. Accordingly I will proceed to Boston as soon as possible to pay my respects to your Excel- lency." 1


These expectations were never realized. There is no further record until the date of the proclamation in 1712.


Mill. Almost the first want of the English settlement was a mill. Through Dudley's influence, doubtless, Bernon in 1715 gave the old


1 Bernon papers.


far


ld his


ese der or- 10.


ich


ed


vas the nd on


the


uty, the high are eral ing. and Its elif ast igi ed -is ved


Crees te the tands míl- mill o the been


ne,


28


HISTORY OF OXFORD.


1715-20


mill-stones and irons to Daniel Eliott, on condition that he should build a mill for the town. Upon which Dudley writes, 6 April, 1715, " We are now in a way to thrive at Oxford," thanks him for his gift, and desires him to write Eliott to finish the mill as agreed " or order the said mill-stones and irons to be given to such other person as will go forward with the work that they be not starved the next winter." Bernon complied and the town soon had a mill.1


Bernon's Title. Up to this date Dudley had failed to complete his conveyance to Bernon who consequently had no legal title to his land. He had indeed, with ceremony, been " put in possession," he had bestowed great effort and much money upon the two earlier colo- nies, he had been sorely tried in his transactions with agents and ten- ants, and vigilant in retaining possession, which he was relying upon as ground of ownership as his many allusions to it indicate. Squatters, believing perhaps he had no legal rights, settled on his estate greatly annoying him, and now as his last effort to further his interests he had given the valuable mill-stones and irons to the town. All he was able to do apparently for the benefit of Oxford had been done. At this date after twenty-eight years of waiting upon Mr. Dudley, and after his hopes had again and again been disappointed, that gentleman com- pleted the execution of the document on 5 Feb., 1716, and passed it over to him.


Disputed Tract. But Bernon's troubles were not yet at an end. The town as a corporation evidently conceded his rights to the 2,500 acres, as is shown by repeated action. But the point of dispute was the 500 acres additional, on which Bernon had expended most of his money, but which was not included in Dudley and company's deed. This was a long narrow gore lying between the 2,500-acre tract and the village land, measuring 125 rods on the south and 584 rods on the west line, and on it stood the fort with much improved ground about it, the upper mill with one or two houses near, and other im- provements. His efforts to sell were vain because of the unsettled question of ownership.2


Bernon's Petition. In Nov., 1720, he made application to the Colonial authorities for relief, stating that he had "spent above 2,000 pounds to defend the same from the Indians and had built a corn miln, a wash leather miln and a saw miln" and done con- siderable more to improve the town, and asking that his title might be confirmed. He represented "that Oxford inhabitants disputed his right and title in order to hinder him from the sale of said plantation." He desired to obtain such title as would confirm to him the said lands " without any misunderstanding, clear and free from any molestation


1 Eliott had taken up his home lot on the brook near the Hawes place, and on 25 Jan., 1714, the town voted that he " shauld buld a greustmel for the town yuse." There is reason to believe this mill was built in 1715.


2 A plan of Mr. Bernon's Oxford lands is among his papers, on which is endorsed a certifi- cate of the Selectmen of Oxford, 11 Jan., 1717, estimating its value at £1,000. This plan includes the disputed tract.


29


HUGUENOT COLONY.


1720


either from the inhabitants of New Oxford or any pretensions of Bertrand DuTuffeau."1


Letter. To supplement this application he addressed Oct., 1720, the son of Gov. Dudley, entreating his assistance, as the people of New Oxford " opposed his rights to lands." He says :-


" The Court and Government can confirm my title, and I can then dispose of what I have there. The above said inhabitants oppress me as I can make it appear by Maj. Buor who would have bought my plantation. The inhabitants told him not to do it ;- that my title was nothing worth, that they also pretended that they would dispute my title with Mr. Dudley and Mr. Thompson. They also abused me in a very outrageous manner in Maj. Buor's presence; as he states in his certificate." ... "Ephraim Town, John Eliott, and John Chamberlin for whom I have advanced considerably to uphold my said plantation, will not pay me what they owe me .? Besides the loss of my servant who was drowned, was fifty pounds loss to me. These men and one Josiah Owen, my last tenant, hugger-mugger together to cheat me out of a hundred pounds in cattle and movables that I had upon the place so that I am not able to advance any more." "I see myself about ruined by this oppression and malice."


"Sir-You are perfectly acquainted with the affairs at New Oxford, and I do not understand things as well as I would. Therefore I entreat of you Sir to help me. Your charity and generosity are (so to speak) interested in it. I am so hard driven by my dunning creditors-the masons and carpenters and others that I employed to build my house in Providence, that I know not what to do; and, besides my wife now lying in, six or seven children implore my compassion, which makes me implore that of Government and yours, Sir, that my title may be confirmed, after a possession of 36 years, so that I may sell it. Within 30 years I have laid out on it £200, for which reason my fam- ily did slight me, as well as my best friends. I have always been protected by Mr. Dudley, your honored father, who always thought as I did that I might sell it, and not be in anywise molested. But I dont know whether it wont be a mistake. Indeed one cannot always forsee the events of things, often hid from the wisest. But this I see-the Evil one still reigns, and God suffers it, to try his children. My great desire is to keep myself in the fear of God, and to love my neighbor, and to seek lawful means to maintain my family. My great age of nearly 80 years does not dispense me of this duty. I address myself to you with all humility to assist me, that I may be assisted by the Governor. Such a testimony of your love and favor will rescue me, to termi- nate my days in America, or to return once again to Europe. Surely my going or staying depends upon the action of the Assembly. But be it as it will, Sir, as an honest, well-minded man ought, I pray for the Government, and all the faithful in Christ.


" Oct., 1720.


" GABRIEL BERNON."


Bernon's Sale. We have no evidence that favorable action was taken on this application. A few months later Bernon sold his rights as before stated, the purchasers doubtless having full knowledge of the circumstances. In conveying the property he gave a title to the


1 DuTuffeau's undivided rights in the 2,500 acres had prevented Bernon hitherto from giving a clear title. But DuTuffeau died about this time and Bernon became his administrator as chief creditor, and in process of law the whole estate came into his possession.


2 Ephraim Town and John Chamberlin were among the thirty English proprietors and John Eliott was the son of Daniel, another of the same.


30


HISTORY OF OXFORD.


1712-13


2,500 acres only, but the purchasers took possession of the disputed tract and settled upon it.


Town Action. Almost immediately after the sale the proprie- tors of the village held a meeting to consider the matter and "to act as shall be thought best to come at their own rights," and chose Dea. John Town, Benoni Twitchel and Isaac Larned to act as committee to establish the lines. This committee obtained the services of John Chandler as surveyor, and the matter was settled by a compromise. Davis and Mayo retained the disputed tract with its improvements and released to the village a portion of the north end of the premises lying on Long Hill. The report of the committee was accepted and the controversy ended.


Proclamation. On 12 April, 1712, was issued the following : - PROCLAMATION.


" We the under written with other owners and proprietors of the lands at Oxford in the neepmug country granted to us by the general assembly of the Massachusetts colony, and since otherwise ratified and confirmed to ourselves in the Kingdom of Great Britain, having long time determined and surveyed ten or twelve thousand acres for a village and settlement of inhabitants and accord- ingly established a number of Frentch Famalyes, Refugees, who have since deserted the place whereby all improvements are lost which is a detriment to the province as well as to ourselves in the hope of our own private advan- tage, by our other lands-do hereby agree and offer to thirty English families that shall settle there to give grant and confirm to them all the lands of the said village containing the said ten thousand acres, except what is already granted to Mr. Bernon which is acres, to be laid out to them, first a quantity of it in house lots not exceeding forty acres a family, and after the rest in proper divisions as they may agree among themselves always provided they be thirty families, and in the meantime if ten families or more shall pro- ceed forthwith within a year to settle there, they shall have their house lots set out to them, and they as they have the use of the other land meadows until the number be thirty, and then they have liberty to divide the whole. If any of the French families choose to come thither we do hereby save to ourselves liberty to establish them with other inhabitants, and Capt. Chandler the sur- veyor is hereby allowed to lay out lots accordingly, taking care always that he do not intrench upon the land of the proprietors.


" Signed


J. DUDLEY, WILLIAM TAYLOR, PETER SARGENT, - SARGENT, JOHN DANFORTH, ELIZA DANFORTH,


Heirs and Executors of Wm. Stoughton."


House Lots Surveyed. Queen Anne's War continued until Oct., 1712. Meantime there was no effective movement toward a re-occupation of the deserted town. In May, 1713, quiet having been restored the surveying of house lots to settlers began. By July the requisite number was complete, and on the eighth day of that month a deed from the proprietors to the thirty English colonists was executed, conveying to them the plot called the Village.


31


HUGUENOT COLONY.


1716-17


Town Incorporation. Oxford had no formal incorporation, and its status for the first few years was in doubt in the minds of the inhabitants. On 31 July, 1716, it was voted that John Town and Ebenezer Learned " should go to ye Court to search ye Records to see what may be found conserning Oxford's being granted for a town- ship, and also to petetion the Court yt we may be made a town if it be needful." No report of this committee appears. On 7 Jan., 1717, it was voted to employ Capt. Fullam, " to manage in our behalf at Court, with a petition in order to our being granted a township." This action is proof that up to that date no act of incorporation had been passed. From the absence of all allusion to this subject later in the records we infer that special legislation was considered unnecessary.1




Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.