USA > Maryland > Governors of Maryland : from the Revolution to the year 1908 > Part 15
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AUGUSTUS WILLIAMSON BRADFORD 1862-1866
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XXXII AUGUSTUS W. BRADFORD
While two separate gubernatorial administrations were erroisdead by the people of Maryland during the pon- Wici Fopwhen the north and south, Mr Bradford is by cowi consent acceptell as the war-governor. The great portion of Mr. Hicks' governorship was passed in the alarmy days immediately preceding the conflict, al though the tail-end of his term reached into the opening months of the war. But when Mr. Bradford came into office the struggle between the north and the slave states had settled doanha moem Lidi BoreUDA spectacle to the grim of earlier petty encoun a881-s08 Ik keschys there
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my Wel twoin arest som pological and soften the military aspect of government in Maryland For four years Mr. Bradford governed Maryland, and the one feature of his admintreuen which stands out in strongest relief is the coursesseu sluch Te ophel the dignity of the state's gov- erneut letos wh as those between 1861 and 1865. and in & o momento Uke Maryland, upon the border- land of code, che a bound to occur almed constantly friction Beva thaMitary forces representing the United States and tho trond forces representing the authority
COPYRIGHT, 1908, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ.
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AUGUSTUS W. BRADFORD
of the commonwealth. Although there are incidents in the public career of Maryland's war governor which invite crit- icism, still there is no denying that for the particular needs of his time he was admirably equipped to direct state affairs.
Augustus Williamson Bradford was born at Belair, Har- ford county, January 9, 1806, the son of Samuel and Jane (Bond) Bradford. He received his elementary training at the academy conducted by Rev. Reuben H. Davis in his home town, and it is probable that during the early years of his school life he was attracted to the profession of civil engineering. At all events, he soon showed a liking for cer- tain branches of this calling, and before finally entering upon a legal profession he found employment for a time as sur- veyor. Shortly after completing the courses at the Belair Academy, Mr. Bradford came to Baltimore to pursue his studies at St. Mary's College, from which he was graduated in 1824. He then returned to his native town, where he began to study law, and in 1826 was authorized to practice at the bar of Maryland. During the first years of his career as an attorney he continued a resident of Harford county, but as his ability developed with experience and he came to realize how necessarily limited was the field afforded by the little village of Belair, he determined to cast his lot in a more promising territory and turned his face toward the city in which he had for several years been a student. Mr. Bradford came to Baltimore in 1831, and the next 50 years of his life were passed in the Maryland metropolis.
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Shortly after his coming to Baltimore Mr. Bradford became interested in the whig party, and for some years he gave that political organization a considerable portion of his time. In the presidential campaign of 1844 he was a warm supporter of Henry Clay, being a presidential elector for the Kentuckian. The defeat of his hero cooled his polit- ical ardor, and for some time thereafter he retired from
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politics, refusing to go upon the stump and abstaining from attendance upon political meetings. During this season of retirement Mr. Bradford gave himself over to two pursuits- his development as a lawyer and the building of a home. As a lawyer he came to occupy a fair but not distinguished position in his profession. He was, however, a speaker of no mean ability, and he possessed a broad knowledge of law. He had married, in 1835, Miss Elizabeth Kell, daughter of Judge Thomas Kell, of Baltimore; and in the home which the Bradfords set up in Baltimore the governor passed the pleasantest days of his life. In 1845 Governor Pratt ap- pointed Mr. Bradford clerk of Baltimore county, which position he retained for the next six years. But from 1851 to 1861 he did not take much part in public affairs.
Just before the outbreak of the war there were held in various parts of the country a number of conferences which had as their purpose a settlement of the differences between north and south without a resort to secession or arms. To the peace conference held in Washington in the spring of 1861 Mr. Bradford was sent by Governor Hicks as a rep- resentative of Maryland, and his speech there in favor of the Union doubtless won for him the gubernatorial nomina- tion; for when the union party was formed in Maryland in the following summer it named Mr. Bradford as candidate for chief magistrate of the state. The democrats nominated Gen. Benjamin C. Howard.
The manner of Bradford's election is perhaps the least satisfactory feature of his entire career, private and public. That he had aught to do with the way in which the cam- paign was managed is doubtful, but that he had knowledge of the way in which his success had been brought about is past doubting. The only fault to be found with him, there- fore, is his pretension that he had been chosen by the free vote of the people. It need not be assumed that without
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AUGUSTUS W. BRADFORD
the aid of the military he would have been defeated. The only vital fact, as far as the moral aspect of the thing is con- cerned, is that an enormous proportion of his vote was secured by intimidation and through the unlawful use of soldiery. The extent of this proportion must, of course, always remain an unknown quantity. A number of precautions were taken by the federal administration and its representatives stationed in Maryland to prevent the people from voting for any candidates but those on the union ticket at this election. The military officials had been authorized to suspend the habeas corpus and to arrest and hold in con- finement till after the election those who fell under sus- picion. And by this course the union gubernatorial candidate received in Baltimore 17,922 votes on Novem- ber 6, 1861, while General Howard was credited with only 3347. Nevertheless, when Mr. Bradford assumed office, January 8, 1862, he declared that the spectacle of his inauguration seemed "to call to mind the value and suc- cess of republican institutions in recognizing, as it were, the power of the people peacefully to select and inaugurate their political rulers by the simple expression of the voice of the majority."
The opening of his administration inaugurated a marked change in the way that affairs were conducted in Maryland. The governor, beginning with his inaugural, condemned severely the creed of secession and the authors of that creed. He used all his energy in an untiring and unceasing endeavor to have Maryland and Baltimore support with both money and volunteers the arm of the federal govern- ment. But he opposed with courage the efforts of the mili- tary to continue those practices in Maryland by which he himself had been carried into office. He also assumed the championship in Maryland of those opposed to slavery, although at no time did he display the violent reason-
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or unreason-of abolitionism. He declared that slavery was wrong morally, but he declared with greater emphasis that it was unwise economically. Out of his suggestion, to some extent, grew the constitutional convention of 1864, which undertook to frame a new constitution for Maryland. The document devised by the convention of 1864 accom- plished the emancipation of the negro and the disfranchise- ment of all who fought for or aided the confederacy. It was, however, in some respects an unsatisfactory instru- ment, due to the manner in which it was produced and also to the general excitement of the times.
It was in 1863 that Governor Bradford had his most serious disagreement with the military forces in Maryland. This was his notorious encounter with Major-General Schenck, who had issued an order that the military officers were to be on hand at the election to arrest suspicious per- sons. "This extraordinary order," Bradford declared in a proclamation under date of November 2, 1863, "has not only been issued without any notice to or consultation with the constituted authorities of the state, but at a time and under circumstances when the condition of the state and the character of the candidates are such as to preclude the idea that the result of that election can in any way endanger either the safety of the government or the peace of the community," and he announced fearlessly that "it is the judgment of the judges of election alone, founded upon the provisions of the constitution and the laws of the state, that must determine the right to vote of any person offering himself for that purpose." The presumption of a mere state governor countermanding by proclamation the orders of a military commander came as a bomb in the camp of General Schenck.
During Governor Bradford's administration Baltimore was several times threatened by invasion by the Confed-
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erates. On the last of these occasions Mr. Bradford's mansion was destroyed. The governor was not at home and so escaped arrest, or whatever would have been the outcome of an encounter between him and the Confederates. His beautiful mansion, however, his furniture and his entire library were given to the flames. At the election under the constitution of 1864, Thomas Swann was chosen governor. He took the oath of office and read his inaugural address on January II, 1865, thus qualifying himself as Bradford's successor, although he did not become governor de facto until January 10, 1866, when Mr. Bradford's term expired.
In 1867 President Johnson appointed Mr. Bradford sur- veyor of the port of Baltimore, but when General Grant was inaugurated president in 1869 he removed him from the surveyor's office. Three years later, however, when Grant was repairing his political fences preliminary to his appear- ance for reelection, he announced the nomination of Mr. Bradford, without the latter's consent or knowledge, for the office of appraiser-general in the Baltimore custom- house. But the ex-governor promptly and emphatically refused to consider the appointment, declaring that the position called for one who had had experience as a mer- chant, which helacked. "To accept would make me entirely dependent upon deputies and assistants, which would be utterly repugnant to my notions of official qualification or responsibility." The governor's last appearance in public life was as presidential elector on the Greeley ticket in 1872. He held no office after his removal as surveyor in 1869, but devoted his time to his family and his practice during the closing years of his life. He died in the city of Baltimore March 1, 1881, in the seventy-sixth year of his life.
THOMAS SWANN
Four times has the Old Dominion supplied a man for Maryland's executive mansion, and each time it would appear the native son of Virginia made more than an ordinary record in the history of the state of his adoption. Mercer, who had seen service as soldier and legislator be- fore he left his native state to try his fortunes in Maryland, won the distinction of being the first republican governor elected under the constitution of 1776. Ligon, after him, set a remarkable example of a state executive possessed of absolute fearlessness, who did not hesitate to make war not only on the legislature, but upon the municipal officials of Baltimore as well. The final of the four Virginians, Lloyd Lowndes, was born in Clarksburg, which is now in West Virginia. So far he has been the only republican governor elected in Maryland since the close of the Civil War. But of the Virginians who have crossed the Potomac to win their way to Maryland's executive mansion, none pre- sented a more picturesque personality nor made a more lasting impression upon the state than he, who in point of time, is third-Thomas Swann. He came to the Old . Line state to engage in business, and under his presidency the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad obtained a new lease on life, and its lines were carried westward over rivers and under mountains to new and rich fields. He deserted the railway office to enter politics, and as mayor of Baltimore accomplished more for the city's beauty and the citizens' convenience than any city executive before or after him. He became governor at a time when the majority of voters
THOMAS SWANN 1866-1869
THOMAS SWANN
for the Old Dominion supplied a man for Wiele abusive mansion and each time it would app the solve son of Virginia made more than an di Immagy Reconk do the history of the state of his adoption. Nascer who havlaeen service as soldier and legislator be- tore he left his native stata ro try his tertunes in Maryland won de distinction of being the first republican governor elected under the constitution of 1776 Ligon, after him sot a remarkable example of a date executive possessed of absolute fearlessness WINAwe BAMOHTate to make war not only to the legislature 0081-2081 věcials
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Toksvig spruce ups the sede than he, who in point Hi time, is thei-Theone @want He came to the Old Lire staler to Engage le asssess, and under huis presidency the G.bien es and 0 Rullipar obtained a new lease on whiet westward over rivers and undez une ksin- Tich fields. He deserted the railway ou may ., and as mayor of Baltimore acronphilol mehr Maiy's Letuty and the citizens convenience br upp ens ceptive before or after him He hecame gromrui che when the majority of voters
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COPYRIGHT, 1908, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ.
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THOMAS SWANN
had been deprived of the ballot, and he promptly unloosed the shackles that a military-reinforced minority had riveted upon the majority. Finally, he sacrificed his own dearest ambition-to be United States senator- in order that he he might save from hazard of undoing the labors which he had performed on the people's behalf.
Thomas Swann was born in Alexandria, Virginia, in 1805 or 1806. He would never tell the exact date of his birth, but a close relative asserted at the time of his death that he was then seventy-seven. Governor Swann came of one of the very first families of the Old Dominion. His father, also Thomas Swann, was a lawyer of considerable promi- nence, practicing chiefly in Washington, where he filled the office of United States attorney for the District of Columbia. Mrs. Swann, the governor's mother, had been Miss Jane Byrd Page, a descendant of the famous William Byrd, at one time receiver-general of the colonies. The youth of Thomas Swann, Jr., was passed among such surroundings as would inculcate into a receptive mind all the polish and refinement of manners that characterized the official circles at the national capital. He was entered at Columbian College, Washington, and subsequently attended the Uni- versity of Virginia. Upon the completion of his college career, he entered his father's office as a law student, and there fitted himself for the legal profession. When Presi- dent Jackson appointed the United States commission to Naples, Mr. Swann was chosen secretary of that body, serv- ing in this capacity until the work of the commission was finished.
In November, 1834, Mr. Swann was married to Miss Eliza- beth Gilmor Sherlock, daughter of John and Elizabeth Sherlock; and as a consequence of this marriage there occurred a change in both the scene and character of his subsequent activity. First, he took up his residence in Balti-
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more, the home of his bride; and then, with his coming to the Maryand town, he made his appearance as a railroad official. He acquired considerable stock in the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, of which company he was chosen a director. Upon the retirement of President Louis McLane in 1847, Mr. Swann's was elected Mr. McLane's successor, and with his induction into this office began a period of determined advance in the history of the railroad. After severing his connection with the Baltimore and Ohioin 1853, Mr. Swann assumed the presidency of the Northwestern Virginia Railroad Company, and while serving as presi- dent of this latter enterprise made an extensive tour of Europe.
Upon his return to America, he appeared to have lost his ambition to be a railroad builder in the more absorbing passion for political honors. At all events, in 1856 Mr. Swann announced his candicacy for mayor of Baltimore, and was elected for a term of two years. He was reelected for a like term in 1858, thus serving four years in this office; and it would be difficult to overestimate the importance which attaches to these years in the chronicles of Baltimore's growth. The primary accomplishment of the mayoralty administration of Mr. Swann was the establishment of a street car service. In securing this modern convenience for the people of the city he at the same time planned carefully and wisely that the municipality should receive from those favored with the privilege of laying tracks and operating cars on the streets an equitable return. Thus there was devised the park-tax system, which required the railway company or companies to pay to the city a certain percent- age of their earnings. This source of revenue was designed to afford the means for developing the city artistically, and Mayor Swann had it specified that moneys received from the car lines should be devoted to purchasing and maintain-
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THOMAS SWANN
ing land as public parks. He was responsible, in this con- nection, for the acquisition of Druid Hill Park, the city's most notable public pleasure ground. It was during his administration, too, that the inadequate volunteer fire companies were superseded by a municipal fire department and the old fashioned pumps gave way to steam fire engines.
The one unfortunate feature of Governor Swann's official relations with Baltimore is the fact that he appeared as the standard-bearer of the know-nothing party. The first municipal election in which he was a candidate was that of October 8, 1856; and in certain particulars this election filled respectable Baltimoreans with apprehension. There was dishonesty in voting, there was violence and bloodshed around the polls, and there was on the part of the know-nothing leaders an absolute disregard of public morality.
As the time approached for the gubernatorial election of 1857 Governor Ligon became uneasy lest the ballot-box be made a mockery by the lawlessness of the know-nothing politicians. He entered into communication with the city officials, looking to an honest election, but his advances were not kindly received in the city. Mr. Ligon, however, was not a timid man, and when he learned of the officials' disinclination to cooperate with him in having a decent election in Baltimore, he promptly gave some hint of his determination to down rowdyism as a political factor by issuing a proclamation in which he announced that Balti- more would be put under military rule on election day. The proclamation caused much excitement, and leading citizens of Baltimore prevailed upon the state executive to reconsider his purpose, as they feared a conflict between the soldiery and the people. Mayor Swann then declared that every precaution would be taken to have the election orderly,
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provided the proclamation was superseded by another can- celling the order for military rule.
Despite the mayor's assurance the same reign of terror and violence marked theelection, and Mr. Hicks, the know-nothing candidate, was reported to have polled a majority of 9036 votes in Baltimore. There were repeated efforts at this time to inaugurate some sort of reform in Baltimore politics, but the movement was too feeble to accomplish its object. Mayor Swann appeared for reelection in 1858, and some idea of how things were run is given in the attitude of his opponent, Mr. A. P. Shutt. About noon of election day Mr. Shutt advised his friends to make no further effort to cast ballots for him, declaring that their ballots would be lost anyway and that any effort to vote other than a know- nothing ticket meant the endangering of the life of the voter. The majority for Mr. Swann was declared to be 19,149.
Up to 1860 the political activities of Thomas Swann had been confined almost entirely to Baltimore. In that year however, the know-nothing party lost its hold in Maryland, while elsewhere in the nation it had ceased to exist some time before. The conflict incident to the Civil War was bring- ing about a change in the political complexion of the nation, and a considerable portion of the know-nothing follow -. " ing became union, and later republican; while part of the organization attached itself to the democratic party either before the opening of the war or shortly thereafter. Mr. Swann early took a decided stand against secession. When the conflict began he joined the forces of the union party and labored with that organization during the four years of hostilities, but he subsequently became a democrat. His speeches during the period from 1861 to 1864 focused upon him the attention of the union party's leaders in Maryland, and when the state convention was assembled on October 18, 1864, he was unanimously nominated for
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governor. Under the constitution of 1864, which was in force only during Governor Swann's administration, a lieutenant-governor was provided for, and the uncondi- tional union party named for this position, as Mr. Swann's running mate Christopher C. Cox. Swann and Cox were elected, and Mr. Swann took the oath of office on January II, 1865, although he did not become governor de facto until a year later, January 10, 1866.
When Mr. Swann assumed the reins of state government in 1866 he gave his fellow-citizens every reason to believe that he would pursue the course begun by his predecessor, and that he would hold steadfast to the principles of the union party. But when that party turned radical, and sought to retain power in states where its adherents were few by withholding from its political opponents the elective fran- chise, Swann refused to follow it. Almost immediately after his induction into office, Governor Swann gave his ear to those who were laboring for the restoration of Maryland to its rightful majority. When a petition bearing more than 20,000 names was presented to the general assembly, asking it to restore to Marylanders the elective franchise, the governor sustained the petitioners, but the legislature did not see fit to grant the request.
The real tug of war came later, when it was alleged that the police commissioners of Baltimore had been guilty of partisan conduct in the municipal election on October 10, 1866. The commissioners were subject to removal for misconduct by the legislature, but during a recess this judicial authority devolved upon the state executive. Governor Swann, consequently, advised the commissioners that charges had been made against them, and that he would sit in judgment over them; but the commissioners denied the governor's authority. Nevertheless, the charges were investigated and Governor Swann announced, Novem-
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ber 1, 1866, that Commissioners Wood and Hindes were found guilty and dismissed, while Thomas Val ant and James Young were appointed as their successors. The old commissioners issued warrants for the arrest of their successors, and had them detained in jail because they refused to give bond that no effort would be made to sup- p'ant the men whom Governor Swann had dismissed. Although the disagreement between the state executive and the old commissioners became so serious that Mr. Swann requested assistance from the federal government, a fairly peaceable election was held on November 6, when the supporters of radical disfranchisement measures met with defeat.
The general assembly on January 25, 1867, elected Gover- nor Swann, on the eighth ballot, as the successor of John A. J. Creswell in the United States senate. After arrange- ments had been made for the inauguration of Mr. Cox as governor, certain leaders of the democratic party pre- vailed upon Swann not to surrender the office to the lieu- tenant-governor, who was a radical, for fear that he would undo the things Swann had accomplished in restoring the elective franchise to Maryland's democrats. At the same time word came from Washington that the senate might refuse the credentials of the senator-elect on the ground that he had been too liberal toward friends of the southern cause. This latter explanation was used as an excuse by Governor Swann in declining at the last minute to resign. He continued as governor until January 1869, but com- pensated Cox for his disappointment by having him ap- pointed to a foreign post.
In November preceding his retirement as governor Mr. Swann appeared as a candidate for congress from the fourth district and was elected, despite the violent opposi- tion of the republicans. He took his seat in the house
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