USA > Maryland > Governors of Maryland : from the Revolution to the year 1908 > Part 7
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EDWARD LLOYD
of the state machinery and held it for several years. At almost the same time that Mr. Lloyd, a strong republican, was chosen as the successor of Governor Wright, Levin Winder, who subsequently became the federalists' governor of Maryland, was elected speaker of the house of delegates. This difference in sentiment between the legislative body and the executive department upon the leading question of the day suggests in a measure how far from harmonious were the public affairs of Maryland during the years that Governors Lloyd and Bowie were in office.
At the close of Mr. Lloyd's governorship he was elected a member of the state senate. In that body he heartily supported the administration of President Madison, and was bitter in his opposition of all measures conciliatory toward England. He was a presidential elector in the cam- paign of 1812, and cast his vote for James Madison for a second term. The republicans, after having been out of power for several years in Maryland, were able to resume control of affairs toward the close of the second decade of the nineteenth century. One of their first moves was the election of Edward Lloyd as a member from Maryland to the United States senate. Mr. Lloyd was elected in 1818 for a term of six years, and at the close of this term, or in 1824, he was reelected for a like period. This would have carried his services in the senate over from 1819, when his term began, until 1831. In 1826, however, he resigned his seat and retired to private life. But in the same year he was elected to the state senate and served in that body from 1826 to 1831, part of the time as president. He died at Annapolis on June 2, 1834, in the fifty-sixth year of his age. He was, according to the Baltimore Patriot "as remark- able for the munificence of his private hospitality as for his public spirit."
In his home life Governor Lloyd was the typical Mary-
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GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND
land gentleman. He had been married on November 30, 1797-when just eighteen years of age-to Miss Sally Scott Murray, daughter of an Annapolis physician, and with advancing years the home circle was enlarged, for Mrs. Lloyd bore her husband a large and distinguished family. In his native district Mr. Lloyd was held in high esteem by his neighbors, and he lived, amid luxurious surroundings, the life of a manor lord. And yet of his whole life the most noteworthy feature, perhaps, is that, despite his birth and wealth, he was ever severely democratic. Republicanism in those days threatened to mean a curtail- ment of the power of the gentleman of the manor, neverthe- less this interesting representative of one of Maryland's most celebrated families stood firmly for the republican party and its creed of equal voice in the government to rich and poor, landed and unlanded.
COPYRIGHT, 1908, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ.
LEVIN WINDER
America parkki-@ -- and immence - for. long decreed that no mon chesawven to jupmisdn that the constitution of the United States possessed or much as one little flow. To w metally green fit for having produced With all due respect, Mitonican states-
them at first
some years of national BY8fifi8recidedly more than ! 10 be found in the lines them scives When first the consti- tution was submitted to the several states, Luther Martin gave all his ability and his energy in a mighty effort to defeat the attempt to have Maryland ratify it. He saw the weak points of the instrument, and warned Marylanders then modes de uthority the central government would be Priminan against the weaker commonwealths in / That the people beedet not and sulle ?. During the socotud war with Engie Miyal sidkedy lindume convinced of the muy attorney-general's words.
The nasx -Muralim in 1812 was republican, Maryland, by , Ma rather uncertain mind, the republicans and miles beng almost equally streng. The deterimmer trol in Maryland was a rien in Baltimore in town Which the republicans who had taken offense at mo Antever editorial in a federebir paper.
LEVIN WINDER 1812-1816
XIV LEVIN WINDER
American patriotism-and ignorance-for long decreed that no man ought even to intimate that the constitution of the United States possessed as much as one little flaw. To its authors was generally given credit for having produced a perfect governmental document. With all due respect, however, to fastidious patriots and early American states- men, it must be confessed that the constitution at first possessed very little of the strength which subsequent events and the American character have given it. Between the lines of the document have been written, by a hundred and some years of national growth, decidedly more than is to be found in the lines themselves. When first the consti- tution was submitted to the several states, Luther Martin gave all his ability and his energy in a mighty effort to defeat the attempt to have Maryland ratify it. He saw the weak points of the instrument, and warned Marylanders that under its authority the central government would be able to discriminate against the weaker commonwealths in favor of the stronger ones. But the people heeded not, and the constitution was ratified. During the second war with England, however, Maryland suddenly became convinced of the truth of her former attorney-general's words.
The national administration in 1812 was republican; Maryland, however, was in a rather uncertain mind, the republicans and federalists being almost equally strong. The determiner of political control in Maryland was a riot in Baltimore in 1812, in which the republicans, who had taken offense at an anti-war editorial in a federalist paper,
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GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND
attacked the paper's editor and engaged in battle with some of his federalist friends, killing a few and wounding others. This riot proved a boomerang. The federalists regained control of the state machinery because of disapproval, out- side of Baltimore, of the republicans' violence, and the federal government, displeased with the turn of affairs in Maryland, ignored the demands of the state for the general government's assistance in defending American soil against the invasion of America's common enemy. Both the Mary- land federalists, who had opposed the war, and the Mary- land republicans, who had advocated it, were forced to bear the burden of the nation's war, as far as Maryland was concerned, without any aid from the central government. The historical index to the change of affairs in Maryland which was to result in the national government's unjust treatment of the commonwealth is found in the election of a successor to Gov. Robert Bowie, whose second admin- istration in Maryland extended from 1811 to 1812 and wit- nessed the beginning of hostilities with England. The elec- tion of Mr. Winder, who succeeded Governor Bowie, was the "political disobedience" referred to in the declaration of the federalists of 1812-1814, who, after soliciting in vain the national government's aid when Maryland was subjected to attacks by the English, cried: "Virginia has but to ask and she receives; but Maryland, for her political disobedience, is denied."
Levin Winder was born in Somerset county on Septem- ber 4, 1757, the son of William and Esther (Gillis) Winder. He was destined by his parents for the legal profession, and immediately after the completion of his academic training began reading law. In common with many candidates for the legal profession, however, the youth, when the Revo- lutionary War began, forsook the dusty tomes of his legal library and joined the army. He was appointed, January
77
LEVİN WINDER
14, 1776, first lieutenant in the forces under Colonel Small- wood. A little more than a year later, having seen various services, he was promoted to the rank of major and at the end of the conflict held the rank of lieutenant-colonel. With the return to their native sections of the host of law- yers, who for a season had forsaken their profession for the glory of war, the country seemed overrun with attorneys and counselors. It may have been this excess that prompted Mr. Winder to look to agriculture for an occupation in pref- erence to the profession for which he had been trained. At all events, he became a planter on a large scale on his estate near Princess Anne.
The attractions of the plantation were not strong enough, however, to hold his thoughts from the life for which he had been fitted both by natural endowment and training. It was, therefore, not long before Mr. Winder appeared as a candidate for the legislature, and he was several times elected by his county as a member of the general assembly. While Governor Lloyd-who administered state affairs from 1809 to 18II-was in office, representing the choice of the repub- licans, Mr. Winder, a federalist, was chosen speaker of the house of delegates, thus indicating the close division of political influence in Maryland. Ex-Governor Bowie was reelected governor in the fall of 1811, and his administra- tion extended through the opening months of the War of 1812-1815. These months were marked by the Baltimore riot, and when the time for the next election of members to the Maryland general assembly arrived the federalists lost no opportunity to impress upon the people the fact that all republicans were ruffians and murderers-witness the Baltimore riots-and therefore not safe people to be in- trusted with public offices. This, however, was not the only source of strength to the federal party in Maryland in 1812. The counties and Baltimore were not in agreement
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GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND
regarding the amount of influence which the latter should be permitted to exert upon the administration of state affairs. The counties had begun to feel some apprehensions lest the city of Baltimore succeed ultimately in gaining complete control of the state machinery, and it was, per- haps, as much because of the countians' distrust of Balti- more as of their displeasure with the republican rioters that the federalist forces turned out in full force in the legisla- tive election of 1812. The house of delegates was naturally more sensitive to popular sentiment than the upper branch of the legislature, and by the elections of 1812 it was made strongly federalist. The senate continued republican, but it did not control sufficient ballots to overcome the strength of the lower house. After the legislature was organized, in the fall of 1812, it balloted for a successor to Governor Bowie. Mr. Winder received 52 votes, as against 29 for the incumbent, and the former was declared elected.
Governor Winder began his administration while the United States was at war with England. He and the party which he represented had been and still were opposed to the conflict. This state of affairs under ordinary circumstances would doubtless have led to a lack of harmony between the federal government and that of the commonwealth, but Mr. Winder's governorship witnessed extraordinary cir- cumstances. The central government had been chagrined at the turn which political affairs had taken in Maryland, and, partly because of curtailed resources and partly be- cause of resentment, it ignored Maryland's claim to be accorded protection from the invasion of a common enemy. The fact remains that Mr. Winder, an anti-war governor, inaugurated during the conflict, rendered herculean services on behalf of a defensive war. When he learned that the national government would not give Maryland the requested aid, he called together the legislature in extra session and
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LEVIN WINDER
asked that it take such action as would place in his hands the means of securing the defense of the state. The legis- lature appropriated sufficient funds to defray expenses already incurred and to provide for subsequent military operations. Both Baltimore and Annapolis were, in con- sequence, garrisoned at the expense of Maryland.
While the governor was struggling with the means at hand to afford Maryland ample protection, the time for another gubernatorial election arrived. There was a con- test in the election of the members from Allegany county, and when the vote was taken for governor a number of the legislators, because of what they held to be an unjust ruling on the part of the federalists, refused to vote. The repub- licans had made repeated attempts to organize the house before the Allegany delegates could be admitted, but their maneuvering was futile, and they were defeated at each fresh move to gain their point. A vote was taken for governor, and Mr. Winder was declared reelected, despite the pro- tests of his political opponents and many assertions to the effect that his supporters had pursued dishonest methods.
The second year of Governor Winder's administration wasmarked with the glorious repulsion of the English when they sought to take Baltimore captive. The British had made an invasion of the national capital, and before their advance the Americans fled, leaving the city ripe for the enemy's torch. When the British turned from the burnt national capital toward Baltimore a few faint- hearted citizens suggested capitulation. But the major portion of the Marylanders, who had been judged unworthy by the government of its protection, scornfully put aside the suggestion of doing aught but meeting the approaching enemy half way. The story of this meeting-one of the most inspiring and heroic to be found in the pages of Ameri- can history-must forever stand as a reproof of the attitude
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GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND
of the central government, and as the brightest spot in Governor Winder's administration. And he, although he was unconditionally opposed to the conflict, deserves a large share of the glory of Maryland's victory at North Point and Fort McHenry.
Levin Winder was again reelected in 1814, receiving 48 votes as against 24 for ex-Governor Bowie. At the con- clusion of his third term, in 1815, he retired to his farm. A year later, however, he was elected a member of the state senate. He died on July 1, 1819, leaving a widow who was formerly Miss Mary Sloss, and three children.
Hardly secondary to Winder's claim to fame because of his administration of state affairs are his relations with the Masonic order. Always active in the interests of this influ- ential secret order, he filled the office of grand master of Masons in 1814 and 1815. His name occupies a position of large importance in the story of this organization in Amer- ica, and much of its early success was the result of his faith- ful and untiring labors in its behalf.
COPYRIGHT, 1908, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ.
CHARLES CARNAN RIDGELY
Viewed tetra pectivily, ilw wrum) war with England seems to have bom & wwwostry trulyunary to the United State' grand was a good eating. The Revolution wen Amycine-dom. but the abraten titles to which it
Da Americans were a powerful people, and this wood war with Du Youra VAMAro aduaki tunity for the
0181-0181 muvitual states were in a much better position i J with internal improvements, and thus it is that there date from the close of the war of 1812-15 a period of considerable progress in most of the American commonwealths. But the fact remain. tnt the administration in Maryland which witnessed the potvrwrong from a successful war to the matter of inter- was Polaralistic in complexion, and the
welshkte opponents of the war Owiue 0. Nul burg of affaire in Maryland, Trhich bin Public na bolo disrepute becaale nf their durume Ve Baltimore not the federalist putty
was given cy state machinery during the war by the adminut 1. Coverpor Winder, and also during
the first period . gillon and internal improvement by the administrati . amor Ridgely.
Charles Carnap REL Aylar not always been known by that name. In his early yth he was called Charles Ridgely
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CHARLES CARNAN RIDGELY 1816-1819
XV CHARLES CARNAN RIDGELY
Viewed retrospectively, the second war with England seems to have been a necessary preliminary to the United States' growth into a great nation. The Revolution won America's freedom, but the federation of states to which it gave birth was not one to inspire reverence at home, much less abroad. The world powers were not disposed to accept as a full-fledged nation the lately freed colonies; it re- quired some feat of arms to convince the European govern- ments that the Americans were a powerful people; and this second war with England afforded the opportunity for the feat. After the conflict was over, the individual states were in a much better position to go ahead with internal improvements, and thus it is that there dates from the close of the war of 1812-15 a period of considerable progress in most of the American commonwealths. But the fact remains that the administration in Maryland which witnessed the people's turning from a successful war to the matter of inter- nal improvement was federalistic in complexion, and the federalists had been passionate opponents of the war. Owing to a strictly local turn of affairs in Maryland, which brought the republicans into disrepute because of their connection with the Baltimore riot, the federalist party was given control of the state machinery during the war by the administration of Governor Winder, and also during the first period of recuperation and internal improvement by the administration of Governor Ridgely.
Charles Carnan Ridgely nad not always been known by that name. In his early youth he was called Charles Ridgely
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GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND
Carnan, being the son of John and Acsah (Ridgely) Carnan. He was born in Baltimore county on December 6, 1760, and grew up to manhood under the name of Carnan. The death of his father while the boy was still in infancy put upon his mother's shoulders the responsibility of providing for his education. Although he learned the necessity of shifting much for himself, as is usual with fatherless boys, he received a fair education, and the loss of his father was partly made up by the affection entertained for the lad by his uncle, Captain Charles Ridgely. Captain Ridgely was a man of large means, and his wealth was freely employed in later years for the political advancement of his nephew. While still known by the name of Charles Carnan, the gov- ernor had been married, October 17, 1782, to Miss Priscilla Dorsey, of Howard county, and the young couple spent much time under the roof of Captain Ridgely. Shortly after Carnan had attained his majority he made his appearance in the political world. He served as one of his county's representatives in the lower house of the legislature from 1790 to 1795, and also rounded out five years in the state senate (1796-1800). He took some interest in military affairs-being influenced, perhaps, by his uncle, who knew and loved the smell of powder-and by gradual promotion reached, in 1794, the rank of brigadier-general of the Eleventh Maryland Brigade.
Prior to this, arrangements had been made whereby such fame as might be won by the son of John Carnan should rebound to the glory of the Ridgely family. Captain Charles Ridgely was childless, but he was not content that his family name should fall into disuse as soon as he made his exit from this world. He, therefore, offered to name his nephew as his chief heir provided the promising relative would adopt his name also. The beautiful Ridgely estate of Hampton and a large part of the fortune which Captain Ridgely had acquired
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CHARLES CARNAN RIDGELY
were to be bequeathed to Mr. Carnan upon the condition that henceforth he be known as Ridgely. The condition was accepted, and upon the death of his uncle, in 1790, Mr. Carnan became, by special act of the legislature, Charles Carnan Ridgely, and thus he is known to history. An interesting feature of the relationship of Captain Ridgely and his nephew is the additional tie between them which resulted from their marriages. The master of Hampton was wedded to Miss Rebecca Dorsey; the governor chose for his wife Miss Priscilla Dorsey, sister to Rebecca, and thus he became the brother-in-law of his uncle. Mr. Ridgely's political activity prior to the time when he was elected governor had been confined to the legislative halls of the state and the local councils of Baltimore county. He had been active in political affairs as a federalist; and, as a large landowner and planter, he had been a strong advo- cate of internal improvement and the construction of ave- nues for transportation; but his public services were usually in offices of limited responsibility. His nomination for the gubernatorial office was his first appearance as more than a strictly local politician upon the political stage of Maryland.
Although the federalists had felt some little uneasiness before the meeting of the legislature, early in December, 1815, lest by some trick the republicans should gain control of the executive office, there were no developments to justify such fears. The election for governor was close, but the federalists had a small majority and elected Mr. Ridgely over ex-governor Bowie, the republicans' nominee. Governor Ridgely's years in office were, in a measure, witnesses of an awakening of Maryland and other states to a realization of the Union's larger possibilities. From the close of the war the states on the Atlantic seacoast began to devote their energies to the development of their resources to a much larger degree than they had done theretofore. The subject
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GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND
of internal improvement was not a new one, but now the American states found themselves better prepared to give their undivided attention to the needs of their respective sections. The people-freed for a time from the danger of further molestation by foreign countries-came to appre- ciate the fact that they were capable of becoming much more than merely a series of independent states joined into one federation; they recognized the fact that the govern- ment which the several commonwealths formed might assume a position of importance in the family of great nations.
Soon after Mr. Ridgely's induction into the gubernatorial office he suggested to the legislature that the central govern- ment be called upon to reimburse Maryland for the expense to which she had been put during the war of 1812-15 by reason of the national administration's failure to provide adequate protection to the property of Marylanders. The legislature accordingly authorized the governor to appoint someone to treat with the federal government regarding the state's claims, and Congressman Robert H. Golds- borough, who was commissioned to perform this task, devoted much of his time endeavoring to obtain for Mary- land a settlement. Though his efforts were not altogether successful, nevertheless the state did receive from the national treasury at least a part of the amount which she had spent during the war.
During Governor Ridgely's administration the state turned over to the national government two forts-Fort McHenry, which had played an important part in the late conflict, and Fort Washington. About this time was brought up the question of readjusting the legislative divisions of the state, so that every section would have an equitable representation in the general assembly. This matter of disproportionate representation, although it was somewhat
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CHARLES CARNAN RIDGELY
warmly discussed during Governor Ridgely's administration, was not finally settled until after he had relinquished the gubernatorial office. Ridgely was reelected governor in 1816 and again in 1817, thus giving him the full three years in office that were permitted by the constitution. Politi- cally the state remained unsettled throughout this period, and it was a difficult task for the federalists to hold suffi- cient votes in the legislature to continue to fill the execu- tive mansion. The feature which favored them was the law by which state senators were elected for five years, thus requiring a very considerable lapse of time before the people could change the political complexion of the upper house. In 1818, Governor Ridgely was succeeded by another federalist, Charles Goldsborough.
. At the close of his administration Mr. Ridgely retired to Hampton, where he devoted himself to the task of look- ing after his property. At home he represented the typical aristocrat of his day. He had the fortune that enabled him to live like a prince, and he also had the inclination. Hampton was cultivated by hundreds of slaves of whom Mr. Ridgely was absolute master; although the governor by his will manumitted these serfs. Some idea of the extent of his plantation and the manner of its cultivation may be obtained from the fact that when, on July 17, 1829, Charles Carnan Ridgely died, there were freed more than 400 negoes who had been his personal property.
XVI CHARLES GOLDSBOROUGH
By grace of fate, rather than by the wish of the people, the federal party was permitted to continue in control of Maryland's affairs some time after it had fallen under the disapprobation of the voters elsewhere in America. An unjust election law, which may have been good enough in the beginning but became evil with advancing years, fav- ored the federal party in retaining its power in Maryland, despite the fact that its opponents were in the majority. There were in Maryland at this time twelve counties that were federal in political complexion. These counties boasted a total population of 131,165 white inhabitants, and paid the state upon direct tax $68,404. The democratic portion of the state comprised seven counties which supported a free white population of 140,209 and contributed in taxes the sum of $83,222. And yet, the twelve counties which contributed 45.1 per cent of the state taxes and contained 48.3 per cent of the free white inhabitants were given, under the unjust scale of representation, 60 per cent of the total membership in the lower house of the general assembly, while every attempt to equalize the representation of the several counties according to population was fought tooth and nail by the federalists.
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