USA > Maryland > Governors of Maryland : from the Revolution to the year 1908 > Part 5
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25
Benjamin Ogle, the successful candidate, was a son of Samuel Ogle, whose name occupies much space in the colo- nial history of Maryland, where he is recorded as one of the proprietary governors and a man of much independence
BENJAMIN OGLE 1798-1801.
7
IX BENJAMIN OGLE
Whoa IALyufature, is it96, undertool: lo provodra mo- 5. The Who had windy bad Im administrativos .of 19 yeah fatpectivoly. Governor Los wie at Als are the scores føderakst chat Maryland afforded Init ne declin Ito . Poligain a. to- executive of the state. The legislature hodl several times been forced to accept a declination from one who had been chosen to the high on of governor, and invariably Mon one of these Imove! esporiende: it sought ons a In
Won to latow the MerIno VIMALKHA
.1081-80M1
The interesi-or o - vtd
Gammere ak Ballibope Pas un, r 15 1708, in
A gentleman from Arba Et And pokbely Bande bekymring correct elec- tion by the pureal assembly is pomor and conmil- Benjamin Ogle, mermer: Messy ! Davidson, Thermal Brice an Wilmes, (rau HL."
Benjimin Og Werestul Andidate, wal Samuel Ogle, whi wowptes much space to the
niel lustory of Myy he is recomm the proprietary goose as a man of much
COPYRIGHT, 1908, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ.
47
BENJAMIN OGLE
and courage. Benjamin Ogle was born at Annapolis on February 7, 1746. He had not, however, reached an age when the great drama being acted before his eyes would be intelligible to him when death brought to a close his father's participation in American affairs. Although his grand- father, Benjamin Tasker, succeeded to the direction of the state's government, young Ogle was early sent to England to receive his education, and in this way was denied any part in the bitter discussions that tore asunder the people of America and the representatives of the English authori- ties just before the Revolution. When he returned to America he immediately began to play a part, though a modest one, in the affairs of Maryland. He was a mem- ber of the council and also served upon a county com- mittee of observation, but he attracted no great amount of attention through either position. During the years of the Revolution he occupied a rather inconspicuous place in Maryland affairs, generally holding aloof from the stir- ring events of those stirring years. He first came into real prominence in the government of the commonwealth when he was elected state executive in 1798.
The feature of Governor Ogle's administration that assumed the greatest importance was the widening of the chasm between federalists and republicans. Mr. Ogle's gov- ernorship did not witness a pitched battle between these two political forces, except in so far as the legislature selected as his successor one who was allied with the republican party. But the years during which Benjamin Ogle was executive witnessed a disastrous blow to the political adher- ents of the federalistic faith in the loss of Washington. It has been asserted that but for the large influence of Washing- ton the constitution of the United States would not have been adopted by Maryland. The assertion is, perhaps, a bit extravagant; but it must be admitted that no other man
48
GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND
inspired the people of Maryland and of the other states with confidence in the proposed constitution to such an extent as did Washington. The name of Washington was the watchword of the federal party. His death, therefore, was an enormous misfortune to the members of his political faith. As long as the party leaders had his name to parade before the people when the public's confidence wavered, so long were they able to cope with the attacks of their enemies. But when the influence of Washington's name as a political factor was lost, and at the same time the strength of the republicans began to assert itself more posi- tively, then the people of the country generally-except, of course, the more optimistic republican leaders-became greatly alarmed. From one end of the nation to the other the people lost confidence, and the preparations of the repub- licans to strive after control of affairs in states and nation were regarded as presaging the downfall of the American republic.
When the death of Washington was announced, Governor Ogle, in compliance with the request of the general assembly, issued a proclamation, December 18, 1799, suggesting that "the eleventh day of February next be observed through- out this state as a day of mourning, humiliation and prayer for the deceased; that the citizens on that day go into mourn- ing and abstaining, as far as may be, from their secular occupation, devote the time to the sacred duties of religion ; that they call to mind the virtues, public services and un- shaken patriotism of the deceased, and admiring, endeavor to emulate them; that they implore the Most High God to supply his loss by inspiring them with a love of true liberty and pure religion, and by dispensing the blessing of peace and knowledge throughout the land; and that He would grant to the people of this and the United States, that the wisdom and virtues of a Washington may never cease to influence and direct our public councils."
49
BENJAMIN OGLE
Maryland's history in the closing years of the eighteenth century reflects in no uncertain way the conflict which was on between the federalists and the republicans, and the alarm caused by the latter's doctrine that the people should not regard as paramount in a man's fitness to direct public affairs the question of either birth or wealth. This con- flict did not reach its full blossom until the early part of the nineteenth century, but the years that were covered by the administration of Governor Ogle witnessed preparation for battle, the alignment of opposing forces; it was the eve of a political war in America for advancement along republican lines in government.
Governor Ogle was, in a way, the last of the old-time federalist executives. He held office while the republican forces under Jefferson were striving, and with success, to oust the federalists from control of national affairs. He was in office while the leaders of Maryland were assembling their followers for a like struggle within the state. But he was unmolested by either conflict. He represented the federal party, yet his administration, while not noteworthy for any advancement which he sought or helped to engineer, was sufficiently conservative to be inoffensive to the legis- lature, no matter how its political complexion might be changing. The greatest praise, perhaps, that can be ac- corded him as state executive is that of having held office for three years without permitting the rancor that was ram- pant throughout the country to reach the garments of the chief magistrate; and, when the bitterness and excite- ment of the period is borne in mind, this accomplishment need not be regarded as insignificant. After the close of Ogle's administration, in 1801-when he was no longer eligible for reelection because of the constitutional proviso which restricted the state executive to three terms of one year each-he retired to his estate, Belair, where he spent
50
GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND
his remaining days. Governor Ogle was twice married, Miss Rebecca Stilley and Miss Henrietta Margaret Hill being his first and second wives, respectively. He died on July 6, 1809, in his sixty-fourth year.
COPYRIGHT, 1908, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ.
x
JOHN FRANCIS MERCER
It is a common hermien of American historien's to trace the downfall of the federalist party to a best of contribu tory causes, all of which are made to appear fairly plausible, but none of which is absolutely conclusive. The weak apol of the federal party was not ile political doctrines so much as iW mandl bum, and when the enemies of the 11 in their opponents' federalista
detenes b _ - il und woo
the ngin to vote was confined
the ave M : SIHOSAM BIJALAA WHOL
property to a specific abAsinto8I kate ler member of
the house of delegates was not em r wiless he owned property to the value of £500, a candidate for the state senate had to possess at least {1,000 in his own right, and the office of governor was not open to these who were not independently rich. The struggle of the republicans tibc founders of the present democratic party) against the Lourdes fore complete revision of this method of Mydid enjoy the elcelle franchise and
hod-4 In xdot the leaders who were striving for retort uw a Mybring of America from aristocracy- toward w& chil ans bading -- to republicansm for which they felt the No dys Ney sons had been spilled -- succesde 1 in gaining umpo iusur executive mansion, and with the beginning of repede de mle la Maryland was inaugur ted a campaign agame- flowe enrepublican laws in the matter of governing the wowwealth. But the election of a
JOHN FRANCIS MERCER 1801-1803
X JOHN FRANCIS MERCER
It is a common practice of American historians to trace the downfall of the federalist party to a host of contribu- tory causes, all of which are made to appear fairly plausible, but none of which is absolutely conclusive. The weak spot of the federal party was not its political doctrines so much as its social decrees; and when the enemies of the federalists beheld the vulnerable spot in their opponents' defense they threw their whole strength against it and won success. In the Maryland constitution, as adopted in 1776, the right to vote was confined to those who were above the age of twenty-one and possessed real or personal property to a specific amount. A candidate for member of the house of delegates was not eligible unless he owned property to the value of £500; a candidate for the state senate had to possess at least £1,000 in his own right, and the office of governor was not open to those who were not independently rich. The struggle of the republicans (the founders of the present democratic party) against the federalists was for a complete revision of this method of prescribing who should enjoy the elective franchise and hold public office. In 1801 the leaders who were striving for reforms, for a winning of America from aristocracy- toward which it was trending-to republicanism-for which they felt the blood of her sons had been spilled-succeeded in gaining control of the executive mansion, and with the beginning of republican rule in Maryland was inaugurated a campaign against these unrepublican laws in the matter of governing the commonwealth. But the election of a
52
GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND
republican governor to succeed Mr. Ogle represents more than a turning from aristocratic principles; it is significant as showing how the political leaders of the state were sub- stituting for a blind reverence of all things federalistic a practical appreciation of things meritorious. The feder- alists, in the day of their glory, scornfully cast out those who were not of their way of thinking. The proposed federal constitution had not pleased all the intellectual giants of the land; but it pleased the majority, and this majority arrogantly ignored the views of the minority. Mr. Mercer, the new chief magistrate, however, was not only a man who at the time of his election stood for republican doctrines, but one who, in the days before the adoption of the constitution, had strongly opposed that instrument.
John Francis Mercer was born at Marlborough, Stafford county, Va., on May 17, 1759. He was the son of Robert and Ann (Roy) Mercer and grandson of Robert Mercer, Sr., who emigrated to Virginia in 1740. He received what in those days was considered a liberal academic education, being graduated from William and Mary College in 1775. His father planned to have him prepare for the legal pro- fession; but the oncoming storm that was to free the colo- nies interfered. As soon as war became inevitable, young Mercer cast aside his books and sought an opportunity to take up arms against England. Early in the year 1776 he announced his intention of joining the Revolutionary forces, and on February 26, 1776, was commissioned lieuten- ant in the Third Virginia Regiment. He took part in the battle of Brandywine on September 11, 1777, when he was slightly wounded. In the same month he was promoted to captain, his commission dating from June 27,tand the following year he became attached as aide-de-camp to the staff of the ill-fated and ill-humored Charles Lee.
53
JOHN FRANCIS MERCER
Under Lee he was in the battle of Monmouth, June 28, 1778, when his chief willfully disobeyed the orders of Washington and by his conduct left the commander-in- chief no alternative but to have him court-martialed. Despite the disgrace of General Lee, Mr. Mercer stood faithfully by him, and when the former was suspended for a year and finally deprived of his commission his aide in sympathy surrendered his own commission and returned to his home in Virginia. But Mercer did not long remain in retirement. Upon his return to his native state he set about recruiting a regiment of horse soldiers, which he equipped at his own expense, and then offered their services to the Con- tinental army. He was commissioned lieutenant-colonel and his regiment was joined to the brigade commanded by Gen. Robert Lawson. In this command Colonel Mercer saw service at Guilford, N. C., as well as in other engagements during the dismal southern campaign. He later joined Lafayette, with whom his regiment remained until the termination of hostilities.
After the war Mr. Mercer returned to Marlborough and began to study law. While studying he came in close relations with one who in later years exerted a remarkable influence over his career. His preceptor was Thomas Jefferson, and at the feet of the founder of democratic principles in America Mr. Mercer learned not only law, but also the true meaning of republicanism as differentiated from that policy of aristocracy which at first shaped affairs in the United States, and throughout his life he continued a faithful disciple of Jefferson. In 1782 Mercer was elected a delegate from Virginia to the Continental Congress, and served in that body until 1785. At this time a new influence came into his life, which was responsible for chang- ing the scene of his activity from the Old Dominion to Maryland. Miss Sophia Sprigg, the daughter of a promi-
54
GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND
nent resident of Anne Arundel county, became Mrs. Mercer, and the couple "set up house" at the home of the bride, Cedar Park on West river.
Mercer was not long in Maryland before he found a loop- hole through which to effect an entrance into the political circles of the state. He had attained sufficient prominence by a little more than a year's residence in the county to be sent as a delegate to the convention which framed aninstru- ment for the government of the states to supersede the unsuccessful articles of confederation. This was in 1787; Mr. Mercer, however, with other opponents of a centrali- zation of governmental authority, fought bitterly against the proposed constitution. When these opponents found their voice did not prevail and that the majority of the members of the convention ignored their protests, they withdrew from the convention. With the bolters, besides Mr. Mercer, were Luther Martin, of Maryland, and George Mason, of Virginia. Martin, as the attorney-general of Maryland, appeared before the state convention appointed to consider the proposed federal constitution, and in an eloquent speech set forth all the weak points of the instrument. But despite the protests of Martin and Mercer, Maryland, in 1788, ratified the constitution. Although Mercer had opposed the constitution, he appeared as a candidate for the national house of representatives in the first election held under that instrument. In this election, held in January, 1789, Mr. Mercer was not announced as a republican-for the republican party had not then been formed-but came before the voters as an anti-federalist. As was to have been expected, all the successful candidates were supporters of the recently ratified constitution, but Mercer did not make as unfavorable a showing as might have been expected when his action in the constitutional convention is borne in mind.
55
JOHN FRANCIS MERCER
Three years later, 1792, Mr. Mercer was chosen a member of the state legislature, and shortly afterward he was sent to congress, being named to fill the unexpired term of Representative William Pinkney, resigned. He served in the house of representatives from February 6, 1792, to April 13, 1794. From this latter date up to the beginning of the nineteenth century Mr. Mercer did not occupy official posi- tion, but labored faithfully in Maryland in the interests of a reform in the governmental system. The federal party continued in control of the state's affairs until 1801, though for many years every inch of its way was contested. Finally, the republican party succeeded in gaining a foot- hold in the house of delegates and a large enough represen- tation in the state senate to elect John Francis Mercer as governor, November 9, 1801. Governor Mercer served two terms of one year each, being reelected in 1802. His administration is noteworthy for radical reforms in the governmental institutions of Maryland. But the chief of these reforms must of necessity lose much of its significance to the reader of today, who has been reared in an atmosphere where the vote of the poor man is supposed, at least, to equal that of the citizen of wealth in the choosing of legis- lators. The day when only aristocrats were the voters and office-holders and custom-takers are so far removed that in the distance nearly all of the detail is lost. But it was that political organization whose representative-Mercer-was in the executive chamber which first gave to Marylanders real equality.
In 1801 the same general assembly which elected a re- publican governor passed a bill-originating in the strongly republican house-by which the right to vote was given to "every free white male citizen of this state * : * above twenty-one years of age, having resided twelve months in the county next preceding the election at which he offers
56
GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND
to vote." This law opposed the practice of confining the elective franchise to those citizens who possessed freeholds of at least fifty acres of land. This one attainment of the Mercer administration so completely overshadows all other things that it assumes the aspect of being the one feature of importance.
Governor Mercer was succeeded in 1803 by Robert Bowie, another republican, and returned to his estate, Cedar Park. For some years thereafter he lived in retirement, looking after his personal interests. Subsequently, however, he served on several occasions in the state legislature. When the agitation for a second war with England was in progress, Mr. Mercer sided with the federalist party, inasmuch as he was opposed to the conflict. He framed a petition calling upon congress to use its influence to prevent an outbreak of hostilities and secured thereto many signatures, but the paper never reached the hands for which it had been in- tended. The ex-governor went to Philadelphia in 1821 to consult with physicians there regarding an affliction from which he was suffering. But the journey proved futile. He died in Philadelphia on August 20, 1821, while under treatment.
COPYRIGHT, 1908, BY H. E. BUCHHOLZ.
ROBERT BOWIE
Certain aprogeben, pretending for a reason the duties of historians, dove sought to read into the early state history of Maryler ! naught but what is admirable, patriotic and sublime. Wide the sentir ente which actuated them are undoubtedly sie ber moines have frequently
done lem o lo: would have been
the caseiro
Ux i.
шой тянаоя
it is more in accord with the SIBITII&I : 0081-8081
approaching that period of the state's history which paral- Jels the war of 1812-15, that many of the leaders who denounced the conflict did not love peace and concord one half so much as they did their own pet theories, which they were trying to saddle upon the people . Again, it is pos- sible for the apologet to find certa'n credulous followers whim be exphim away the several mob outbreaks at this ting boy warging thora to a foreign and ruffian element ; but Boomer munb, which gave evidence of the crimn- inal ext ... Work uncontrolled patriotism may go, was in truth
native of a large portion of the pop- ulation of M xvi la the closing years of the eighteenth century and is | best part of the nineteenth century. These men in thew &vrouwved in public ceremonies, which, if practiced today, usocette considerable doubt as to the sanity of the partlojums Publicly to burn efigies and portraits of those wiry hed fallen under the people's dis-
ROBERT BOWIE 1803-1806: 1811-1812
XI ROBERT BOWIE
Certain apologists, performing for a season the duties of historians, have sought to read into the early state history of Maryland naught but what is admirable, patriotic and sublime. While the sentiments which actuated them are undoubtedly noble, their performances have frequently done less to excite favorable regard than would have been the case had they been critical instead of worshipful. It is possible, for instance, for the highly imaginative to see in Maryland's partial opposition to the second war with Eng- land only an all-controlling love of peace and concord; but it is more in accord with the facts to remember, when approaching that period of the state's history which paral- lels the war of 1812-15, that many of the leaders who denounced the conflict did not love peace and concord one- half so much as they did their own pet theories, which they were trying to saddle upon the people. Again, it is pos- sible for the apologist to find certain credulous followers when he explains away the several mob outbreaks at this time by charging them to a foreign and ruffian element; but the Baltimore mob, which gave evidence of the crim- inal extremes to which uncontrolled patriotism may go, was in truth very representative of a large portion of the pop- ulation of Maryland in the closing years of the eighteenth century and in the first part of the nineteenth century. These men in their day indulged in public ceremonies, which, if practiced today, would create considerable doubt as to the sanity of the participants. Publicly to burn effigies and portraits of those who had fallen under the people's dis-
58
GOVERNORS OF MARYLAND
pleasure was a common practice, then given all the form- ality of a state ceremony; and the same men whom some historians seek to make so serious and lofty-purposed went further, and took part in the public interment of the ashes of such effigies and likenesses after they had burned them. This lack of proper restraint is not dwelt upon to dis- parage the people of Maryland of a century ago, but rather as a means toward understanding fully the actions of cer- tain leaders of that time. It intensifies the light which existing chronicles throw upon the life of the first Governor Bowie, for without the background of excessively enthusi- astic partisans and of the general wild delirium of his time Mr. Bowie might be unjustly discounted because of some peculiar traits which he displayed on certain occasions and which were really characteristic of his time.
Robert Bowie, third son of Capt. William and Margaret (Sprigg) Bowie, was born at Mattaponi, near Nottingham, Prince George's county, in March, 1750. He attended suc- cessively the schools of Rev. Mr. Eversfield, near his own home, and of Rev. Mr. Cradock, near Baltimore. But in his youth he gave first thought to romance and things ro- mantic, and was daring enough to put his visionary theories into practice early by eloping with the daughter of Gen. James John Mackall, Priscilla, who, when young Bowie discovered her attractions, was not yet fifteen years of age, while her impulsive swain was just past nineteen. With the rashness of youth they married immediately; the union fortunately revealed in later years the uncon- scious wisdom of the principals. Bowie's father pre- sented him a house and lot in Nottingham and also a farm on the outskirts of the village, and in 1791, when the elder Bowie died, the son inherited the paternal estate of Mattaponi, where he usually spent his summer months.
Bowie was twenty-four years of age when the Freeholders'
59
ROBERT BOWIE
convention at Upper Marlboro, in November, 1774, placed him on a committee to carry into effect the resolutions of the Continental congress. On September 12, 1775, he, with certain others of his fellow-countians, was instructed to enroll a company of "minute men, " and early in 1776 Mr. Bowie was commissioned first lieutenant of a company of militia organized in Nottingham. He was promoted to a captaincy on June 21, 1776, and accompanied the Maryland forces when they joined Washington in his early campaign near New York. Captain Bowie took part in several of the important battles of the Revolutionary War, and, although he won no great glory, he always displayed good judgment and courage. When a treaty of peace was patched up between England and her former colonies, Mr. Bowie returned to his county and sought fresh excitement in politics. Despite his long absence, he soon won enough support to be sent to the house of delegates. On October 15, 1785, he was elected a member of the lower house of the general assembly, and he was reëlected five times consecu- tively.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.