USA > Maine > The history of the state of Maine; from its first discovery, A. D. 1602, to the separation, A. D. 1820, inclusive, Vol. I > Part 21
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South-Vir- giuia.
Nor was the South-Virginian or first Colony flourishing ; the Indians were hostile, and the charter itself was full of defects. The king, therefore, on the 22d of May, 1609, granted a new one to the patentees, which enlarged their privileges, and vested in them the fee-simple of the country, 200 miles northward and southward from old Point Comfort. He also gave them, three years after- wards, a third patent embracing all the lands between the 30th and
* Gorges' Narrative, p. 22. t Gorges, p. 22-27 -Prince's Ann. p. 25.
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41st degrees of Northern latitude,* with a further guaranty of A. D. 1610. very extensive civil powers.
land made a
Newfoundland had made the most progress of any place to- Newfound- wards becoming a Plantation, t the king acquainted with that fact, Colony. incorporated 46 English gentlemen, into a body politic, April 27, 1610, denominated " the treasurer, and company of Adventurers, " and Planters in the cities of London and Bristol, for the colony, " or plantation of Newfoundland." Under their patronage about 40 permanent planters emigrated in June, and commenced a set- tlement at Conception bay. In the following year, the colony was increased to 60 persons ; and afterwards a court was estab- lished, and juries empanneled.}
Among the visitants to these Northern coasts, at this period, Argal's, one was Samuel Argal, § subsequently governour of South-Vir- and Har- Somer's, ginia. Driven by a violent storm, he bore away for Sagadahock ; low's visits. and coming in sight of a small rocky Island out of Penobscot bay, in latitude 43º 44', he approached it as the winds abated, and on the 28th of July landed upon it. Here he found a great store " of seals, and therefore called it Seal Rock, a name it still retains. Another visiter was Sir George Somers, who landed at Sagada- hock in September, on his way to Bermuda. A third was Capt. Edward Harlow. In his voyage, projected for the purpose of A. D. 1611. making more particular discoveries about Cape Cod, he fell in with Monhegan, which had now become a noted mart for trade with the natives, as well as a land-mark for seamen. But the memorials, we have of his conduct, justly load him with censure ; for, like many unprincipled men of this age, he was guilty of the sin of manstealing without any pretence of provo- cation ; seizing three natives, Peckmo, Monopet, and Peckenime, who came civilly on board to barter with him. But Peckmo, leaped overboard, and being a good swimmer, as most Indians are, escaped.|| Aroused by him, the bowmen of the tribe assailed
* That is, from Florida to Manhattan. 1.Haz. Coll. 72-81.
+ Prince's Ann. p. 30, 32, 35, 43.
Į See this Charter entire, 1 Haz. Coll. 58-72.
¿ " Argal discovered a more direct and shorter passage to Virginia, and " left the tract of ancient navigators, who first directed their course south- " ward to the tropic, sailed westward by means of the trade winds, and " then northward till they reached the English settlements."-4 Hume's Hist. 344.
Į Prince's Ann. p. 38.
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A. D. 1612. Harlow with great fury, for his audacity and crime, and 'sorely 'wounded three of his men with arrows.' Nevertheless he car- ried away the two captives to Cape Cod, where he kidnapped three others, Sackaweston, Coneconum and Epenow; and thence proceeded with them all to England.
The In- dians kid- napped.
Epenow was shown in London as a sight; the others being distributed to different places. Capt. Harley one of the unsuc- cessful planters at Sagadahock, knowing of Gorges' benevolence to these natives, and the interest he took in their welfare, brought Epenow to him ; and soon afterwards, Gorges recovered Assa- comoit,* one of the Indians who had been carried away seven years before, by Weymouth, from St. Georges' river. These In- dians at first could not in conversation understand each other.+ But when better acquainted, Epenow amused his fellow with a very artful story. Having sagacity enough to learn in what high estimation the Englishi always held the precious metals, he had the ingenuity to fabricate a tale, that a mine of gold had been found in his country, very great. Assacomoit related the same to Gorges, as Epenaw wished ; who was hoping, when the report should spread abroad, that he might be employed as a pilot in some ship bound to his native country.
Gorges.
Since the Charter was obtained, Gorges had been viewing the American coast between Piscataqua and Passamaquoddy with peculiar intensity and predilection ; and continually drawing from voyagers, from the natives, and in particular, from Richard Vines, a great variety of facts about its situation, its inhabitants, and its resources. So, without doubt, other Englishmen, as well as he, had before this, noticed with jealousy and displeasure the progressive French settlement at Port-Royal, and the residence of the Jesuits at Mount Desert.
Madame Gourche- ville's Char- ter.
Meanwhile, an opportune transaction gave fresh vigour to the enterprizes of the French in this region. Madame de Guerche- ville, a Catholic lady of France, zealous for the conversion of the American natives, after procuring of de Monts a surrender of his patent, had it all confirmed to lier by a Charter from the King, excepting Port-Royal, previously granted to Poutrincourt. She
* 1 Belknap's Biography, p. 356.
t Indeed their native abodes were wide apart one at Cape Cod, and the other at St. George's River.
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appointed one Suassaye, her agent, who set up at Port le Hive, A. D. 1613. in Acadia, where he arrived, May 16th, the arms of his mistress, March 12. in token of possession taken ; and at Port-Royal, he made a visit, Madame where he found only five persons, of whom two were Jesuit mis- ville's Gourche- Agent, Su- sionaries .* Suassaye, producing his pious credentials, took both assaye, takes pos- monks into the service of the mission, and sailed for Mount Desert. session of Here 25 colonists were landed on the south side of the river ; a Acadia. small fort was built ; the ship's crew of 35 men helped fit up the habitations ; and here they set up a cross, celebrated mass, and called the place St. Saviour. Whether this was on the eastern end of the Island, as one account states, or in the southerly part, as others report, where Biard and Masse were residing, we have no means at this time to determine.
But scarcely had these emigrants provided themselves with some few accommodations, when they had to encounter new, and unexpected troubles from the English. Capt. Argal, of Virginia, in a fishing trip to these waters, being cast ashore at Pentagoet, or Penobscot bay, was there fully informed by the natives what the French were doing at St. Saviour, sometimes called Mount Mansel.+
This intelligence he immediately communicated to the Virginia The French magistrates, and they at once determined to expel these catholic Argal. subdued by Frenchmen, as obtruders within the limits of the first Charter granted to the patentees of North and South Virginia. Eleven fishing vessels were speedily equipped, carrying 60 soldiers and 14 pieces of cannon ;- and of this little armament, Argal was appointed the commodore. His first approach completely sur- prized the French ; yet having a ship and a barque in the har- bour, and " a small entrenchment" on shore, they made a show
* It seems that Biard and Masse arrived at Port-Royal on the 12th June, 1611, and were probably the missionaries found here in the spring of 1613. -1 Charleroix, p. 209. He supposes St. Saviour was at Pentagoet.
t In lat. 44º 2C' according to their observations :- this would be on the northerly part of the Island. " Mount Mansel" was the first land discovered by the fleet of the Massachusetts emigrants, A. D. 1630. Winthrop's Jour- nal, p. 17 .- See Hub. In. Wars, p. 286-J. Palairet, p. 16, says, in 1613 the French established " a fort at the mouth of the river Pentagoet or Pe- nobscot, and Argal drove them away !"-So also Ogilby, p. 137, says two Jesuits excommunicated Poutrincourt's son, gained a party in France, re- ceived arms, brass guns, &c. from Louis 13th, became masters of Port- Royal, and began a fort at Pentagoet.
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A. D. 1613. of resistance. This was all they were able to do, for the cannon were not in a situation to be used; and the men were mostly absent from the fort, engaged in their respective employments.
Argal, in his attack upon the vessels, found the capture of them to be no difficult task, even with musketry. Gilbert du Thet, one of the Jesuits, was killed by a musket ball, while in the act of levelling a ship's gun against the assailants ; others were woun- ded ; and those on board, except 4 or 5, were taken prisoners. Argal then landed and summoned the fort. The commander requested time for a consultation ; but through fear of his being reinforced, his request was not granted. The garrison then aban- doning the fort, through a private passage, escaped to the woods. After breaking in pieces the cross which the Jesuits had erected, Argal reared another inscribed with the name of his king and in this way, took formal possession of the place.
The people came in the next day and surrendered themselves, their patent, and their stores. Argal treated them with kindness, and gave them their choice, either to return home in such French vessels, as might perchance resort to the coast, or to go with him to Virginia .*
To complete the reduction of Acadia, the fleet sailed farther eastward, piloted, as some say, by the Jesuit, Father Biard, who was glad of an opportunity to avenge himself of Biencourt; or, as others affirm, by an Indian, whom Argal had pressed into his service. At St. Croix Island, he " took one vessel," destroyed what remained of de Monts' settlement ; } and crossing the Bay of Fundy, came to anchor before Port-Royal.
The French at the time, were mostly absent from the fort ; } Biencourt, being employed in exploring the country, and others differently engaged. Argal, therefore, lost no time ; and in two hours after he had landed his men, he reduced the entire settle- ment to ashes.
The two commanders afterwards had a meeting in a neighbour-
* Argal took 15 of them and the Jesuits to Virginia. He seems to have made two voyages this year .- 1 Holmes' A. Ann. p. 179. Note 1. + 39 Universal ITist. p. 255.
# It is remarkable that both places were so little on their guard ;- since the coast was haunted by pirates. The famous Peter Easton, in 1612, com- manded 10 pirate ships ; and in June took 100 men from the fishing vessels about Newfoundland .- Prince's Ann. p. 35.
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ing meadow, and discussed the subjects of their rights and A. D. 1613. claims, when Biencourt made proposals to negociate ; but Argal in return, said, his only orders were to dispossess the French ; and if they should be found there again, they would be treated as enemies. In this mood they parted ; and Argal carried the French ship, pinnace, cattle and provisions to Jamestown.
The two crowns being at that time in a state of profound peace, the reason assigned for this hostile expedition, was the en- Conquests croachments of the French upon the territories of the English,- their right to which they rested on three grounds-the discovery by Cabot ;- the formal possession taken of the country by Gil- bert ;- and the original North and South Virginia patents, from their sovereign ;- to which might be added, a continued claim by repeated visits, and by attempts to settle the country .*
The expedition, was, in the opinion of some writers, " contrary to the law of nations, because inconsistent with their peace ;"+ yet the transaction does not appear either to have been approved by England, or resented by France .- Four years after this, Bi- encourt was resident at Port-Royal; "and it seems, that by " some connivance of the English ministry, a small plantation of " the French, was suffered to continue at that place, after its re- " duction by Argal."}
The celebrated JOHN SMITH|| has so much connexion with Capt. John this history, as to deserve some particular notice. He was a na- Sinith. tive of England, bold and magnanimous in mind ; and in talents, integrity and perseverance, not a whit behind Sir Ferdinando Gor- ges himself. Though now only thirty five, or six years of age, he had been a great traveller ; was a most conspicuous adven- turer to South-Virginia ; and in 1608, made president of the Col-
* By the patent, authority was given to make the seizure. Vide Char- ter, 1606. It is said, Port-Royal settlement had cost the French 100,000 crowns .- 1 Charleroix N. F. 137. Chalmers, p. 82.
# Prince's Ann. p. 94. Note [13.]-See Smith's Hist. p. 115 .- Sce also other authorities as to the Expeditions of Argal .- 5 Purchas, 1828. Brit. Dom. in N. America, b. 14, p. 246. 2 Belknap's Biog. p. 51-54.
|| See, in Belk. Biog. p. 240-320, the interesting Biography of Capt. Smith. In A. D. 1596, when he was 17 years old, he made the tour of Europe,- killed three Turkish champions in single combat ; and was honoured with a triumphal procession. He was a prisoner in Turkey. His life was saved in Virginia by the celebrated Pocahontas, He died in London, A. D. 1631, aged 52.
A View of Argal's
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A. D. 1614. ony Council. So much had his virtues and a spirit of adven- ture, given his name celebrity among his countrymen, especially the merchants trading to America, that, on his leaving Virginia, they readily took him into service, for the treble purposes of dis- covery, traffic, and settlement.
With an outfit of two vessels, a ship and barque, carrying 45 men, he sailed from London, March 3d, 1614, having instructions to remain in the northern country, and found a colonial settle- ment, or at least keep possession .* He shaped his course for the river, or vicinity of Sagadahock ; and he himself says, "I was to have staid there with only sixteen men."+ He arrived at Monhegan, the last of April; and immediately entered upon the business of his voyage, at the mouth of the river Sagadahock ; and upon the neighbouring lands and waters.
He built seven boats, in some of which himself and 8 men explored the coast east and west, to Penobscot and Cape Cod ; trading with the natives for beaver, and other furs, and making observations on the rivers, shores, harbours, promontories and islands. His men employed themselves in taking whales found in these waters ; by pursuing which, however, they'lost the best part of the fishing season ; nor were they when caught of the kind expected, "which yields fins and oil." Still more futile was the visionary story reported about a gold and copper mine ; it be- ing ascertained, on a little inquiry, to be the baseless fabric of fiction.
The fruits of this voyage were of great value and variety. Within 20 leagues of Monhegan, says Capt. Smith, we " got for trifles, 11,000 beaver, 100 martens, and as many otters :"-and we took and cured '40,000 dry fish ;' and ' 7,000 cod fish,' corned or in pickle. The net amount of gains, to those inter- ested, was about £1,500 sterling. Eastward, and about Penob- scot, he adds, " our commodities were not so much esteemed ;" because 'the French traders bartered their articles on better terms.'Į
* The West-India Company, under their charter from James I. gave positive orders to ships in their service, " to hinder any foreigner from set- tling there upon any pretence whatever."-J. Palairet, p. 14-16.
+ Smith's Hist. p. 221.
# Smith's Hist. p. 213 .- This year, 25,000 skins were brought from these northern parts into France.
March 3d. Capt. Smith's Voyage to Sagada- hock.
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In exploring the coast, and contiguous country, Capt. Smith A D. 1614. obtained considerable knowledge of the natives. He says he saw upon the land between Penobscot and Cape Cod, " forty several habitations," or " Indian villages ;" and enumerates twelve different people by name, residing east of Piscataqua. Of those seen along the coast from Sagadahock, southerly, as far as Na- umkeag, [Salem,] he says-they " all, for any thing I could per- " ceive, differ little in language, fashion, or government ;" but others scattered upon the coast to Cape Cod, (he adds) " I found " to differ somewhat in language, custom, and condition." He had only one skirmish with them, and in this some of them were killed.
Smith sailed for England, July 8, leaving his companion, Thom- T. Hunt as Hunt, master of the other vessel, who was bound with his Savages.
kidnaps 24 freight to Spain .* Smith says, " Hunt purposely tarried behind, to prevent me from making a plantation, to monopolize the trade, and to steal savages." Indeed, Hunt's appetite was insatiate ; for before he left Patuxet [Plymouth] he seized 24, whom he car- ried to Malaga and sold for slaves, to the Spaniards, at £20 a man.t
The more important discoveries, and observations made by Smith's Capt. Smith in his late voyage, he committed to paper ; and after- Histor y o Map and wards, at intervals of leisure, he formed a Map of the coast, and LAND, compiled a short Historyt of the country ; to which Prince Charles prefixed the name NEW-ENGLAND. It was supposed to comprehend the region between Manhattan, [New-York] and Newfoundland.
About the time when Capt. Smith was surveying and explor- ing this coast, a most destructive war broke out among the sav- age tribes, which raged two or three years. Smith does not mention it, nor yet Harley, who was despatched this summer to Sagadahock by Gorges, with the artful Epenow and other natives for the purpose of learning more about the gold mine, and of adding new facts to his stock of knowledge. Epenow escaped by jump-
* Some names of the savages, Hunt took, were Squanto, or Tisquantum, Wanape, or Wanawet; and Samoset. The latter said, in 1621 after his re- turn, he was a Sagamore about Monhegan .- Prince, p. 99.
+ Prince in his Annals, says he took twenty seven. p. 40. 100. At Gib- raltar, the friars took those that were unsold, to christianize them .- 1 Holmes' Am. Ann. p. 184.
It was first published in 4to London 1616. Prince's Ann. p. 169.
NEW-ENG-
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A. D. 1614. ing overboard, not far from Martha's Vineyard ; and with him vanished his glittering visions of gold.
Attempt to plant a 2d Colony in Mavoshen, or Maine.
A. D. 1615. March.
The Plymouth Company at this period were so remiss, that no considerations seemed able to arouse them from their inactivity. As a body they disregarded the encroachments of the French ; neither were they excited by motives of gain or emulation, though they saw vessels in the employ of the London Company return home in the midst of winter from the coast of New-England, with rich cargoes. Hence Gorges, and his friends, as individuals, unit- ing, equipped two ships, gave to Capt. Smith the command of them and sent him in March 1615, with sixteen planters, to begin a colony at some place within the Patent. But he was captured by the French ; his companions accomplished nothing; where- fore Sir Richard Hawkins, the President of the Plymouth Com- pany, in October, afterward undertook another voyage for their benefit. On his arrival, he discovered that the eastern natives were engaged in a bloody war ; therefore he passed along the coast as far as to Virginia ; and returned to England with a cargo of fish only.
War, fam- ine and pes- tilence among the tives.
The parties to this savage war, and its causes are not fully known ; though Mr. Hubbard says, that "on account of some Eastern Na- treachery committed by the western tributaries of the Bashaba, a great Indian prince, towards the Tarratines ; there had,* arisen a deadly feud ; and the latter began the war." Ogilby, from Sam- son d'Abberville, and Capt. Smith, both suppose the great Saga- more lived towards or near Penobscot ; and Gorges says, " his chief abode was not far from Pemaquid." His place of imme- diate residence was probably between that river and Penobscot bay. Yet, according to Purchas and Smith, his political domin- ions included, at least, all the Indians upon the Kennebec, the Androscoggin, and probably the Saco. Capt. Smith farther states, that though the tribes as far westward as Naumkeag [or Salem,] have their own sachems, or lords, " they hold the Bashaba to be chief, and the greatest among them." Nay, Gor- ges, Smith and Prince agree, that even the Massachusetts' In- dians and their friends, were sometimes the Bashaba's allies, though at other times, his enemies. It is also certain that the Tarratines dwelt upon the bay and waters of the Penobscot ; and
* Hubbard's N. E. p. 30.
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that they, and those on the Passamaquoddy and the river St. A. D. 1616. John, considered themselves as brothers, or branches of the same political family .*
Hostilities were probably commenced early in the spring, A. D. 1615 ;+ and for two years, violence, revenge, and extermination, seem to give character to this war. In its progress, the Tarra- tines "presumed upon the hopes of being favoured by the French," with whom they are represented as being on terms of very intimate intercourse.
At length, the arbiter of war decided in favour of the Tarra- tines ; who, as we are told, were more " brave, wise, lofty-spirit- ed and industrious, than many others ;" and might possibly have been somewhat assisted by the French.# Most evidently, their successes were equal to their wishes ; for these Tarratine war- riors and their eastern allies cut their way to the residence of the Bashaba ; and when they had killed him and his adherents, they carried away his women and all his valuable effects, in triumph ; laying waste his immediate territories. These were thought by some old writers, to have been the ruins of what the Europeans or natives have called the ancient Arambeck, § or the remote parts of Norombegua ; to which the victors, as far at least as to the western banks of Penobscot, or even to St. Georges, might per- haps now have succeeded .
This war, not only in its course, but consequences, was, we are told, uncommonly destructive. || The vanquished sufferers had been called from their hunting grounds, and prevented likewise from planting and fishing ; their habitations were destroyed, and famine and distress soon filled the country with misery. Add to these, the calamities of a civil war ; for the subordinate sachems having no federal head or superiour to control and unite them,
* See, for authorities-Ogilby, p. 130, 150; Smith's Hist. p. 213, 215; Gorges' Nar. p. 12, 22, 53-54 ; Prince's Ann. p. 112 .- " To the easternmost of Sagadahock"-" this is the Bashaba's dominion." Purchas' Pil. p. 939. t Prince's Ann. p. 43. He says, Oct. 1615, Hawkins found " the war at " the height, and the principal natives almost destroyed."
# Prince's Ann. p. 112. The Massachusetts Indians and the " Squaw Sachems," feared the Tarratines. ¿ Ogilby, 139. 5 Parchas, 1632.
| The enmity of the Tarratines continued after the war. In A. D. 1632, 100 of them in 30 canoes attacked the Sagamores of Agawam [Ips- wich]-and killed and took captive 10 or 12. Hubbard's N. E. 145. Winthrop's Journ. 28 .- 29.
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A. D. 1617. after the death of the Bashaba many of the chief men fell into bloody feuds among themselves.
To these distresses succeeded a pestilence, which spread far and wide, and was exceedingly fatal. It has been called the plague. It raged in the years 1617 and 1618 ;* and its wasting effects extended from the borders of the Tarratines, through the whole country, to the Narragansetts. The people died suddenly, and in great numbers, through the whole intermediate coast. It is said, some native tribes became extinct ; and their bones were seen years afterward by the English, bleeching above ground, at and around the places of their former habitations. The specif- ic disease is not certainly known. Some have thought it was probably the Small pox : others have believed it must have been the Yellow fever, from the circumstance, that the surviving In- dians represented the bodies of the sick, and dead, to have as- sumed an appearence resembling a yellow-coloured garment.
R. Vines and others winter at Saco.
It happened that Richard Vines and his companions, whom Gorges hired to remain during the winter in this country, passed that season, probably in the vicinity of Saco, when this wasting pestilence was at its height. Nevertheless, though ' the mortality' " was the greatest that ever happened within the memory of man," yet " Vines and the men with him, who lay in the cabins, with these people, that died, some more, some less, not one of them, ever felt their heads to ache, so long as they staid there."} While Providence by these destructive agencies of war, fam- ine and pestilence, seemed to be thus opening this country to the Smith and entrance of Christian settlers ; a spirit for colonizing it was ex- tensively reviving again in England. Capt. Smith indefatigably espoused the cause ; and in his solicitude to unite and animate the English nobility, gentry and merchants in the undertaking,
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