USA > Missouri > Centennial history of Missouri (the center state) one hundred years in the Union, 1820-1921, Volume I > Part 109
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"In Dr. Eliot's record he states that the only music in those days was furnished by several German gentlemen, of the most kindly intentions, but slight musical knowledge. He says that this choir was quite unfamiliar with the tunes used in the Unitarian church, and that when they sang 'Brattle Street,' they did so 'in quick time.'
"In January, 1835, the sixteen most faithful members of the congregation banded themselves into a society. They started out at once to collect funds for the erection of a church building. After three months of labor, they had collected only $1,000. Mr. Eliot then went east as the emissary of the society, and by preaching in Boston, Salem, Provi- dence, Philadelphia and New York, he raised the sum of $3,080. With the money they now had, they bought two lots, one on Fifth and Elm streets, and one on Fourth and Pine. This was a lucky investment, for in less than a year they sold the lot on Fifth and Elm for $5,500, a neat profit of $3,500.
"They now made arrangements to build on Fourth and Pine, which is the site now occupied by the Mississippi Valley Trust company. The entire block at that time was vacant ground; in fact the open country began at Broadway. A spring flowed on the spot where it was necessary to erect one of the walls of the church, and to avoid the expense of driving piling, a heavy brick arch was built over the spring, and the church wall was erected on top of the arch. When the Mississippi Valley Trust company was built, the contractors found this arch in such good condition, that they built the walls of the trust company right on top of it, and doubtless the spring still flows under that building."
In Sight of the Slave Market.
Speaking of the locality, Mr. Eliot suggested that from the front of the church might be seen the slave auctions taking place at the east front of the court- house, a block south. The church decided to start a Sunday school. "Six teachers volunteered but there were no children. Finally, however, they employed a sexton, a Mr. Owen, who happened to have ten children. They started a Sun- day school with these ten children. As a nucleus, this family was a great success."
Illustrating further the conditions of that period, he said that when, about 1840, Mr. Eliot built a frame house on Eighth street between Olive and Locust, "his parishioners reproached him for having moved so far west."
"Beyond Eighth street there were thick woods and few farm houses. Chouteau's Pond covered all of that part of the city included between Clark on the north, Eighth on the east, Gratiot on the south and Vandeventer on the west. Chouteau's Pond was sur- rounded by the shanties of the very poor and by slaughter houses, which dumped their refuse into the pond, so that the pond was, though the people did not realize it, a serious menace to health. St. Louis had no sewer system, and no water system. Drinking and washing water were obtained chiefly from cisterns and wells. After the great cholera year, in 1849, Chouteau's Pond was drained and a sewer system started. Water for household use was pumped from the river in its natural state, and, though of a rich chocolate color, it was fairly good after it had been allowed to stand over night."
Congregationalism in Missouri.
In a most notable address, delivered in December, 1877, Rev. Dr. Truman M. Post told of the beginning of Congregationalism in Missouri. At the time of his coming to St. Louis, Dr. Post was a member of the faculty of Illinois College at Jacksonville :
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"I had been repeatedly solicited to come to this city, with the proffer of a salary ade- quate to my financial relief, but I was attached to the college and was unwilling to live with slavery. At length a special delegate from the Third Presbyterian church, Dr. Reuben Knox, visited me, coming some 100 miles by stage to urge the application. To his inquiry if the difficulty was slavery, I told him it was. I was unwilling to lay my bones in a slave state or to commit my family to its destinies. His reply was, 'Come down and help us remove it.' At length after repeated calls and pleadings, in reply to a letter urg- ing their case anew, I replied that I would come for four years, but was unwilling to commit myself for a longer withdrawal from the college, and that I would come only on condition that my letter of acceptance should be publicly read,-not before the elders only, but publicly before the church, and that, after hearing my letter, the church should re-vote my call. In that letter I stated that I regarded holding human beings as property as a violation of the first principles of the Christian religion, and that while I did not require of the church that they should adopt my views in regard to it, or to modes of removal, I thought every Christian should be alive to the inquiry after some mode, and his duty thereunto; and that I must be guaranteed in my liberty of opinion and speech on this subject, at my own discretion. Otherwise I did not think that God called me to add my- self to the number of slaves in Missouri.
"I also wrote them that I was a Congregationalist from principle, and without dis- turbing their ecclesiastical relations, should still retain my own. The answer of the church was that they had done as I requested with my letter and that they now wished me more than ever. So I came to St. Louis in the fall of 1847, came for a term of years only, to the Third Presbyterian church."
After stating that the four years passed much more pleasantly than he had anticipated and that tolerance was extended to him in the expression of his views on slavery, Dr. Post told of a growing sentiment in the church in favor of becoming a Congregational body :
"Near the close of my term of engagement, different persons, and among them one of the elders, came to me with the statement that a large portion of our members were Con- gregationalists in principle and in origin; that there was room and demand for a Con- gregational church here, and that with a view of retaining me, whose term would soon expire, there was a wish among our members to form such a church. I replied that the church had undoubtedly the right to consult its own sense of interest and duty in the form and method of its church life. But situated as I was, as pastor for the time being of a Presbyterian church, I must decline, not only in appearance but in reality, all connection with the movement and was precluded from rendering the assistance they requested.
"Finally, just on the eve of the expiration of my engagement, the church, without any knowledge on my part of the purpose, or fact of their meeting, of their own motion, and without consultation with me, met, and, with a majority amounting almost to unanimity, determined by vote on the change. I first learned of the fact from a chance meeting with a member of the church on the street after the meeting was over, who told me what they had done and that they were 'all for it.' Soon after a committee from the church called on me and informed what they had done, and asked me to remain with them as pastor and conduct the new enterprise.
"The question seemed forced on me by the hand of God, and I could not put it by. Evidently a Congregational church was demanded in the city."
The spread of Congregationalism in Missouri did not come until after the Civil war. A congregational church was established in Hannibal in 1859, but that was about the only hold that the denomination had outside of St. Louis. In ten years following the war seventy Congregational churches were established ·
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Pioneer Presbyterianism in Central Missouri. 1
At commemorative exercises in the First Presbyterian church at Sedalia, in IS82, Judge John F. Philips told of the beginnings of that denomination in Central Missouri.
"In the year 1856, I was living in Georgetown, and was the only -Presbyterian there. There were perhaps not a dozen in the county. Rev. James Lapsley was living near Knob- noster and preaching in that neighborhood. I was instrumental in securing him to preach at Georgetown occasionally. We had no church, and the services were held in the base- ment of a brick building, which is still standing. My duties were many. I was elder, deacon, and sexton. I opened the church, rang the bell, built the fires, swept out the house, lit the lamps, went round the village to drum up an audience and took up the collection. I shall never forget my longing for co-laborers in the work of planting Presbyterianism in this county and preaching of the gospel to the people. Nor shall I ever forget the joy which was mine when that Kentucky delegation, headed by that noble man, Dr. Mont- gomery, and formed of kindred spirits came to us. It was as the coming of the relief of Lucknow. Dr. Montgomery at once set about his work, and organized a church at Priest's Chapel, twelve miles north of Georgetown, and I and my wife attended service there every Sunday, unless the severity of the weather prevented. He then came to us at Georgetown and there remained until the dark clouds of war rolled black against the sky. I shall always hold in fondest remembrance the life and work of this grand man among us."
A Problem in Pioneer Morals.
From "Catholic Beginnings in Kansas City," the writing of Rev. Gilbert J. Garraghan, of St. Louis University, it appears that as early as 1820 Bishop Dubourg sent a priest to investigate religious opportunities at the mouth of the Kaw. The mission was undertaken by Father de la Croix, of St. Ferdinand, and was prompted by the visit of some Osage chiefs to invite the bishop to visit their villages in Western Missouri. Father de la Croix in his report mentioned that he found a "handful of Creole settlers at the mouth of the Kansas river." Six years later Bishop Rosati sent Father Lutz to open a mission among the Kansas Indians. Father Lutz performed service in the Vasquez house which was located on the bank of the Missouri just below the mouth of the Kaw. Father Garraghan says :
"Historical candor compels the statement that Father Lutz was not favorably im- pressed with religious conditions in the Creole colony at Kawsmouth. Long standing lack of opportunity to share in the ministrations of the church, together with the careless, half savage manner of life among the voyageurs of the Missouri, had brought a deal of re- ligious indifference and other disorders in their train."
Later, in 1834, came Father Roux to succeed Father Lutz and to establish the pioneer church in what was to be Kansas City. This was a building of logs near what is now the corner of Pennsylvania avenue and Eleventh street, a block from the present cathedral. For a time this first house of worship was called Chouteau church, the Chouteau families having been the principal contributors to the cost. Two granddaughters of Daniel Boone were among the first chil- dren baptized by Father Roux. Their father, Daniel Morgan Boone, according to tradition, taught the first school in the settlement, having the use of the presbytery for that purpose. Conditions improved under Father Roux, although not as rapidly as the good priest wished. Father Roux wrote to the bishop that
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he was having a hard time to get the people to give up balls which took place, "sometimes after church services." He wrote: "I reprove, entreat, rebuke them in French and in English as well. I am instant in season and out of season, but their amendment is scarcely appreciable." Evidently, Father Roux had more influence than he realized for his successor at Kansas City, Father Nicholas Point, the companion of Father DeSmet, who took charge of the church in 1840, reported to the bishop :
"Another thing that occurred at this period gave me great joy. The year before balls had taken place among the people weekly; this year there were only two or three, which I permitted, lest by too great show of severity I might lose the ground I gained with them. The means they took in securing my permission for the dance amused me not a little. They sent as bearer of their first petition an old soldier of the empire, Jean Baptiste de Velder, a native of Belgium who had also accompanied Father DeSmet on his return from the Rocky Mountains and who bore the reputation of being a man to whom I would refuse nothing. The good old fellow came to me, and, after telling me that he had a favor to ask, begged to kneel and say a prayer for the success of his mission. The prayer said, he confidently broached the subject of his mission."
Father Bernard Donnelly succeeded Father Roux in 1846, and for thirty- four years was identified with the history of Kansas City.
Father McMenamy's War Experiences.
Rev. Bernard P. McMenamy was the resident priest in Edina during the Civil war. He was an intense Union man and preached against secession. Most of the young men in his congregation went into the Union army. These young men often sent money home by express for dependent relatives. Quincy was the nearest express point. Father McMenamy was accustomed to make the journey to Quincy, get these remittances, carry them back to Edina and distribute the money in accordance with the instructions of the boys. He became pay- master for a number of families. When reports reached Edina that Confederates were approaching on a raid, the priest hid the money in a stump in his back yard. One day, as Father McMenamy long afterwards told the story, a woman, rather poorly dressed and evidently from the country, came to the parochial residence and asked. "Is this where Mr. Priest lives?" Father McMenamy said he was the man. The woman was smoking a corncob pipe. She looked the priest over care- fully, and then handed him a letter, saying it was from the boys and they told her to "come here and get some money from you." Father McMenamy examined his list of remittances, found that there was some money forwarded by the boys mentioned in the letter. He paid it. Very deliberately. Patsy Mauck, for that she said was her name, looked at the money and the priest. "Wall," she said, "I think it derned strange that the boys should rather trust your honesty than to trust me ; but you've paid it over all right and I've a good mind to take dinner with you." The priest accepted.
It came to the part of Father McMenamy to do many extraordinary things in the war period. A report reached Edina one afternoon that Price was march- ing on the town. The priest went up town to investigate. Opposite the gate of John Biggerstaff, a Union man and a leading Methodist, the priest was stopped by Mr. Biggerstaff who had with him the bishop who had come to Edina to dedicate
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the new Methodist church. Mr. Biggerstaff explained that they were just on the way to the parochial residence to ask that the bishop be sheltered there as prob- ably the safest asylum if the rebels came. The priest fell in with the suggestion readily and took the bishop, then quite an old man, to his house and kept him there until next day, putting him on the stage for Canton early in the morning.
What a Vote for Lincoln Cost.
One of the twenty votes cast in Livingston county for Lincoln in 1850 was by Rev. J. E. Gardner, a Methodist preacher at Utica, A short time after the election, Mr. Gardner received a notice signed by thirty-seven citizens of Living- ston notifying him to leave the county within three days. He paid no attention to it. A little later a meeting was held and these charges were preferred :
"I. You are a preacher of the Methodist Episcopal Church North sent among us with- out our consent and supported by northern money, sent by a religious denomination, whose doctrine is to war upon the domestic institutions of the South.
"2. You are the only man in our community who voted for Lincoln, and you have publicly declared that you would glory in making yourself a martyr to the cause of abolitionism.
"3. You have had frequent interviews with slaves of this county, and you invited a number of them to the country and gave them a dinner, after preaching, as your equals."
Mr. Gardner replied in writing to these charges when they were presented to him :
"I. I am not a preacher of the M. E. Church North, as there is no such church in existence. Neither am I supported by northern money, but by the people to whom I am sent to preach. Our doctrine is not to war upon the domestic institutions of the state, for in our Book of Discipline we acknowledge ourselves obedient to the laws of the land.
"2. I did vote for Mr. Lincoln, but did not, either publicly or privately, declare that I would glory in making myself a martyr to the cause of abolitionism.
"3. I never had an interview with slaves or gave them a dinner, making them my equals. I therefore challenge the proof, as the onus brobandi rests on you; and until you bring that I stand with the law to defend me."
Another meeting was held and notice was sent to the minister that he must leave in three days, the hour of the limit being fixed. Citizens of Utica then formed a "law and order" organization which discountenanced the work of the previous organization and undertook to settle the matter by compromise. It was decided by the law and order society that the Gardner family should have ten days to move away. The day before the time expired a mob came to the house demand- ing that in ten minutes Gardner give his word to leave the county the next day, the threat being that if he did not the house would be burned. An order was given to bring hay for the purpose of starting the fire. After some parleying the mob withdrew to wait until next day. Mr. Gardner went down to one of the stores. The mob reassembled, seized him and put him astride of a rail. As they marched around town, they shouted "North Preacher!" "Lincolnite!" "Nigger Thief !" The minister warned the mob to flee from the wrath to come and then began to sing :
"Children of the Heavenly King, As we journey, let us sing."
Church of the Messiah, Olive and Ninth streets
Union Methodist Church, Eleventh and Locust Streets
Second Baptist Church, Sixth and Locust Streets
ST. LOUIS CHURCHES IN 1861
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One man said he would "make him shut his mouth" and threw a chunk of ice striking the minister on the shoulder. Mrs. Gardner went into the midst of the crowd and demanded the release of her husband. Citizens who had not partici- pated in the rail riding advised the Gardners to give their promise to leave the next day, telling them it was dangerous to refuse. The next day the Gardners went to Chillicothe and suit was started against the mob. According to a state- ment sent by Mrs. Gardner to the Central Christian Advocate at the time another mob "compelled Squire Hughes before whom the case was to be tried to burn the papers."
Deacon Tucker, the editor of the Evening Bulletin, worshipped at the Presby- terian church on Eighth and Locust streets. His paper was the organ of the southern rights people. Rev. Galusha Anderson, an aggressive young anti-slavery man was the minister of the Second Baptist church two blocks east. One evening the Bulletin came out with an editorial reading :
"The devil preaches at the corner of Sixth and Locust streets and he is the same sort of a being that he was more than 1,800 years ago. He wants everybody to bow down and worship him."
"Kucklebur Oath."
"Kucklebur oatlı" was what some of the Missourians in the interior of the state called the Drake test. They applied it in the case of the Rev. W. R. Lit- singer of Morgan county. This minister cast his lot with the South. When he returned, after the war, he found that the Methodists of the northern faction had taken possession of the church building in Versailles and had been holding regu- lar services. On Sunday he went to church and sat quietly until the services were ended. Then he arose and said that the Methodist Church South would resume regular services in that church beginning the following Sunday. As soon as the announcement was made, examination showed that Mr. Litsinger had taken the key from the front door. The northern Methodists demanded the key. Mr. Lit- singer held on to it. Then the northern Methodists announced that they would prevent Litsinger from occupying the pulpit on the ground that he had not taken the "kucklebur oath" as required by the Drake constitution. Mr. Litsinger preached and was arrested. The court put him under $600 bonds to answer for the offense. That same court had a few days before put a horse thief under only $200 bonds, which prompted Mr. Litsinger to remark to the judge that "in this court it is three times worse to preach the Gospel than to steal."
In Dunklin county a Cumberland Presbyterian congregation had a novel ex- perience during the Civil war. While Rev. T. S. Love was preaching the church was surrounded by a company of guerrillas. The leader interrupted the service to say that there was no intention to disturb the services further than to require the men inside to come out and exchange clothes with them. The men went out- side, closing the church doors and leaving the women and children within. The Sunday suits were stripped off, the guerrillas selecting the sizes that best fitted them. For the boots of the churchgoers, the guerrillas gave some badly worn foot- gear. One young man had the presence of mind to pull off his boots before he came out of the church and shove them into the stove. It was in warm weather. He went out of doors barefoot and the guerrillas asked no question. After the Vol. 1-63
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company had departed with all the good clothes of the churchgoers the latter put on enough of the dilapidated clothing left behind, went back into the church, sang a hymn and went home.
Archbishop Kenrick's Lectures and Newsletter.
From conversions of non-Catholics, the Catholic church gained strength in St. Louis before the war. As early as 1848 Archbishop Kenrick began a notable undertaking. He had public announcement made that during Lent he would deliver evening lectures. His subjects were such as Evidences of Christianity, Divine Revelation, Mysteries of Religion, Doctrines of the Church, Ritual Observ- ances and so on through an elaborate course of information on the Catholic faith. About the same time that the archbishop announced his lectures, a Catholic news- paper called the St. Louis Newsletter was started. Father O'Hanlon was made the editor. The Newsletter was published weekly and it made a feature of the archbishop's lectures. Not only was the public given to understand that the lec- ture course would be open to anybody who chose to come but a special effort was made to show non-Catholics that they were welcome. Owners of pews threw them open to all comers. It soon became apparent that a considerable proportion of the attendants upon these lectures were non-Catholics. The cathedral was thronged, the attendance including some of the most prominent people in the city. The editor of the Newsletter of 1848 has left a record of this religious awakening in St. Louis :
It was scarcely possible to understand how the archbishop could find a moment's time to prepare and arrange the heads of these discourses, much less to deliver them in that orderly and logical manner in which they were molded; but they were indeed most instructive to the priests, as to the laity present, for while each lecture evinced a pro- found knowledge of the subject, it was enforced .by reasoning and illustrations which carried conviction to the minds of all dispassionate hearers. I found that the archbishop was accustomed to jot down on a small sheet of paper the divisions of his sermon for each evening, while he trusted to a well stored memory for the abundant matter his theological erudition had gleaned, and a measured fluency and accuracy of language came to his aid without any apparent effort. I was fortunate to procure these notes after they had been used, and soon the archbishop undertook to revise my reports, before they were sent to the printer. I have reason to know these resumes served a very useful pur- pose and they formed a feature of the Newsletter which was particularly interesting to all its readers. The result of this course of instruction was to bring an additional num- ber of non-Catholic visitors to the cathedral. As their interest and spirit of inquiry grew, many of them desired interviews with the archbishop to receive further explanations and instruction. Several well disposed and distinguished persons were thus prepared for ad- mission to the church. Whether conditionally or unconditionally administered, baptism was received by many, and afterwards these became practical and fervent Catholics. Not alone the archbishop but several of his priests engaged in the duty of catechising and receiving converts of the greatest respectability and of a thoughtful intelligent class. As in the Apostolic time, the Lord daily added to His church those who were to be saved. So St. Louis began to acquire a distinction for Catholicity.
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