USA > Missouri > Centennial history of Missouri (the center state) one hundred years in the Union, 1820-1921, Volume I > Part 79
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Plot and Counter-plot.
Snead said that among those with whom Governor Jackson conferred early in April were John A. Brownlee, president of the new police board; Judge William M. Cooke, and Captains Greene and Duke of the Minute Men. "They all agreed that the most important and the first thing to be done was to seize the arsenal so as to obtain the means for at once arming and equipping the state militia."
General Harney heard of this; so did Lyon. The contents of the armory were still under the custody of Major Hagner. Lyon said if any attempt was made by the Minute Men to take the arsenal he would issue arms to the Home Guards. If Hagner tried to stop him he would "pitch him into-the river." On the 6th of April General Harney issued an order putting Lyon in full com- mand of the arsenal and giving control of the contents. Lyon, however, went beyond instructions and sent his soldiers into the streets outside of the arsenal. Citizens protested against the military patrol. Harney ordered it stopped. When Blair came from Washington the 17th of April he brought an order on the arsenal for 5,000 muskets "to arm loyal citizens," the paper to be served when in his judgment conditions demanded. He sent a protest against Harney's instructions to Lyon. On the 21st of April, Harney received notice to come to Washington. That same day Lyon began "to arm loyal citizens." Four regi- ments of Home Guards were given guns and formed into a brigade. Lyon was elected brigadier-general, by the regimental officers, Blair declining to be con- sidered.
Fort Sumter fell on the 13th of April. President Lincoln called for 75,000 men, of which Missouri's quota was four regiments of infantry. Governor Jackson replied : "Not one man will Missouri furnish to carry on such an unholy crusade." Commenting on the governor's action, the Missouri Republican said : "Nobody expected any other response from him, and the people of Missouri will indorse it. They may not approve the early course of the southern states, but they denounce and defy the action of Mr. Lincoln in proposing to call out 75,000 men for the purpose of coercing the seceding states. Whatever else may happen, he gets no men from the border states to carry on such a war."
Blair's Great Opportunity.
Blair came back from Washington the day Governor Jackson telegraphed his refusal to furnish Missouri's quota. He wired the Secretary of War: "Send order at once for mustering men into service to Capt. N. Lyon. It will then be surely executed and we will fill your requisition in two days."
GENERAL W. S. HARNEY In command at St. Louis in 1861
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GENERAL STERLING PRICE Commander of Missouri troops in Confed- erate army
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Courtesy Missouri Historical Society
ST. LOUIS IN 1861
Southeast corner of Seventh and Olive streets. Building in the center with balcony was Fire Department headquarters many years. Home Guards marching north on Seventh Street, May. 1861, fired into the building and along the street with loss of lives.
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On the 23rd of April the order canie to Lyon to "muster into the service the four regiments" which the governor had refused. Lyon had an army. He immediately mustered into United States service the four regiments of "loyal citizens" already armed. The arsenal and the 60,000 muskets were lost to the Minute Men. One thing that operated to the advantage of Blair and Lyon in getting the order to arm the Home Guards was the seizure of the arsenal at Liberty, Missouri, on the 20th of April. Four brass guns and other munitions not in great quantity were taken by state troops. Another moving influence with the War Department at Washington was a letter which General Harney sent on the day that Jackson refused President Lincoln's call. "The arsenal build- ings and grounds are completely commanded by the hills immediately in their rear, and within easy range, and I learn from sources which I consider reliable, that it is the intention of the executive of this state to cause batteries to be erected on these hills and also on the island opposite the arsenal. I am further informed that should such batteries be erected, it is contemplated by the state authorities, in the event of the secession of the state from the Union, to demand the surrender of the arsenal."
Lieutenant Schofield was the man who informed Harney of a plan to seize the arsenal under cover of a riot. The old war dog growled his reply, "A blanked outrage! Why the state has not yet passed the ordinance of secession. Missouri has not gone out of the United States." Lyon had the same informa- tion. On the same day he sent a messenger to Governor Yates at Springfield and asked him to get authority from Washington to hold the six Illinois regiments in readiness for service at St. Louis. Lyon also advised Governor Yates to make requisition on the War Department for muskets at the St. Louis arsenal and get them taken to Springfield as soon as possible.
Commissioners Sent to Jefferson Davis.
Harney and Lyon were well informed. On the day following Harney's writ- ing and Lyon's message to Yates, Governor Jackson started Greene and Duke to Montgomery, the temporary Confederate capital, with a letter to Mr. Davis asking him for siege guns and mortars for the proposed attack on the arsenal. Judge William M. Cooke left for Richmond on a similar commission.
Snead said that just before Greene and Duke went south to see Jefferson Davis, Frost had drawn up a plan which Brownlee had indorsed and given to the governor. This plan provided for a special session of the legislature and for a proclamation to the people of Missouri. The governor was to warn the people "that the President has acted illegally in calling out troops, thus arrogating to himself the war-making power, that they are, therefore, by no means bound to give him aid or comfort in his attempt to subjugate by force of arms a people who are still free, but, on the contrary, should prepare themselves to maintain their rights as citizens of Missouri."
The plan was dated the 15th of April. It also provided that the governor should order Frost "to form a military camp of instruction at or near the City of St. Louis ; to muster military companies into the service of the state, and to erect batteries and do all things necessary and proper to be done in order to maintain the peace and dignity of the state."
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"It was intended." said Snead. "that the camp of instruction should be estab- lished on the river bluffs below the arsenal in such position that, with the aid of the siege guns and mortars which were to be brought from the South, Frost and his brigade. reinforced by Bowen's command and by volunteers, would be able to force Lyon to surrender the arsenal and all its stores to the state."
On the 23rd day of April, 1861. Jefferson Davis wrote from Montgomery, Alabama. to Governor Claiborne F. Jackson :
"I have the honor to acknowledge yours of the 17th instant, borne by Capts. Green and Duke, and have most cordially welcomed the fraternal assurances it brings. A misplaced but generous confidence has, for years past, prevented the southern states from making the preparation required for the present emergency, and our power to supply you with ordnance is far short of the will to serve you. After learning as well as I could from the gentlemen accredited to me what was most useful for the attack on the arsenal, I have directed that Capts. Green and Duke should be furnished with two 12-pounder howitzers and two 32-pounder guns with proper ammunition for each. These, from the commanding hills, will be effective, both against the garrison and to breach the enclosing walls of the place. I concur with you as to the great importance of capturing the arsenal and securing its supplies, rendered doubly important by the means taken to obstruct your commerce and render you unarmed victims of a hostile invasion. We look anxiously and hopefully for the day when the star of Missouri shall be added to the constellation of the Confederate States of America."
Secret Shipment of Guns to Illinois.
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Yates promptly got his order to send Illinois troops "to support the garrison of the St. Louis arsenal." At the same time Lyon was ordered from Washington to equip these Illinois troops and to deliver to the agent of Governor Yates guns and ammunition for 10,000 more troops. These orders came on the 20th. But before Yates could send his regiments, Lyon had armed his four regiments of Home Guards and the arsenal was safe. On the night of the 26th, the City of Alton dropped down to the arsenal, took on board the muskets and ammunition and other equipment for Illinois.
Governor Yates sent Capt. James H. Stokes to represent him in the removal of the arms from the arsenal. Stokes came in citizen's dress. He had chartered the City of Alton but had instructed the captain to remain at Alton for orders. When Stokes reached the arsenal he found a crowd of southern rights men gathered at the gate. A rumor prevailed that an attack was to be made by 2,000 militia from Jefferson City. With considerable effort Stokes reached Lyon and presented the requisition for 10,000 muskets. In some way the southern rights men had learned that an attempt might be made to remove the arms. They had posted a battery on the river bank some distance above the arsenal. Lyon sent out his spies and learned of the plans of the Minute Men. On the 25th of April Stokes sent word to the captain of the City of Alton to come down the river and reach the arsenal at midnight. Early in the evening Lyon sent some cases of old flintlock muskets up to the levee as if intending to ship them by boat. Most of the southern rights men who had been watching the arsenal followed the cases of flintlocks and when they were unloaded took possession of them and moved them to a hiding place, under the impression that they had stopped a shipment of serviceable guns. Lyon arrested the remaining watchers and held them prisoners. The whole arsenal force was put to work moving the
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.boxes of good muskets. The Alton arrived in front of the arsenal just before midnight. The 10,000 muskets were put on board so hurriedly that they carried the bow of the boat down into the mud. When the load was on, the Alton could not be moved. As quickly as possible 200 boxes, which had been piled in front to protect the engines if the boat was fired on by the battery, were carried aft. Lyon interpreted the requisition so liberally that when the Alton pushed off she carried 20,000 muskets, 500 carbines, the same number of revolvers, 110,000 cartridges and considerable other war material. The Alton took the channel and started north. Both Stokes and Captain Mitchell of the boat expected to be fired on when they passed the levee, but the battery was silent. The ruse of the flintlocks had apparently deceived the Minute Men. The boat reached Alton at 5 o'clock in the morning. Stokes ran to the market-house and rang the fire-bell. As the people responded he appealed for volunteers to help him get the Alton's load on board the cars. By 7 o'clock the work was done and Stokes was on his way to Springfield. Lyon prepared the arsenal for siege. He placed bat- teries, built platforms to enable the men to fire over the walls, cut port holes and arranged sand bags for protection.
When he learned of the shipment of arms from the arsenal and of Lyon's elaborate plans of defense, Governor Jackson sent Harding, his quartermaster- general, to St. Louis to buy all of the guns and ammunition he could find in the stores. The general was late. St. Louisans had been buying arms for three months. There were private arsenals everywhere. Capt. Sam Gaty went into the office of his lawyer, Samuel T. Glover, on legal business. He saw a gun leaning in the corner and said something about it. "You secessionists don't expect to drive the Union men out of St. Louis, do you?" retorted Glover. Harding found stocks in the gun stores depleted. With a good deal of trouble he bought for the state a few hundred hunting rifles, some tents and other camp equipage and seventy tons of powder. The purchases were consigned to the state authorities at Jefferson City. The shipment was made on the 7th of May and Captain Kelly's company of the state militia, composed of fighting Irishmen, went as a guard. That was the reason this crack company was not at Camp Jackson when the capture took place. Years afterwards the militant sympathizers with the South told the story of Camp Jackson in a song which ran :
" 'Twas on the tenth of May
When Kelly's men were away -.- "
The Armed Neutrality Policy.
While these warlike preparations of Blair and Lyon on the one side and Governor Jackson and the Minute Men on the other went on. the voice of Mis- souri at large was still raised for "armed neutrality." In his Columbia States- men of April 15, 1861, William F. Switzler said :
"Let them (the border states) stand as a wall of fire between the belligerent extremes. and with their strong arms and potential counsel keep them apart. Let them stand pledged, as they now are, to resist any attempt at coercion, plighting their faith, as we do not hesi- tate to plight the faith of Missouri, that if the impending war of the northern states against the southern shall, in defiance of our solemn protest and warning, actually occur (which
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CENTENNIAL HISTORY OF MISSOURI
God in his mercy forefend!) we shall stand by Virginia and Kentucky and our southern sisters-sharing their dangers, and abiding their fortunes and destiny-in driving back from their borders the hostile fleet of northern invaders. Of the South, we are for the South."
The Missouri Republican, organ of all the conservative elements, met the situation on the 22d :
"Let us take the same position that Kentucky has taken-that of armed neutrality. Let us declare that no military force levied in other states, shall be allowed to pass through our state, or camp upon our soil. Let us demand of the opposing sections to stop further hostile operations until reason can be appealed to in Congress, and before the people; and when that fails it will be time enough for us to take up arms. Why should we, all unpre- pared, rush out of the Union, to find a doubtful and reluctant reception in the Confederate states."
Long after the war was over, Champ Clark pointed out the futility of the "armed neutrality" argument. He said :
"Time fought for Blair in this strange contest for possession of a state, for the preserva- tion of the Republic. Those who most effectually tied the hands of the secessionists and who unwittingly but most largely played into Blair's were the advocates of 'armed neutrality,' certainly the most preposterous theory ever hatched in the brain of man. Who was its father cannot now be definitely ascertained, as nobody is anxious to claim the dubious honor of its paternity. What it really meant may be shown by an incident that happened in the great historic county of Pike, a county which furnished one brigadier-general and five colonels to the Union army and three colonels to the Confederate, with a full complement of officers and men.
"Early in 1861 a great 'neutrality meeting' was held at Bowling Green, the county seat, Hon. William L. Gatewood, a prominent lawyer, a Virginian or Kentuckian by birth, an ardent southern sympathizer, subsequently a state senator, was elected chairman. The Pike county orators were out in full force, but chief among them was Hon. George W. Anderson, also a prominent lawyer, and East Tennessean by nativity, afterwards a colonel in the Union army, a state senator, and for four years a member of Congress. Eloquence was on tap and flowed freely. Men of all shades of opinion fraternized; they passed strong and ringing resolutions in favor of 'armed neutrality,' and 'all went merry as a marriage bell.'
"Chairman Gatewood was somewhat mystified and not altogether satisfied by the har- monious proceedings; so, after adjournment sine die, he took Anderson out under a con- venient tree, and in his shrill tenor nervously inquired, 'George, what does "armed neutrality" mean, anyhow?' Anderson, in his deep base, growled, 'It means guns for the Union men and none for the rebels!'-the truth and wisdom of which remarks are now perfectly apparent. So it was, verily. Anderson had hit the bull's-eye, and no mistake. If he had orated for an entire month, he could not have stated the case more luminously or more com- prehensively. He had exhausted the subject. Before the moon had waxed and waned again the leaders of that 'neutrality' lovefeast were hurrying to and fro, beating up for volunteers, in every nook and corner in the county,-some for service in the Union, others for service in the Confederate army.
"But it is proverbial that 'hindsight is better than foresight.' Men must be judged by their own knowledge at the time they acted, not by ours; by the circumstances with which they were surrounded, not by those which environ us. What may appear unfathomable problems to the wisest men of one generation may be clear as crystal to even the dullest of the succeeding generation. However ridiculous 'armed neutrality,' judged by the hard logic of events, may appear in the retrospect; however untenable we now know it to have been, whom afterwards won laurels on the battlefield and laid down their lives in one army or the fact nevertheless remains that it was honestly believed in and enthusiastically advocated
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by thousands of capable, brave, and honest men all over Kentucky and Missouri, many of the other in defense of what they deemed right."
Jackson's Confidential Letter.
A confidential letter by Governor Claiborne Jackson to the editor of the St. Louis Bulletin, is in the manuscript collection of the Missouri Historical Society. It is dated April 28, 1861. It is an important revelation of the state administra- tion's policy at the time and of purposes behind the scenes :
"I write this note in confidence and under a state of mind very peculiar. I know not when I have been so deeply mortified as on yesterday when I read the leading editorial of the Republican. Governor Price called on me a few days since, when passing on his way to St. Louis. We had an interview of ten minutes, not more. It was strictly private and confidential. Neither was at liberty to repeat what the other said, much less was either licensed to misstate and misrepresent the position of the other.
"Governor Price asked me what I thought as to the time of calling the convention. I told him not to be in a hurry but to wait 'til the legislature met, and to be here at that time, so that we could consult with the members from all parts of the state, and fix upon a proper time; that in my judgment we should not go out of the Union until the legislature had time to arm the state to some extent and place it in a proper position of defense. This was in substance, the sum total of all I said to him. Governor Price said many things to me in that short interview which I am not at liberty to repeat, and which I could not do without doing violence to my sense of honor, violating every rule of propriety which gov- erns the intercourse of gentlemen, and forfeiting all claim to the position of an honorable member of the community.
"If it be the purpose of Paschall and Price to make me endorse the position of the Republican and the miserable, base, and cowardly conduct of Governor Price's submission convention, then they are woefully mistaken. Lashed and driven as they have been by an indignant and outraged constituency from the position of 'unconditional union,' they are now seeking shelter under the miserable absurdity of 'armed neutrality.' About the only truth in Paschall's article is that in which he states my policy to be a 'policy.'
"This is true. I am for peace, and so is everybody except Lincoln and Frank Blair. You will do me an especial favor to inform Mr. Paschall that whenever Governor Jackson wishes his position upon matters of public interest properly stated and set before the people, he will take some direct manner of doing it, and not rely upon the colored and garbled statements of a set of men who, under the garb of friendship, seek to obtain his con- fidence only to betray him, and play the part of pumps and spies.
"I do not think Missouri should secede to-day or to-morrow, but I do not think it good policy that I should publicly so declare. I want a little time to arm the state, and I am assuming every responsibility to do it with all possible dispatch. Missouri should act in concert with Tennessee and Kentucky. They are all bound to go out and should go together, if possible. My judgment is that North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas will all be out in a few days, and when they go, Missouri and Kentucky must follow. Let us then prepare to make our exit. We should keep our own counsels. Every man in the state is in favor of arming the state. Then let it be done. All are opposed to furnishing Mr. Lincoln with soldiers. Time will settle the balance. Nothing should be said about the time or the manner in which Missouri should go out. That she ought to go and will go at the proper time I have no doubt. She ought to have gone last winter when she could have seized the public arms and public property and defended herself. This she has failed to do, and must now wait a little while. Paschall is a base submissionist. and desires to remain with the North if every other slave state should go out.
"This he proved in indorsing all those who voted against Bast's amendment. The people of Missouri, I must think, understand my position. Paschall knows the people are twenty to one against him and hence he seeks to drag me into his aid and support. You should denounce his course, and expose his baseness. To frighten our people into the
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most slavish position he parades before them from day to day our defenseless attitude, and meanly makes it out a thousand times worse than it really is. Missouri can put into the field to-day twenty thousand men, better armed than our fathers were, who won our inde- pendence. If you can, I should be glad to see you here on Tuesday evening. I hope you will fully comprehend my whole policy. And without undertaking to shadow it forth spe- cifically or in detail, I only ask that you will defend me from the false position in which Paschall and Price seem disposed to place me. Call on every country paper to defend me, and assure them I am fighting under the true flag. Who does not know that every sym- pathy of my heart is with the South?
"The legislature, in my view, should sit in secret session and touch nothing but the measures of defense. Let the measures of Mr. Sturgeon, Mr. Paschall, Mr. Taylor, & Co., in regards to their railroads all go by the board. I have not the patience or the time to talk of such matters now. Let us first preserve our liberties and attend to business affairs afterwards. Let all our energies and all our means be applied to our defense and safety. "Yours truly, "C. F. JACKSON."
As soon as he had mustered in his four regiments, Lyon set about his plans to make still more complete the defense of the arsenal. On the 30th of April he wrote to the secretary of war: "The state is doubtless getting ready to attack the government troops with artillery. I. have sent three volunteer companies with Captain Totten's battery to occupy buildings outside of the arsenal, hired for this purpose. both to give them shelter and to occupy commanding positions which the secessionists had intended to occupy themselves and upon which they openly avowed that they would plant siege batteries to reduce this place, the arsenal. This exasperates them and has given rise to a singular correspondence which, when convenient, I will lay before the War Department."
Committee of Public Safety Recognized.
The very day that Lyon's report on the intentions of the state against the arsenal was mailed, April 30th, there was started from the war department a document that conveyed sweeping authority. It was signed by Secretary Cameron and was addressed to Capt. Nathaniel Lyon, commanding department of the west. It read :
"The President of the United States directs that you enroll in the military service of. the United States loyal citizens of St. Louis and vicinity, not exceeding, with those hereto- fore enlisted, ten thousand in number, for the purpose of maintaining the authority of the United States and for the protection of the peaceable inhabitants of Missouri, and you will, if deemed necessary for that purpose by yourself and Messrs. Oliver D. Filley, John How, James O. Broadhead, Samuel T. Glover, J. J. Witzig, and Francis P. Blair, Jr., pro- claim martial law in the city of St. Louis."
The document was indorsed, "It is revolutionary times, and therefore I do not object to the irregularity of this. W. S." The initials were those of Winfield Scott. The document bore the further indorsement, "Approved April 30, 1861. A. Lincoln." The six men named were the Committee of Public Safety who had been acting heretofore by authority of a meeting of citizens. Now the com- mittee received government recognition. It was "revolution." But President Lincoln realized what it meant to hold Missouri in the Union and he did not stop at revolution which put state and city in the control of a Committee of Public Safety composed of Missourians he trusted.
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