USA > Missouri > Centennial history of Missouri (the center state) one hundred years in the Union, 1820-1921, Volume I > Part 71
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a plurality over Chief Justice Joseph Philips, who divided the pro-slavery vote with Judge Thomas C. Brown.
A Secret Conference.
After the admission of the state, Missourians who disliked slavery began to plan for gradual emancipation. Benton was among those who counselled such a course. Missouri was not a cotton state. It had comparatively a small popu- lation limited to certain sections. It looked to free labor for its development. In 1828, Missourians held a secret conference to consider what could be done to bring about emancipation. The two United States senators, John Wilson and others were in the conference. Wilson at the time lived in Fayette. He was a lawyer and political leader. Years afterwards he removed to San Francisco, living there to the ripe old age of eighty-seven. A letter from Wilson, written to Thomas Shackleford and preserved by the Missouri Historical Society, gives his recollections of the movement and of what led to the abandonment of it:
"In 1827 (I believe it may have been in 1828), I was one of those who attended a private meeting in that good old state, of about twenty of us claiming at least to be party leaders, about equally representing every district of the state, of about equal numbers of democrats and whigs. Colonel Benton and Judge Barton were present, the two latter, however, not being on speaking terms. One object that brought us together was to con- sider how we should get rid of slavery in Missouri. We unanimously determined to urge action upon all candidates at the approaching election. Resolutions were drawn up and printed (in secret) and distributed amongst us, with an agreement that on the same day these resolutions, in the shape of memorials, were to be placed before the people all over the state, and both parties were to urge the people-to sign them. Our combination; too, then had the power to carry out our project. Unfortunately, before the day arrived, it was published in the newspapers generally that Arthur Tappan of New York had entertained at his private table some negro men, and that, in fact, these negro men had rode out in his private carriage with his daughters. Perhaps it was not true, but it was believed in Mis- souri, and raised such a furor that we dare not and did not let our memorials see the light. And, as well as I can call to mind, of the individuals who composed this secret meeting, I am the only one left to tell the tale; but for that story of the conduct of the great original fanatic on this subject we should have carried, under the leadership of Barton and Benton, our project, and begun in future the emancipation of the colored race that would long since have been followed by Kentucky, Maryland, Virginia, North Caro- lina, Tennessee, etc. Our purpose further, after we got such a law safely placed on the statute books, was to have followed it up by a provision requiring the masters of those who should be born to be free to teach them to read and write. This shows you how little a thing turns the destiny of nations."
The Lovejoy Tragedy.
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Elijah Parrish Lovejoy came to Missouri in the latter part of 1827. He was twenty-five years of age, a native of Maine, the son of Rev. Daniel Lovejoy, a Congregational minister. He had graduated at Waterville College in 1826 and after teaching school in Maine several months he caught the western fever. In St. Louis, Lovejoy became first a school teacher. He was an industrious reader and in a short time began writing for the newspapers. One of his first articles was a poem addressed to his mother. It appeared in the Missouri Republican.
The next year after taking his residence in St. Louis, Lovejoy became con- nected with the Times, the first of five newspapers which have borne that name
m
RESIDENCE OF JOHN P. CABANNE, OF ST. LOUIS, BUILT IN 1819
ST. LOUIS.CATHEDRAL IN 1840
Situated on Walnut Street between Second and Third. Still in use as a Parish Church. Con- tains a collection of paintings by early masters.
Vol. 1-42
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in St. Louis. The Times was supporting Henry Clay for the presidency. Young Lovejoy rapidly obtained a reputation in his writing which made him popular with the whigs. He might have become prominent in politics, but in the winter of 1831-32 he was converted in a religious revival. This experience changed his views of life. He united with the First Presbyterian Church, of which the Rev. Dr. W. S. Potts was the pastor. Young Lovejoy believed that it was his duty to become a minister. On the advice of Dr. Potts he went to the Theological Seminary at Princeton, New Jersey, in 1832, and stayed until April, 1833, when he was given a license to preach by the Second Presbytery at Philadelphia. In the autumn of 1833 he was back in St. Louis for the purpose of establishing a religious weekly newspaper at the request of a number of church people who had known him as a writer on the Times. The capital was raised by St. Louis busi- ness men. The editorial and business management was given over to Lovejoy .. The first number of the St. Louis Observer appeared November 22, 1833. Besides getting out his weekly paper, Mr. Lovejoy visited communities in the vicinity of St. Louis on week days as well as Sundays and conducted religious meetings. It was not until the summer of 1834 that he formally declared himself against slavery and began the aggressive course which cost him his life at Alton on the 7th of November, 1837. 1
Citizens of St. Louis appealed to Lovejoy to stop when he began the discus- sion of slavery in the Observer. They told him that his views caused resentment on the part of the pro-slavery people and would lead to trouble. Editor Lovejoy replied to the protests in an address calling attention to the clause of the con- stitution of Missouri declaring that "the free communication of thoughts and opinions is one of the inalienable rights of man, and that every person may freely speak, write and print on any subject-being responsible for the abuse of that liberty." His deliberate determination was announced in one of the closing para- graphs of the appeal: "I do, therefore, as an American citizen and Christian patriot, and in the name of liberty, law and religion, solemnly protest against all these attempts, howsoever and by whomsoever made, to frown down the liberty of the press and forbid the free expression of opinion. Under a deep sense of my obligations to my country, the church and my God, I declare it to be my fixed purpose to submit to no such dictation. And I am prepared to abide by the con- sequences. I have appealed to the Constitution and laws of my country ; if they fail to protect me, I appeal to God, and with him I cheerfully rest my cause."
The Observer continued to print attacks on slavery. The men who had pro- vided the capital concluded that it would be safer to remove the plant to Alton. Before the transfer a group of men went to the Observer office one night, broke some of the furniture and material and threw the fragments into the river. The press was not seriously damaged. It was shipped to Alton but was seized by pro- slavery men and thrown into the river. At a public meeting in Alton this act of violence was denounced in resolutions which at the same time declared the meeting not in sympathy with Mr. Lovejoy's views on slavery. A new press was bought. The publication of the Observer continued from September, 1836, to August, 1837. In the summer of 1837 another public meeting was held. Resolutions were adopted which condemned the course of the Observer. A committee was appointed to present the expression of the meeting to the editor. Lovejoy replied that he
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intended to continue the publication. On the night of August 21st a mob entered the office of the Observer and wrecked the plant. In September the third press was delivered and placed in a warehouse. The same night it was taken out and thrown into the river. Lovejoy ordered a fourth press. The excitement in- creased. An indignation meeting of citizens was held on the 3d of November. Very strong resolutions against the continuance of the Observer were passed. Lovejoy was given an opportunity to express his sentiments. His address to the meeting was put in writing by him. In the course of it he said :
"Mr. Chairman, what have I to compromise? If freely to forgive those who have so greatly injured me, if to pray for their temporal and eternal happiness, if still to wish for the prosperity of your city and state, notwithstanding all the indignities I have suffered in it; if this be the compromise intended, then do I willingly make it. My rights have been shamefully, wickedly outraged; this I know, and feel, and can never forgive. But I can and do freely forgive those who have done it. But if by a compromise is meant that I should cease from doing that which duty requires of me, I cannot make it. And the reason is, that I fear God more than I fear man. Think not that I would lightly go contrary to public sentiment around me. The good opinion of my fellow-men is dear to me, and I would sacrifice anything but principle to obtain their good wishes; but when they ask me to surrender this, they ask for more than I can-than I dare give. Reference is made to the fact that I offered a few days since to give up the editorship of the Observer into other hands. This is true. I did so because it was thought or said by some that perhaps the paper would be better patronized in other hands. They declined accepting my offer, how- ever, and since then we have heard from the friends and supporters of the paper in all parts of the state. There was but one sentiment among them; and this was that the paper could be sustained in no other hands than mine. It is also a very different question whether I shall voluntarily, or at the request of friends, yield up my post; or whether I shall forsake it at the demand of a mob. The former I am at all times ready to do, when circumstances occur to require it, as I will never put my personal wishes or interests in competition with the cause of that Master whose minister I am. But the latter, be assured, I never will do. God, in his providence-so say all my brethren, and so I think-has devolved upon me the responsibility of maintaining my ground here; and, Mr. Chairman, I am determined to do it. A voice comes to me from Maine, from Massachusetts, from Connecticut, from New York, from Pennsylvania; yea, from Kentucky, from Mississippi, from Missouri, calling upon me in the name of all that is dear in heaven or earth, to stand fast; and by the help of God I will stand. I know I am but one and you are many. My strength would avail but little against you all. You can crush me if you will; but I shall die at my post, for I cannot and will not forsake it.
"Why should I flee from Alton? Is not this a free state? When assailed by a mob at St. Louis, I came hither, as the home of freedom and of the laws. The mob has pur- sued me here, and why should I retreat again? Where can I be safe if not here? Have not I a right to claim the protection of the laws? What more can I have in any other place? Sir, the very act of retreating will embolden the mob to follow me wherever I go. No, sir; there is no way to escape the mob but to abandon the path of duty, and that, God helping me, I will never do."
The fourth press was received and placed in a warehouse. Friends of Love- joy divided into squads of six to maintain guard over it. On the night of the 7th 'of November a mob proceeded to the warehouse. Lovejoy's friends were armed. Authority had been given by the mayor, John M. Krum, afterwards mayor of St. Louis, to defend the property. There was firing on both sides. A man named Bishop was killed. Lovejoy and two others of his party ventured outside of the building. The mob had fallen back after an attempt to set fire to the roof. Several
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shots were fired from ambush. Lovejoy was struck by five bullets. He was mortally wounded but was able to enter the warehouse and reach the second story before he fell and almost immediately expired. The others who had been on guard escaped with wounds by running down the levec. The mob entered the warehouse and destroyed the press.
Treatment of Missouri Slaves.
The slave population of St. Louis was never large. Evils of slavery were mitigated by the humane, gentle, even affectionate care which the wives of St. Louis slave owners bestowed upon their dependents. The traveling companions of Kossuth, the Hungarian patriot, came to St. Louis expecting to find material for criticism of slavery. They wrote about a close view they had of the institution :
"Today I visited a large American establishment belonging to Colonel O'Fallon. The place reminded me of a Hungarian house, a large solid stone building on a hill, in the midst of a park with stately trees, surrounded by cottages. But here the likeness ceased, the inmates were black slaves. As far as I saw, they are well fed and well clothed. When we arrived at the door a' negro woman opened it; it was the former nurse of Mrs. Pope, the lady who accompanied me, the daughter of the proprietor. Black Lucy seemed delighted to see her young mistress, and brought all her children and grandchildren to greet her- a numerous band of. woolly haired imps, by no means handsome, but Mrs. Pope petted them, and genuine affection seemed to exist on both sides. Tomorrow we leave St. Louis. On the whole it has left me the pleasant impression of young and expansive life."
Tradition tells of the consideration which Madame Chouteau bestowed upon her slaves. There were free negroes in St. Louis long before the American occu- pation. They received concessions of land. The wills filed in the colonial records show that freedom was given the faithful servants. To the Spanish governor ·petitions, such as the following, were addressed: "Louis Villars, lieutenant of infantry, in the battalion of Louisiana, humbly prays you that he is the owner of a negress named Julie, about thirty years of age; that she has rendered him great services for a number of years, especially during two severe spells of sick- nesses your petitioner has undergone. The zeal and attachment she exhibited in his service having completely ruined her health, he desires to set her at liberty with a view to her restoration."
The Slave Trade in Colonial Days.
In 1801 and 1802 a subject of considerable correspondence between the Spanish governor at St. Louis and his superior at New Orleans was the importation of negro slaves into St. Louis and into other settlements of Upper Louisiana. The Spanish representative at New Orleans was Juan Ventura Morales. In 1801 he sent to the Spanish governor at St. Louis, Don Carlos Dehault Delassus, a copy of royal orders "that His Majesty does not wish for the present to have any negroes introduced into that Province." The reason assigned is that the King "has allowed 5,000 negroes to be introduced free under a concession given to a French firm, Cassague, Huguel, Raymon and Company.
"For your information," writes Morales, "I send you copy of the royal orders." And he adds, "May the Lord keep you many years." About ten months later Intendant Morales wrote at considerable length about this order against importa-
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tion of slaves into St. Louis. The inference might be drawn that Governor Delassus had found difficulty in the enforcement of the royal orders and had questioned the wisdom of the orders. It seems evident that Don Carlos felt the need of advice or instruction from his superior. Morales wrote in May, 1802. in this way: "It is not the place of the subordinate chiefs or of any good subject to inquire or investigate the causes which may help the King in his determina- tions. The duty of these chiefs is to obey and comply blindly with whatsoever is ordered to them and what is prescribed in the royal laws unless by so doing they see there is some danger. In such cases the subordinate chiefs can delay the compliance with such orders until the King shall learn of this and may resolve what His Royal Majesty shall consider agreeable. Under this principle, the introduction of negroes being considered, it is my duty to obey and comply with the orders of His Majesty."
Morales told Delassus that he had been denying the applications of planters to import slaves and that this policy must continue until the French firm had brought in the 5,000 under the concession. He pointed out to Delassus the argu- ment which might be used in defense of the royal orders and suggested the course of action against the violators of the King's instructions :
"The King, perhaps, had strong political reasons for the concession given to the men- tioned French citizens. It might compromise his royal authority if this Intendance should not watch for the introduction of negroes. To refuse the introduction of negro slaves we have an excuse in the revolution attempted not many years ago in Virginia and Carolina by that class of people. There is no doubt that the American government and the owners of slaves wish to get free of these people at any sacrifice. What, then, would become of this Province if its chiefs, with closed eyes to such an important matter, should permit the introduction of such a dangerous people?"
Intendant Morales proceeded with real diplomacy to make a fine virtue of the' necessity to enforce the royal orders :
"The unfortunate example of the French islands and the knowledge of what was at- tempted in the North colonies, which was not effected because the plot was discovered in time, must persuade not only the sensible men, but also those who are interested in an imaginary prosperity caused by this dangerous people, that it would be against public tran- quility and law and justice if this Intendance does not see the wise order prohibiting intro- duction of negro slaves is not ignored. Therefore, I request you to exercise the most exact watchfulness without accepting any permission but the one from the King. In the event there shall be any introduction of negro slaves you will make verbal process of the case and apprehend the negroes. You will forward everything to this Intendance."
Negro Taxpayers in St. Louis.
The first list of taxpayers of St. Louis is not a long one but it contained the names of several people of color who owned real estate. Geoffrey Camp was listed as a mulatto and Marie Labastille as "negresse libre." Suzanne, "negresse," owned a house and lot which was assessed at $250, quite a comfortable homestead for 1805. "Laveille, "free negro"; Flores, "free negress"; were among these first taxpayers in St. Louis. Esther Morgan, "a free mulatto," owned valuable prop- erty on South Third street.
The rental of slaves was practised to some extent in Missouri. As illustrating
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the terms of these rentals, or leases, of human chattels the following letter is interesting :
"January 10, 1843.
"Mr. Thomas J. Bounds : Sir-This will inform you that the woman you wish to hire belongs to me. You can have her for a year for forty dollars by clothing her in the following manner, viz: Two winter dresses, two summer dresses, two shifts, one blanket, a pair of shoes and stockings for the woman, two winter dresses, one summer dress, two shifts for the child. You will have to lose the time lost by the woman occasioned by sick- ness or other acts of Providence, and I'll pay all doctor's bills. You'll have to send for her. "Yours respectfully,
"R. H. DURRETT."
Preserving the Kindly Traditions.
During one of the cholera epidemics Maj. Richard Graham, living at his country seat, Hazelwood, in St. Louis county, wrote to a friend: "The cholera made its appearance and was followed by a congestive fever which carried off sixteen of my negroes. It has shattered me a good deal, Marshall, and I have not as yet recovered from the shock of melancholy feelings in seeing so many human beings dying around me and looking up to me as their only hope in their despair and their agonies. My place was a perfect hospital and Mrs. Graham and myself constant attendants and nurses amidst the thickest of the cholera. We escaped as well as our children." Mrs. Francis D. Hirschberg, who was Miss Mary Frost, a granddaughter of Major Graham, wrote in comment on this letter : "A sidelight, this, upon the position of master and slave-since so often mis- understood. The kindly Virginia traditions were held to: no slaves were sold; no corporal punishment was allowed. The family ties were held as sacred and respected accordingly."
When Robert Lewis went to California in the rush of 1849 he took with him Jesse Hubbard, a slave who belonged to his wife. Lewis and the colored man came back with $15,000. The master divided fairly with the slave. Hubbard took his share to his mistress, who in turn divided with him and gave him his freedom. The negro bought a farm and settled in St. Louis county.
John Holland, the first settler in Linneus, came out from Virginia to prepare a home for his family to be brought later. He had thirty sheep and when he learned how bad the wolves were he set about planning to preserve his flock while he was gone to get the family. He built a two-room cabin, penned the sheep in one room and placed a negro woman in charge, with a mastiff to help protect the sheep. Dinah watched the sheep in the day time and penned them in the cabin at night. Occasionally one of the Bowyer boys passed and stopped to see how Dinah was getting along, but except for such visits the woman was alone with the sheep until Holland's return. When Holland died he set the woman free.
The Marion College Troubles.
One of the most sensational troubles over the slavery issue in the history of Missouri occurred at a camp meeting near Palmyra about 1836. Marion college, then recently founded, had come under suspicion of the pro-slavery people. Rev.
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Dr. Nelson was president of the college. On Sunday morning he read at the camp meeting a paper which he had received from William Muldrow, founder of Marion City and the supposed prototype of Mark Twain's Mulberry Sellers. This paper called upon members of the church to make subscriptions to a fund for buying negroes and sending them to Liberia. Dr. John Bosley, a slaveholder, got up and started for the pulpit. According to one story he snapped his pistol at Dr. Nelson, but it did not go off because his wife fearing trouble had drawn the charge the night before. Muldrow drew a pocket knife and stabbed Bosley so seriously that it was thought he would die. The camp meeting broke up in a general fight, many of the church members taking part. Muldrow after hiding for a short time surrendered to the sheriff. Missourians who had been some time residents of that part of the state got together and made threats against "the Eastern run" as the newcomers, recent arrivals from the East to settle in Marion City, were called. General David Willock, a-determined man, summoned a strong guard and took Muldrow to St. Charles for safe keeping. Muldrow's nerve was shown by his falling asleep one evening in his chair when it was expected that the mob would make an attempt to take him from the sheriff and hang him. Edward Bates secured the release of Muldrow on a writ of habeas corpus. Muldrow calmly returned to Marion county, refusing to take the advice of friends who wanted him to leave the country.
Bosley slowly recovered. Muldrow went to trial with Bates, Uriel Wright and Thomas L. Anderson as his counsel and to the surprise of the pro-slavery people he was acquitted.
Dr. Nelson resigned the presidency of the college and was succeeded by Rev. Dr. William S. Potts of St. Louis. He moved across the river into Illinois, but on one occasion accepted an invitation to come back and to preach on communion Sunday in one of the Marion county churches. Pro-slavery Presbyterians went armed to the services bent on stopping Dr. Nelson if he attempted to occupy the pulpit. Dr. Nelson did not come as expected. Old Theodore Jones was one of the Presbyterians who went with his pistol in his pocket. He said long after- wards that it was his intention to go armed to the communion table, and that at the time he felt that he was doing right.
Expulsion of Dr. David Nelson.
Dr. David Nelson came to the northeastern part of Missouri as early as 1829. He obtained a large following among the Presbyterians. Infidelity was wide- spread. Dr. Nelson had been an infidel. After conversion he gave up his connec- tion with the regular army and wrote a book which was known commonly as "Nel- son on Infidelity," and which had great influence in Missouri and the West gen- erally. Marion college was the conception of Dr. Nelson. It had no endowment but Dr. Nelson believed it was possible to have the students cultivate farm land and thus keep up the college. What the farm yielded beyond the needs of the sup- port of the students was to go to the faculty. The college was started on this plan but eastern Presbyterians became interested and made contributions. Wil- liam Muldrow was sent East to canvass for help. He had such success that he not only got people to give to the college but induced them to buy real estate in Missouri. Presbyterian ministers, influenced by Muldrow's word pictures came
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