Biographical and historical memoirs of Mississippi, embracing an authentic and comprehensive account of the chief events in the history of the state and a record of the lives of many of the most worthy and illustrious families and individuals, Vol. II, Part 1

Author: Goodspeed Brothers
Publication date: 1891
Publisher: Chicago, Goodspeed
Number of Pages: 1314

USA > Mississippi > Biographical and historical memoirs of Mississippi, embracing an authentic and comprehensive account of the chief events in the history of the state and a record of the lives of many of the most worthy and illustrious families and individuals, Vol. II > Part 1

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CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

UVEZHAY

GIFT OF

Mrs. Mack Swearingen

CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 1924 066 295 209

TY 998L

Cornell University Library

The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library.

There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text.

http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924066295209

ed Publishing@

CONFEDERATE SOLDIERS' MONUMENT, JACKSON

VOL. II

BIOGRAPHICAL and

HISTORICAL MEMOIRS

ISSISSIPPI

EMBRACING AN

AUTHENTIC AND COMPREHENSIVE ACCOUNT OF THE CHIEF EVENTS IN THE HISTORY OF THE STATE, AND A RECORD OF THE LIVES OF MANY OF THE MOST WORTHY AND ILLUSTRIOUS FAMILIES AND INDIVIDUALS

IN TWO VOLUMES

ILLUSTRATED

Chicago The Goodspeed Publishing Company 1891

EFSITI

. ..... 11

COPYRIGHTED BY THE GOODSPEED PUBLISHING CO.

1891

.11

11 :// W. B. CONKEY COMPANY, BINDERS.

JOHN MORRIS COMPANY, PRINTERS, CHICAGO

+442 1

ILLUSTRATIONS.

PAGE.

Confederate monument, Jackson Frontispiece

Stephen Thrasher 555

Indian cession map

Agricultural college 571

Charles B. Galloway 43

Robert H. Peel. 587

E. C. Walthall 59

L. T. Baskett. 619

Mrs. H. B. Theobold 75

Edmund Richardson

J. Z. George.

123

H. L. Taylor 683

Insane asylum, Jackson 155

W. W. Moore 699

Mississippi mills, View of

203

Helena, Battle of 715

J. M. Stone 235

Raymond, Battle of 715

Siege of Vicksburg, Map of. 251

Brice's Cross Roads, Battle of 715

E. T. Clark 731

J. J. White 763

Fred Beall 779

R. F. Beck 811

Insane asylum, Meridiau

379

J. H. Jamison 827

Corinth, Battle of 843

R. Seal

427

(. Williams 859

B. F. Ward. 891

M. G. Davis 907

Thomas W. East 923

T. D. Isom 939

John Clark 955

John Hopkinson 507

William Starling 523

E. S. Wilson 539

J. A. Payne 651

John P. Richardson 667

William Oliver .267

Edward Mayes 315

331

Robert Lowry

363

W. A. Percy

D. B. Seal 411

HI. S. Van Eaton 443

Jackson, Battle of 459

Tupelo, Battle of 459

J. McC. Martin 475

Charles Clark 491

E. F. Lowe

971

Blind asylum, Jackson

987

GABLE OF CONTENTS.

CHAPTER I. PAGE. 1

Post-bellum organization

CHAPTER II. L

CHAPTER III.

Institutions and societies

CHAPTER IV.

CHAPTER V.

Railway transportation, etc.

CHAPTER VI.

CHAPTER VII.

Political history

CHAPTER VIII.

Cities, towns and villages.

CHAPTER IX.

The press of Mississippi with a cursory glance at the literature of the state ..... 242

CHAPTER X.

Physicians and their associations.

252

CHAPTER XI.

Educational history

......... 300

CHAPTER XII.

Religious history of Mississippi.

348

Growth and development

127

147

Later legal and judicial history

Water transportation, levees, etc.

TABLE OF CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XIII. PAGE.

Records of families and individuals, MI

384

CHAPTER XIV.

Citizens' private memoirs, N 488

CHAPTER XV.

524

Records of a private nature, O.

CHAPTER XVI.

.. ... 547

Sketches of individual life, P

CHAPTER XVII.

Memoirs of a few families, Q.

632

CHAPTER XVIII.

Other prominent persons, R.

634

CHAPTER XIX.

717

Selected memorials, S

CHAPTER XX.

Conspicuous residents of the state, T.

CHAPTER XXI.

A few special notices, U.

937

CHAPTER XXII.

A glance at individual records, V .

941

CHAPTER XXIII.

Brief notices of prominent persons, W

962

CHAPTER XXIV.

Concluding individual and family notices, Y 1083

ERRATA 1091

SUPPLEMENTARY INDEX FOR VOLUME I. 1093

POPULATION OF 1880-1890 1094

INDEX 1111

876

Biographical and historical Memoirs OF

MISSISSIPPI.

CHAPTER I.

POST-BELLUM ORGANIZATION.

HEN Mississippi came under the military law of the United States by the surrender of General Taylor's forces to General Canby, on April 9, 1865, Governor Clarke called a special session of the legislature-a legislature elected under the laws and constitution of the convention of 1861. It is not the province of this sketch to decide which idea of the status of the state at that time was the correct one; the purpose here is to show the actual changes in organization. The state, as far as actual power was concerned, was under the laws of war; this legislature, however, was the only means the people had of expressing themselves, and they forthwith passed acts providing for the appointment of com- missioners to Washington to confer on the new status, and also provided for the calling of a convention to remodel the constitution to suit the new order. Even while this legisla- ture was in session, the war department telegraphed General Canby to disperse it as unlaw- ful, but before the new order was received the session had adjourned. The next day General Canby notified Governor Clarke that the president could not recognize any state government made since the ordinance of secession, and demand was immediately made for the turning over of all state property, archives, etc., to the officer of the army in charge. This was done at the capitol on May 22, over a month after General Taylor's surrender. However, the commissioners, Sharkey and Yerger (William), appointed by the governor, went on to Washing- ton in an unofficial capacity and presented the situation to the president. They found that the national government and the people back of it were themselves still undecided as to the next step to pursue. There were many plans afloat; the Southern states, in the opinion of some, were simply to repeal their secession constitutions, resume their old ones with amend- ments forever forbidding slavery and secession-the two points secured by war; a few even thought that slavery would still be held constitutional by the Supreme court-these few, how- ever, seemed unable to realize the laws of the war. At another extreme there were those who

BIOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL

determined not to admit a Southern state to its old footing until the negroes should be held by them as political and even social, equals-these, a large number, too, seemed totally to for- get that in no part of this or any other country are people all on an equal social footing. There were those, too, who held that slavery was a disease politic that required strong meas- ures, and that now was the time to forever root out its influence by seeing to it that every state which had held it should freely and fully allow the former slave all the political rights enjoyed by any other citizens, now and forever, and that this should be the power claimed on the laws of war. This latter seemed to be the one destined to prevail, although the presi- dent held the first view presented, when he received Messrs. Sharkey and Yerger, for on May 29 he issued his amnesty proclamation, and a few days later appointed, June 13, the first of these visitors, the Hon. William L. Sharkey, provisional governor.

On July 1 Governor Sharkey issued a proclamation recognizing the exigencies of the situation and clearly pointing out what the war meant to the conquering power, and calling a convention for August 14 to prepare a constitution. This convention met and organized with one hundred delegates, seven of whom had been in the convention of 1861, and six of the seven voting against secession. It is interesting to note that, while the convention of 1861 had eighty-four democrats and twenty-five whigs, this one had seventy whigs, eighteen democrats and five conservatives. The officers of the convention were: president, J. S. Yerger, and secretary, J. L. Power. By the 24th of August amendments to the constitution were made striking out the slave article and inserting article S, acknowledging slavery abolished forever, and making the twelfth item of the bill of rights provide for dispensing with grand jury action in certain cases. Ordinances were passed declaring all the acts per- taining to secession and rebellion null and void, and legalizing non-conflicting legislation since 1861, and providing for an election according to the constitution. On October 16 fol- lowing Gen. B. G. Humphreys was elected governor, and reorganization was effected under this amended constitution of 1832, as provisional only, for the state was not admitted to rep- resentation, and the whole territory of which the state was a part was under military power.

On June 13, after Governor Humphreys' election, the famous "fourteenth amendment" was passed by congress to effect the enfranchisement of the newly-made freedmen. It became a part of the national constitution on January 31, 1867, and in February Mississippi's legislature passed resolutions refusing to ratify it. Forthwith, on March 2, congress passed "an act to provide for the more efficient government of the rebel states," and on the 23d of the same month acts were passed by congress providing for an election to be held under mili- tary authority, to decide whether or not a convention should be called for the purpose of establishing a constitution and civil government for the state, loyal to the Union." These acts are known as the "reconstruction acts," and wise or unwise, they were considered by the controlling power the legitimate fruits of war. The results of the election were announced by genrral orders No. 42, from Holly Springs, the headquarters of Major-General Ord, of the fourth military district, on December 16 of that year. The total registered vote of the state was one hundred and thirty-nine thousand three hundred and twenty-seven; votes cast, seventy-six thousand and sixteen; "for convention," sixty-nine thousand seven hundred and thirty-nine; " against convention," six thousand two hundred and seventy-seven. At this point the feelings on both sides were probably more rancorous than even during the war, and neither side could consider the other as anything less than venomous. Whether fair or unfair, it was done, and that is the only fact with which this sketch has to deal. These orders indicated by name the persons who were elected, and on January 7, 1868-exactly six years after the convention of secession-the delegates met at Jackson and continued in session

MEMOIRS OF MISSISSIPPI.

until May 18, with B. B. Eggleston, of Lowndes county, as president. A new constitution was adopted on May 15, and an ordinance passed to submit it to the registered voters for ratification, and to provide for the election of state officers, as it called for. This election took place on the 22d, and some days following, under the direction of the commanding- general. The election ordinance also provided that the legislature elected should meet on the second Monday after election was decided, and, before enacting any law, should adopt the fourteenth amendment. These provisions were carried out by general orders No. 19, of May 19, 1868, issued by command of Maj .- Gen. A. C. Gillem, with headquarters at Vicksburg. Provision was also made for meeting again in case of defeat of the constitution. This con- stitution was chiefly characterized by franchise provisions that would have excluded all who had voted either directly or indirectly for secession. The result was that it was defeated, and the convention proceeded to amend it by striking out those sweeping particulars. Con- gress ordered a new election and the commanding general removed Governor Humphreys in July, replacing him with a military governor-Gen. Adelbert Ames. On December 1 (1869), over a year later, this amended constitution was ratified by the people, and James L. Alcorn was elected governor, and the lieutenant-governor chosen was R. C. Powers. On the following February 23 (1870), congress passed an act of admission to representation, on condition that state officers and legislators take prescribed oaths that would exclude front those positions men who had held any of them at any time before they took part in rebellion and because the three national amendments were ratified. Governor Alcorn was elected to the national senate, and was succeeded as governor by Lieutenant-Governor Powers in 1871.

Practically five years had elapsed since the surrender of General Taylor before Mississippi resumed her former official status in the Union, during which time she was practically under military power, although part of the time formally a civil state. Such an unfortunate con- dition is always one of strife and abuse, and the great mass of ignorant, newly enfranchised negroes, with exaggerated ideas of their newly found powers, made a complication of difficulties almost unparalleled in history, and a situation peculiarly humiliating to the high-spirited white citizens who had until then been the sole arbiters of the state's action. It is hardly possible that so great an accession of ignorant voters, with all the susceptibility to manipula- tion that ignorance implies, should not cause a weak, if not disastrous, financial and other management of the affairs of state. Intelligence in the majority of voters is an acknowledged fundamental condition of successful self-government; there can not be success without it; without it monarchy is better. It may be, however, that out of the bitter experiences of. that period lessons have been learned by all concerned that will make the path for the future more plain.

Since the enfranchised population in this state embraced so large a proportion of the whole, it is probable that the situation here was aggravated above that of other states, and thus gave more force to the demand for white supremacy, which might be justly interpreted the supremacy of intelligence, which is demanded everywhere. But mass and ignorance and intelligence with less numbers when pitted against each other from natural or artificial causes, furnish one of the worst conditions in which humanity can find itself. It is a condition that stimulates the worst powers on both sides, and apparently, like a disease, must run its course. Just such a strife continued during the first five years under the new constitution and restored status of the state. The impeachment of Governor Ames, who was elected in November, 1873, was only an incident of the struggle, although the leading one, and led to his resigna- tion and the succession to that office of John M. Stone, the present governor of the state, then president of the senate in 1876. Governor Ames, in his message, charged the successful

BIOGRAPHICAL AND HISTORICAL

movement with intimidation of the negro vote by an unlawful military organization and for the mere purpose of feeling their old mastery over the negro; while the legislature, charging Governor Ames and two other executive officers with corruption in office, began impeachment proceedings, which were dismissed upon assurances of his resignation.

This struggle reached its climax in the election of November, 1875, when, in what is known in political parlance as "the great revolution" occurred, which was a hotly-contested election, resulting in white supremacy or the supremacy of intelligence and property in the affairs of state. It is not the province of this sketch to determine whether the charges of intimidation are true, or if true a wrong; it is a matter of public knowledge, however, that these charges are the basis of the recently agitated national election bill. Truc or untrue, the charge was made, and involved the withdrawal of the large numbers of colored men who had been in prominent positions in the state and even in congress. It also resulted in the quiet and more economic administration which has since followed, and a growing prosperity that has given the state time to recuperate her wasted powers and take on the vigor of the new order. This is even more true of the condition of the colored population than the whites.

During about twenty years under the constitution of 1868-9 few amendments were made, but many causes contributed to make a demand for a new constitution whose franchise provisions would eliminate a large mass of ignorant votes, and thus remove any basis that might remain of the long-standing charge. The constitution of 1868-9 was not that of 1832 revised, but a new instrument made by a part of the population of the state, almost entirely different from that which made the constitution of 1832 or the present one. A large propor- tion of the convention were of the then newly enfranchised race, while the white element was largely of a class not identified with the hitherto ruling element in the state. One fact will illustrate: A prominent republican club of New York city sent to the convention copies of all the state constitutions then in existence, to aid them in forming one with, if possible, the best elements of all. Whether they succeeded is not for this sketch to determine. It is but natural from the nature of the case that this assembly should be considered by the then opposition as a burlesque on conventions, and so it was dubbed by them the "Black and Tan convention," a cognomen that will probably indefinitely attach to it. On the other hand, the convention itself, amidst all its difficulties of composition and opposition, was ablaze with that enthusiasm which the newly enfranchised freedmen felt on assuming a part in self- government for the first time, however crude the part might be. The sight could not have been otherwise than almost outrageons and ludicrous to the eyes of those who beheld their former slaves posing as their lawmakers.

The constitution made, however, was largely, if not entirely, the product of white men. While its phraseology and arrangement differed from that of 1832, and its leading features had regard to securing the new order of things, its provisions were not very dissimilar, except in a few particulars, one of the most prominent of which was an elaborate system of public schools, which, while intended for all classes, was especially directed to the education of the colored race. The system provided for state and county supervision, a system now so com- mon and so costly, too, but one upon which its advocates believe the welfare of the state and nation both rest. The franchise was confined simply to all males of age, with the usual exceptions.

After twenty years under this constitution, and about fifteen years after the "great revo- lution " of 1875, there was approved, on February 5, 1890, " An act to provide for calling a convention to amend the constitution." On March 11 Governor Stone ordered an election to be held for delegates on July 29 following. The composition of the convention was to

MEMOIRS OF MISSISSIPPI.

be the same as that of the house of representatives as to numbers, and fourteen delegates-at- large were to be elected. On August 12 they assembled at Jackson, and were called to order by Hon. George M. Govan, secretary of state. Hon. S. S. Calhoon, of Hinds, was chosen president, and Mr. R. E. Wilson, of the same county, was made secretary. There were one hundred and thirty-four members, of whom it is interesting to note the large proportion of lawyers and farmers; and that all were democrats, with the exception of four, two of whom were republicans, one a conservative and one a greenbacker. The convention continued in session until November 1 (1890), when the new constitution was adopted. "Our mission here," said President Calhoon in his closing address, " has been accomplished as best it could be upon adjustment of the various opinions and interests of the different sections of Missis- sippi. Restricted by the Federal constitution, we have tried to secure a more elective fran- chise without race discrimination or injustice. We knew when we assembled what the nation will yet learn-that it is hardly possible for any two of the distinct types of mankind to co-exist with divided political sovereignty. The hopelessness of the complete success of such an experiment is illustrated by all history and proved by all reasoning from natural laws. Still, it falls to our lot to repeat the effort. We will do our part in good faith, and the failure, if it shall come, will not be the fault of either race, but will result from the laws of our being, which impel each to combine to achieve or resist the domination of the other. Apprehending that harmonious political cooperation of diverse races is extremely doubtful, if not impossible, we must, neverthe- less, do the best we can; and we may congratulate ourselves that it is the negro who dwells among us, as his race more readily than any other takes on the semblance of the manners, customs, religion and civilization of our own. We tax ourselves more heavily in proportion to prop- erty values than, perhaps, any other people, to educate him, and this we shall continue to do, but with faint hope of obtaining any real political homologation. In the exercise of the right of suffrage it was to be expected that there would be occasional disturbances and local conflicts between the two races. These have occurred in the past, but in fewer instances, no doubt, thau would have taken place under like circumstances in any Northern state. We hope to see none in the future. Political partisanship has naturally prevented an impartial view of our situation. This we can not avoid. We can only say to our sister states that, doing the best we can, we sit patiently under the flag and await events. To that flag we are all true, because we have aided in garlanding it with that glory which hangs about its folds. To the Union we are true, because the cement of the whole is the blood of our ancestors. It is a union of strength, and should be a union of love to all its states and sections. We say to our brethren of the North, East and West, that we are willing to bear cheerfully our full share of the public burdens, to pour out our blood in equal measure for the common defense, to share in the misfortunes and rejoice in the welfare of our sister states; even willing, at their behest, to try the dangerous, and probably impracticable scheme of dividing political power with another and outnumbering race; willing to do all things except to yield up the common civilization of our common country, which civilization was constructed, has been maintained and can be continued only by the white race. There is but one sovereign by divine right. That sovereign is mind. I look iu vain for any instance of African contribu- tion to the disclosure of undiscovered truths tending to ameliorate the individual or the social condition of man. The race up to this time has shown no science, no literature, no art, no enterprise, no progress, no invention. It sometimes develops a reflected light of civilization, but never yet the life-giving heat from internal fires of intellect and energy which impel to intelligent and systematic activities. I hope better things from it in future. Withdrawn from the envelopment of white civilization, the negro race seems unable to maintain even its

BIOGRAPHIICAL AND HISTORICAL

own imitative acquirements. It seems unfit to rule. It seems to mean, as it always has meant, stagnation, the enslavement of woman, the brutalization of man, animal savagery, uni- versal ruin. Yet, confronted with this sad trial, it is our duty under the constitution of the United States to undertake the great task of carrying on intelligent republican government in Mississippi with his full cooperation, and with his rights and franchises, as guaranteed by the organic Federal compact, not only unimpaired, but fully protected.

" Aside from the suffrage, gentlemen," continued the speaker, "you have perfected a judiciary system, the best I know where there prevails a dual system of law and equity pro- cedure. The limitations you have placed on legislative power in reference to local measures and other matters will soon, of themselves, largely overpay the cost of this constitutional con- vention, and will enforce a wiser and juster exercise of that power, and thus contribute greatly to the welfare and happiness of the masses of our people."

Further on he said: "In my judgment the material interests and moral advancement and the people of both races here depend on the predominance, in government, of that virtue of intelligence which, for the present at least, can come only from that race which in the past has shown a capacity for the successful administration of free institutions. That race alone can now safely exercise the function of ruling with moderation and justice, and accomplish the great purpose for which governments are established. Your article on corporations has emancipated the people from the thralldom of combined capital incorporated by and under the sanction of the state. You have made the creature subject to its creator. Your article on education reflects the generosity for which our state is justly famed, and if erroneous, is along the lines of noble and magnanimous endeavor. If the pockets of our impoverished people can bear the draft, you are right and they will never complain. Viewing the instru- ment in all its parts and as a whole, I do not hesitate to declare the opinion that there is nowhere a better constitution than the one you establish."

This instrument is practically a new constitution in provisions, arrangement and phra- seology. It is simply arranged in fifteen articles and a schedule, distributed under the following subjects: 1, Distribution of powers; 2, Boundaries of the state; 3, Bill of rights; 4, Legis- lative department; 5, Executive; 6, Judiciary; 7, Corporations; 8, Education; 9, Militia; 10, The penitentiary and prisons; 11, Levies; 12, Franchise; 13, Apportionment; 14, General provisions; and 15, Amendments to the constitution. It is most elaborate and detailed in its provisions, and indeed seems to have adapted the best fruits of the experience of this and other states to Mississippi's present and probable future needs. The leading features have been indicated above by the address extracts, and more detailed account must here be con- fined to the franchise article. This feature requires an elaborate time condition of residence and registration to be complied with, and that all taxes required must be paid, a part of which is a poll tax for school purposes. Besides these provisions, another is added that, after the first day of 1892, every voter must be able to read, or sufficiently interpret when it is read to him, the state constitution.

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Biographical and historical memoirs of Mississippi, embracing an authentic and comprehensive account of the chief events in the history of the state and a record of the lives of many of the most worthy and illustrious families and individuals, Vol. II, Part 1

Author: Goodspeed Brothers Publication date: 1891 Publisher: Chicago, Goodspeed Number of Pages: 1314

Author: Goodspeed Brothers
Publication date: 1891
Publisher: Chicago, Goodspeed
Number of Pages: 1314