USA > Mississippi > Biographical and historical memoirs of Mississippi, embracing an authentic and comprehensive account of the chief events in the history of the state and a record of the lives of many of the most worthy and illustrious families and individuals, Vol. II > Part 21
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After the adoption of the constitution of 1868, a republican convention met and nomi- nated B. B. Eggleston for governor and a full republican ticket. The democrats nominated B. G. Humphreys. Humphreys and Charles E. Hooker, who had been nominated as attor- ney-general on the democratic ticket, made a vigorous canvass of the state, as there was an estimated republican majority of twenty thousand to contend with, including the whites, then disfranchised. General McDowell, who was then in command of the military district. issued an order removing Humphreys and Hooker and other state officers, as obstructive to the reconstructive policy, and appointed Adelbert Ames as military governor of the state. The democratic canvass was made under the direction of John D. Freeman, chairman of the democratic state executive committee. Humphreys refused to obey the military order of McDowell, and continued to hold the office of governor, from which he was ejected by a mili- tary company under the order of Governor Ames. On the 15th of January, 1870, Governor Ames transmitted to the legislature copies of the fourteenth and fifteeth amendments to the constitution of the United States, which the two houses ratified, according to the prescribed terms of a resolution of congress.
James L. Alcorn was elected governor of the state in 1869, as the candidate of the republican party, and was thus the nineteenth chief magistrate of the commonwealth, and the first chosen under the constitution of 1868. It may be here remarked that the only material change in this constitution from that of 1832 was making the judiciary appointive by the governor, by and with the advice and consent of the senate. The office of lieutenant- governor was also reëstablished.
In Governor Alcorn's first inaugural address, he said: "The military government which I have the happiness to bow this day out of the state, was no more a subject of pleasure to me than it was to any other Mississippian whose blood glows with the instinct of self-govern- ment." He also said that "The ballot-box, the jury box and the offices of the state should be thrown open to the competent and honest, without distinction of color." Previ- ously to his accession to the gubernatorial office he had been elected United States senator, and therefore he did not remain in the office of governor long.
Ames and Alcorn were now the United States senators, and both of them, from some antagonism engendered upon the floor of the senate, decided to become candidates for gov- ernor of the state at the next election. The conservative republicans favored Alcorn, and the extreme wing of the party supported Ames. The democratic party, in convention, deter- mined by resolution that it was "inexpedient in the approaching state election to nominate a state ticket." This left the contest to be determined between the republican candidates, and Ames was elected and installed in office in January, 1874. During his administration there was considerable race trouble and prejudice engendered through the politics of the time, the negroes then being induced to take an interest in public affairs. They, however, soon discovered that without some probationary training for this exercise of a new right, which was once suggested by President Grant, that it was a fruitless field for them, as they did their voting at the will of others, who reaped the spoils of office, and they have mani- fested a marked indifference to politics from that day to the present time.
In December the governor called an extra session of the legislature, which was based upon alleged disorders in Warren county. The people, who paid now a state tax of $1.40 on
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the dollar of assessed value of land and exorbitant levies in the counties, had insisted that the sheriff and other officers should execute new and sufficient bonds, or surrender their trusts.
Taxpayers' conventions were held all over the state. The democratic state convention assembled on August 3, 1875. It was largely attended, and gray-haired men, who had not been to the state capital for years, or participated in any political scene for a quarter of a century, were there. L. Q. C. Lamar addressed the convention, depicting with his vivid eloquence the depressed condition of the state, and the oppressive policy of taxation which had been pursued, but inspiring hope for the ultimate survival of peace, order and good government. Senator J. Z. George was elected chairman of the democratic state executive committee. The platform demanded the reduction of taxation, honest, impartial and economical government, biennial session of the legislature, an able and competent judiciary, a discontinuance of special and local legislation, protests against the arming of militia in times of peace and the encouragement of agriculture. Ex-Governor and ex-Senator A. G. Brown, then an old man, retired from the conflict of public life, at a public meeting in his county, offered the following resolution: "That, without equivocation or mental reservation, we intend to carry out the principles enunciated in the platform of the democratic party, and to this we pledge our lives, our fortunes and our sacred honor."
At this time Judge Wiley P. Harris, an eminent lawyer of the state, and democrat, addressed a club of his party, suggesting a union of the Southern people with the liberal republicans of the North, who deprecated the gross mismanagement of the Southern states under reconstruction laws, but who thought it right and wise that the constitution of the Southern states should rest on the basis of impartial suffrage.
The campaign of 1875 was organized with great spirit and skill. Clubs were formed all over the state, which was soon converted into a perfect blaze of political excitement. General George, the chairman of the democratic state executive committee, wired the attorney-general of the United States that there were no disturbances in Mississippi, and no obstruction to the execution of the laws. General Grant, though importuned to interfere, refused to do so. There were some spasmodic collisions between the leaders of the respec- tive parties, which led to bloodshed of both whites and blacks, but there was no race conflict in the state. The public speeches delivered by the democratic orators were temperate and conservative in tone, but firm and not to be mistaken, thousands of negroes concluding at last that it was better to cast their destinies with the white leaders of public opinion, whom they had always known and could confide in. A democratic legislature was elected and an entire democratic delegation returned to congress.
Notwithstanding the charge which had been made against Governor Ames for his numerous, repeated and flagrant violations of the constitution, almost immediately after the election a democratic meeting held in one of the counties of the state passed the following resolution, showing the temper and spirit of that party, to bring about peace and harmony and satisfactory government under existing conditions, if possible:
"Resolved, That we desire that Governor Ames will persevere in the measures of retrenchment and reform heretofore recommended by him, and calculated to lighten the burdens of the people, and we hereby respectfully request our representatives, in both branches of the legislature, to give to him their confidence and support in all matters of state policy, desiring to advance the true and permanent interests of the state; and, further- more, and as the sense of this meeting, it is right that the past be forgotten, and that the chief executive of the state, the legislature and all others of the state, act henceforth in union and harmony, and with an eye single to the public good." I
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The governor's message to the legislature unfortunately was not in this spirit, as he indulged to some extent in traducing the white people of the state.
In pursuance of a resolution offered to inquire into the official conduct of Adelbert Ames, a committee was appointed to make an investigation accordingly. On the 22d of February, its report was submitted, recommending the impeachment of the governor for official mis- conduct, on eleven separate and distinct charges. The substance of these was that he had in several specified instances refused to remove certain officials as required by law, and had in other cases made removals without cause; that he had caused a conflict between races, attended by bloodshed, at Vicksburg, in December, 1874, by directing Peter Crosby's return, in violation of law, and sustaining him in taking possession of the sheriff's office of Warren county, and that he had attempted to incite a war of races in Hinds county, in October, 1875, by causing a company of colored militia, which had taken part in the Clinton riot, to parade the streets of that town, armed and defiant. The report and the resolution of impeachment were adopted by the house February 25, by a vote of eighty-six to fourteen, all the repub- licans present, and two democrats voting in the negative. Twenty-three articles of impeach- ment were prepared and adopted. On the 13th of March, all the preliminary proceedings of the court were taken, and the trial was to begin on the 29th of March, when the follow- ing letter, addressed by the governor to his counsel, was submitted to the house: "Gentle- men: In regard to your suggestion, I beg leave to say that in consequence of the election of last November, I found myself confronted with the hostile legislature and embarrassed and baffled in my endeavors to carry out my plan for the welfare of the state and of my party. I had resolved, therefore, to resign my office as governor of the state of Mississippi. But meanwhile, proceedings of impeachment were instituted against me, and of course I could not, and would not retire from my position under the imputation of any charge affect- ing my honor or integrity. For the reasons indicated, I still desire to escape burdens which are compensated by no possibility of public usefulness; and if the articles of impeachment presented against me were not pending, and the proceedings were dismissed, I should feel at liberty to carry out my desire and purpose of resignation. I am very truly yours, Adelbert Ames."
The house then passed the following resolution: "That the managers on the part of this house, in the matter of the impeachment of Adelbert Ames, governor of said state, be, and they are hereby directed to dismiss the said articles against the said Adelbert Ames, governor, as aforesaid, which were heretofore exhibited by them against him at the bar of the senate. "
The proceedings were accordingly dismissed in the senate by a vote of twenty-four to seven. Governor Ames immediately resigned, and Col. J. M. Stone, president pro tem. of the senate, was at once installed in the office of governor, in joint convention of the two houses.
Articles of impeachment had also been presented against the colored lieutenant-governor of the state, Alexander K. Davis, charging him, while acting as governor in the absence of Governor Ames, with receiving a bribe as consideration for granting a pardon to a man con- victed of murder. He was tried and convicted, by a vote of thirty-two to four, six republi- cans, one of them colored, voting guilty. The four voting not guilty were all colored republicans. Sentence was passed on the 23d of March, by a vote of twenty-five to four, removing Mr. Davis from office, and disqualifying him from holding any office of profit, honor or trust in the future.
Articles of impeachment were also pending against T. W. Cardoza, a colored superin-
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tendent of public education, for converting to his own use funds of a colored normal school of the state, while treasurer of the institution; for obtaining money from the state for unnecessary books for the public schools, a portion of which was for his own benefit; and with proposing with another to divide and convert to their own use a portion of the school teachers' funds of Warren county. Mr. Cardoza asked permission to resign his office, and have the proceedings dismissed, which was accordingly done.
Two amendments to the constitution of the state were adopted. One of these abolished the office of lieutenant governor, and the other provided for a biennial session of the legis- lature, beginning in January, 1878.
The republican party of the state held a convention at Jackson on the 30th of March, 1876, to appoint delegates to the national convention at Cincinnati, to nominate candidates for the presidential election, and choose a state executive committee. The following were some of the clauses of the platform adopted:
We adopt the sentiment of General Grant: "Let no guilty man escape," and we further say, Let every guilty man be brought to punishment. In view of these sentiments, we arraign the democratic leaders of Mississippi, and charge them with prosecuting impeachments for partisan purposes, and to consolidate power obtained by violence, intimidation and fraud. They charged the late governor, and the late superintendent of education, with high crimes and misdemeanors. If guilty, they should be punished; if innocent, justice and truth have been wantonly violated; whether guilty or innocent, could only be known upon a full, fair and impartial trial. This the accused parties were not only entitled to, but justice demanded it. Instead, assuming their charges to be true, democrats have compounded felonies, and have thus added another serious crime to the long catalogue of high crimes and misde- meanors on their part. We, the republicans of Mississippi, therefore arraign the democratic party of the state before an enlightened public sentiment, and charge that party with corruption in order to secure public offices for partisan purposes. The history of impeachment shows this, and nothing less.
They have usurped the power from the people, first by violence, intimidation and fraud, and thereby providing that a senator, elected as such, shall be governor, thus refusing to let the people say who shall be governor.
Themselves illegally elected, they seek to maintain power by unheard-of legislation in the interest of the democratic party, without regard to the rights or will of the people, and in disregard of both.
They have gerrymandered the state by most outrageous, unjust and partisan alteration of the con- gressional districts.
As important and vital as are the great principles in the foregoing, we present to the people of the state and of the whole country, as underlying and overriding all other issues, as containing all that is dear to us, as one that will invade the North and West if not arrested and crushed out, the question of the freedom of the ballot. Violence at electious is a blow at free institutions, and these, with us, are practically a mockery. This violence will destroy all other interests, social, educational, financial, business and religious.
The democratic state convention, for similar purposes, was held at Jackson on the 14th of June, and put in their answer and defense to the indictment against it, contained in the republican platform, as follows:
Resolved, That the democrats and conservatives, in convention assembled, proclaim their heartfelt gratitude for the complete victory which was won by the advocates of reform, in the election of 1875, over the incompetent, corrupt and proscriptive political organization which had held unlimited control of the state government for six years, and that they emphatically repelled the imputation that their triumph was won by any other than the legal, honest and sincere efforts which the justice of their cause, and their duty as freemen to maintain unimpaired their inalienable rights, demanded them to make.
That in proof of the sincerity of the pledges of the victorious party in that election to reduce ex- penditures to an honest and economical standard and elevate the scale of official qualifications, we point with pride and pleasure to the acts of its late session, to which body the thanks of the whole people are due, for its faithful discharge of duty iu correcting the abuses of the public service; in diminishing the burden of taxation; in dismissing the supernumerary officials from the various branches of the public
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service, who consumed the earning of labor without rendering an equivalent; in dispensing the blessings of just laws without distinction of race, color or class; in holding faithless public officials to strict accountability for their misconduct; and especially does the popular branch of the legislature standing as the grand impress of the commonwealth deserve thanks for investigating the acts of the guilty officials whom it arraigned for malfeasance, corruption and usurpation of unconstitutional powers, and for driving them by the perils of the offended law into obscurity from the public trusts which they had violated.
Resolved, That in addition to the foregoing, we proclaim the following principles as the rule and guide of our political faith and conduct:
1. The doctrine of local self-government, the surest protection of personal liberty; fidelity to the constitution of the United States, and all the obligations imposed upon us as citizens of a common country.
2. Free schools, free suffrage, equal rights.
3. Equal and exact justice to all citizens of every race and clime, native and foreign born, and no discriminating legislation for the benefit of favored classes or corporations.
4. No proscription for opinion's sake; uo sectional lines; no resurrection of dead issues for partisan success, and as a pretext for vindictive legislation.
5. The sacred maintenance of the public faith, and the strict performance of all obligations, state and national.
6. Retrenchment and economy in all of the departments of public service, and adherence to the time- honored Jeffersonian standard of qualification for office, "Is he honest, is he capable, is he faithful to the Constitution?"
With these declarations, we cordially invite all men to cooperate with us in establishing the permanent supremacy of the principles which they embody in the administration of public affairs.
The democrats were thoroughly organized in this canvass, but the republicans displayed little activity. At the election in November following, the whole number of votes cast for presidential electors was one hundred and sixty-four thousand seven hundred and seventy- eight. Of these, one hundred and twelve thousand one hundred and seventy-three were for the democratic, and fifty-two thousand six hundred and five for the republican ticket, making the democratic majority fifty-nine thousand five hundred and sixty-eight. The six members of congress then chosen were all democrats. The legislature of 1877 consisted of twenty-six democrats and eleven republicans in the senate, and ninety-six democrats and nineteen republicans in the house.
A committee of the United States senate was in the state for several weeks during the summer of 1876, making an investigation of the circumstances of the election of 1875. Majority and minority reports were made to the senate early in the session of 1876 and '77.
The administration of Robert Lowry, who was chief executive for two terms, covering the years 1881-9, succeeded by John M. Stone, the present governor of the state, brings the political history of Mississippi down to this day. Governor Stone had also been the immediate predecessor of Robert Lowry.
The most important question which was considered in the legislature of January, 1888, was that which contemplated calling a convention to revise the constitution of 1869. The act providing for it, after a warm discussion, was passed, but Governor Lowry vetoed it. The constitution of 1869, notwithstanding the motley composition of the convention of 1868, which adopted it, turned out to be a good one. The effort to change it was based in some degree upon the elemental self-governing idea that, as it was not altogether a genuine home product, being the handiwork of a party supposed to be hostile and alien to the state in a measure in its structure, it ought to be changed for this reason, if no other. Quite a notion, too, had taken root in the agricultural communities, nurtured by the fraternizing mood of aspiring candidates for office, that the state should return to the good old days and popular policy of the constitution of 1832, and make the judiciary elective directly by the people.
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Again it was contended, with better reason than either of these, and in a straightfor- ward spirit to deal fairly and wisely with a difficulty which was rather racial than political, that the people of the state were living under two constitutions-one of the government of the United States, and the other, of the state, and that the former was paramount and required an impartial suffrage without reference to color or race, and guaranteed the existence of a republican form of government in the states; that some positive effective method by public law must be adopted by which ignorance and incompetency should be restrained and fitted by compliance with certain constitutional requirements for the exer- cise of the elective franchise.
The objection chiefly urged unfavorable to the calling of the convention was that in view of the fifteenth amendment to the Federal constitution inhibitory of denial or abridgment of the right of citizens of the United States to vote, by any state on account of race or color, and that, therefore, some 15,000 ignorant whites in the state would be put in the same category with the blacks to become eligible as electors according to the design proposed in the new organic law.
However, at the next biennial legislature of 1890, another act was passed providing for a constitutional convention, which was approved by Governor Stone. It convened in August, 1890, at the capital. Sol S. Calhoun, a prominent lawyer and democrat of Hinds county, was chosen president. He made a speech in acknowledgment of the honor conferred, abounding in good sense and a full appreciation of the delicate and responsible duties de- volved upon the convention. Wiley P. Harris was a member of this body, who, on account of his large experience in public affairs and his intellect, prudence and sagacious judgment, was always looked to for safe counsel by the party in emergencies. James Z. George, one of the United States senators from the state, was especially requested to leave his place of duty at Washington, congress then being in session, to become a member of this convention, as the people had great confidence in his capacity to cope satisfactorily with the more im- portant objects had in view.
James L. Alcorn and Judge Simrall, both republicans, venerable and honored citizens of the state, were also members, chosen as delegates by both democrat and republican votes. Isaiah V. Williamson, a colored delegate from the densely black county, voted for by both races, an educated negro and property-holder, took a large and enlightened view of the situ- ation, co-operating with the convention in its delicate and grave work of piloting the ship of state upon a narrower pathway than that in which the course of Ulysses lay between Scylla and Charybdis.
A franchise committee of fifteen was appointed, Wiley P. Harris, James Z. George, James L. Alcorn and H. F. Simrall, being among the number.
The committee brought in their report after sitting about a month and giving the sub- ject matter confided to them profound thought and examination. As it is of importance, extracts from the report as substantially adopted in section 24 of article 12 of the constitu- tion will be given, as follows:
Section 241. "Every male inhabitant of this state, except idiots, insane persons and Indians not taxed, who is a citizen of the United States, twenty-one years old and upwards, who has resided in this state two years and one year in the election district, or in the incor- porated city or town in which he offers to vote, and who is duly registered as provided in this article, and who has never been convicted of bribery, burglary, theft, arson, obtaining money or goods under false pretenses, perjury, forgery, embezzlement or bigamy, and who has paid on or before the first day of February of the year in which he shall offer to vote, all taxes
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which may have been legally required of him, and which he has had an opportunity of pay- ing according to law, for the two preceding years, and who shall produce to the officers hold- ing the election satisfactory evidence that he has paid said taxes, is declared to be a qualified elector."
Then followed a section providing by law for the registration of all persons entitled to vote at any election and prescribing the form of oath or affirmation to be taken. The section 243 provided for the payment of a uniform poll tax of $2 to be used in the aid of common schools, the tax to be a lien only on taxable property.
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