USA > New Hampshire > Grafton County > Littleton > History of Littleton, New Hampshire, Vol. I > Part 29
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The presidential election of 1824 marked the beginning of a new order of things in the politics of the State. The regular ticket for presidential electors was unpledged, and at no time during the contest was it known to which candidate its vote would be given, though the belief was general that John Quincy Adams would be the favored candidate. The most powerful political influence in the State, the " New Hampshire Patriot," then under the editorial management of Isaac Hill, advocated the elec- tion of Crawford, whom it supported as the logical candidate of the party; but with all its power it failed to persuade any of the electors to vote for its candidate, and when the time for action came the eight electoral votes of the State were cast for Adams.1
The development of the Whig party proceeded slowly, and at the presidential election of 1828 liad not assumed sufficient pro- portions to enable it to cast off the numerous party appellations under which the aggregation had passed through the campaign of that year. In this State it was generally styled the Federal- Republican party. Its electoral ticket was headed by George Sullivan, while the Democratic-Republican ticket bore the name of Jonathan Harvey at its head. The contest was close ; in a total vote of 45,040, the Sullivan ticket received a majority of 794, and the electoral vote of the State was, for a second time, given to John Quincy Adams.
1 It was expected that Moses White, of Lancaster, a member of the electoral col- lege, would vote for Jackson. While his seven colleagues voted for Calhoun for Vice-President, he voted for Jackson for that office.
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Party lines were hardly formed when they were disturbed by the brief but virulent excitement of the Anti-Masonic crusade. The new party was not much of a factor in the politics of the State, but it served to add an unknown quantity to the presidential contest of 1832, and to divide the opposition in this State and re- tard the effective growth of the Whig party. Gen. David Rankin, of this town, was a candidate for presidential elector on the Anti- Masonic ticket. The passing of "the era of good feeling," and the new alignment of the prominent men of the State, brought many of those who had been leaders in the same organization into pronounced and bitter conflict, and the war they waged for political supremacy was intense to the last degree, the usual result of sundering political associations and friendships.
Among the minor issues of the time, but one having a wide in- fluence upon the political fortunes of many public men, was the revolt against the selection of candidates for governor by a legis- lative caucus. Down to 1823 all candidates had been so selected. The want of party spirit and the absence of party contests left the selection of all candidates for high political office in the control of a handful of men who exercised leadership in the Legislature.1 This power was not always wisely administered, and protests were frequent and revolts sometimes occurred. We have seen how a successful revolt made Levi Woodbury governor in 1823, and the advocates of the old system triumphed the following year by the election of David L. Morril. Their cause had received a shock from which it never recovered. It lingered with constantly decreasing strength, and ceased to exist before the close of the decade.
The transition from nominations by legislative caucuses to those by delegate conventions was gradual. In the interim nominations were made, in councillor, senatorial, and county conventions, either by ballot or resolution. The conventions held in Grafton and Coos counties in 1825 appointed committees to call the con- ventions of the following year, and instructed them to insert in the call a provision requiring an expression by the convention of its choice of a candidate for governor. These counties, in 1826, largely favored Morril, as did also the counties of Rockingham and Cheshire, while Strafford and Hillsborough placed Benjamin Pierce in nomination. Governor Morril was re-elected.
1 " Never was there greater indifference on the part of the people; and never was there more chicanery, more deception, practised than at this election. Should some of the candidates succeed, it may with great propriety be said that they were smug- gled in." - N. H. Patriot and State Gazette, Nov. 15, 1824.
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In 1828 Governor Pierce, the Jackson candidate for re-election, was defeated by John Bell, who was supported by the Adams men, and in 1829 the same candidate came before the people and the result was reversed, Pierce being elected.
The fifth councillor district comprised the counties of Grafton and Coos,1 and territorially covered nearly half the State. The twelfth senatorial district contained all of Coos County, and Rum- ney, Wentworth, Orford, and the towns north of these in Grafton County. Councillor conventions were usually held at Haverhill or Wentworth, and those of the senatorial district at Lisbon or Littleton, though they were sometimes held elsewhere. Notwith- standing the fact that the means of intercommunication were by stage or private conveyance, and nearly a week was required to enable some of the delegates to attend the conventions, the record shows that after the passing of "the era of good feeling " nearly all the towns were represented in the annual conventions of both parties.
This brief review of party politics, in State and nation, is given to constitute a background for the local political history of the times. During the first eight years of the period personal ambi- tions and factional desires furnished the only elements of strife in the politics of the State. The town was in harmony with its greater surroundings. So complete was the political unison that nothing but a memory remained of the contentions and bitterness which characterized the conflicts between the Federalists and the Jeffersonians of bygone days. After a dozen years of stagnant calm it is somewhat startling to note the fierce vigor of the politi- cal storm which burst over this State when Jackson, " the military chieftain," became the issue of the hour, and which was soon to be followed by another period of political indifference when he had been securely enthroned in power. But the narrative of events will disclose the growth and subsidence of the storm.
So slight was the interest here in the presidential election of 1820, when Madison was re-elected, that out of an electorate of more than two hundred voters but thirty cast their ballots, all of them for the Madison ticket, the only regular one in the field. At the same time votes were cast for six members of Congress, and this vote would have been unanimous had not one elector inad- vertently deposited a ballot bearing the names of the candidates
1 There were but six counties in the State in 1820. Belknap and Carroll were a part of Strafford, Merrimack of Hillsborough, and Sullivan of Cheshire counties. The towns of Bartlett, Jackson, and Chatham, now in Carroll, were then in Coos County.
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for presidential electors in the box provided for votes for Con- gressmen. In those days printed tickets were seldom used. Some unusually zealous politician came to the meeting-house armed with an ink-horn and quill pens and prepared ballots for such electors as asked his services. Many of the tickets for Congressmen con- tained the names of but a fraction of the candidates, and the total at this election varied from 13 to 33. Possibly this fact was owing to some other cause than indifference ; the elector may have taken this method to make known his protest against the dearth of variety in the political life of the times.
Neither the town. nor any of its citizens, played an important part in the politics of the State or county in these years. The conditions were not favorable to the development of personal am- bitions nor to the advancement of local favorites in the wider field of political activities. Not only were no great principles at stake, but no issues of administrative policy were before the people for settlement that were calculated to arouse enthusiasm or create antagonisms. Such a situation left the control of State and county affairs in the hands of those who had assumed these responsibilities at the close of a former period of political ex- citement, and new men came forward only with their permission or under their patronage. So far as our town was concerned, there was nothing to encourage or awaken a desire among her citizens to play a part on a larger political stage.
The election of 1822 fairly illustrates all those of the early years in the twenties. There were 205 names on the list of voters, while but 125 votes were cast. Not a dissenter - and there were some in town - took the trouble to cast a ballot. There was not suffi- cient diversity of opinion to bring out anything like a full vote, and it is to be presumed that many of those in attendance were drawn there by their interest in local matters that were to come up for consideration. At the congressional elections of 1820, 1822, and 1824, the largest vote cast was 34, while that of 1826 constituted but 60 per cent of the qualified voters.
There was at that time one citizen who never subordinated his political opinions to the fetish of harmony or success. Gen. David Rankin had been reared in the most pronounced school of Fed- eralism, and having inherited a generous quantity of Scotch stub- bornness, he remained a Federalist through all the mutations of political principles and events to the very last. Circumstances, at different times, placed him in a position which led his neighbors to regard him as a National Republican, or Anti-Mason, or a Whig, while he considered the issues which were supposed to have given
GEN. DAVID RANKIN.
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rise to these parties as ephemeral incidents connected with the political activities of the period, and clothed each with the supreme virtues of the ancient party, and battled for their supremacy with all the strength of his ardent nature. During Monroe's admin- istration his political attitude was one of protest, and not until Adams came up for re-election had he discovered anything in the official conduct of the President worthy of approval. But when it appeared that the old leaders, whom he venerated, were to support the President, he soon grew to regard him as a second Hamilton. For a few years the general trend of affairs was in accord with his love of a strenuous life, though the results were seldom such as he approved.
Another and, all things considered, a more influential citizen, was Nathaniel Rix, Jr. His nature and methods were far differ- ent from those of his positive townsmen. Moderate of speech, persuasive in manner, he found the political atmosphere in the State much to his liking, while the result in the town was usually such as to cause him keen disappointment. During the halcyon period his capacity and attainments recommended him to his fellow-citizens for employment in various public offices. He frequently presided at town meetings, was chairman of the Board of Selectmen, was Representative to the General Court seven suc- cessive terms, and there exercised considerable influence, serving on important committees, and was esteemed one of the leaders among the silent membership of that body. To these positions he was elected without opposition except on the occasion of his last return as Representative in 1827, when General Rankin stood as an Adams candidate ; but the personal popularity of Mr. Rix was such that the General could not rally to his support all who agreed with him in national politics.
With General Rankin was associated in active leadership Guy Ely and Dr. Burns, while Timothy A. Edson shared with Mr. Rix the direction of the Democratic Republican forces.
At that time no national convention for the nomination of a candidate for President had been held, and party platforms, na- tional or State, were not known. Candidates for president were selected by members of Congress, and those for governor, as before stated, by members of the General Court. Declarations of prin- ciples were to be found in the well-known views of the candidate in regard to public questions and in speeches of his friends delivered in the halls of Congress. About the time that party lines were re-formed in this State the gathering that formally placed a can- didate for governor in the field sometimes appointed a committee
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to prepare and issue an address setting forth the grounds upon which it made its appeal for votes. But more frequently such declarations were left to town caucuses, and it was the practice at the time for such assemblies to adopt a series of resolutions de- claring their views in regard to public questions. At a caucus held in this town in May, 1828, a preamble and resolutions drawn up by Nathaniel Rix, Jr.,1 were adopted, which characteristically set forth what were regarded as the prominent issues of the day. The preamble is a plea for rotation in office. Mr. Rix was not unmindful of the fact that he had but recently been elected for the seventh time a representative to the Legislature, and probably desired another election to the position. When he drafted this declaration of principles, he qualified the demand for rotation by assuming that the people ought not always to refuse to keep a true and tried servant in office, but, as he put it, should " occasion-
1 " At a meeting of the Democratic Republicans of Littleton held persuant to publick notice at Edsons Inn, on the 10th day of May 1828. Timothy A. Edson, Esq., was chosen chairman and Nathaniel Rix, Jr., Secretary. The following Preamble and Resolutions were made and unanimously adopted.
"' It has been found by experience that no position in relation to Government is in the nature of things, more tenable than that in all kinds both elective as well as heredity, there is a constant natural tendency to abuse of power and a prodigality in public disbursments which from time to time need correction, which can be effected in a free elective Government by the salutary influence of the will of the people in their elective franchise ; and it is the high perogative of the people of elective Gov- ernments, at all times carefully and candidly, to canvass and discuss the merits of candidates for office ; and as rotation is dictated by sound policy, occasionally refus- ing to re-elect those who through long enjoyment of the emoluments of office, have become insensible to, and altogether regardless of the burdens of the people, and electing those of their fellow-citizens who have been calm observers of publick men and measures, and sharers with the people in the publick burdens, therefore
"' Resolved, that we accord with the doctrine of many prominent members of both Houses of Congress, of retrenchment and reform.
"' Resolved, that we highly approve of the nomination of Gen. Andrew Jackson for the next President of the United States, and that we will use all honorable exertions to secure liis election.
"' Resolved, that we have little confidence in him who while his country is bleeding at every pore, grasps at the last dollar of constructive double outfit and salaries and while yet under the eye of the enemy, faces about and calls the Govern- ment of his country "weak and penurious."
""' Resolved, that we have more confidence in him who in the day of peril, not only unsheaths the sword and braves danger, but pledges his private property to raise funds to aid in defence of his country.'
" This caucus chose, by ballot, Elder William Burkly [Rev. William Berkley] a delegate to the convention to be held at Concord on the second Wednesday in June 'for the purpose of forming an electoral ticket and nominating six members of Congress.' " - N. II. Patriot and State Gazette, May, 1827.
The Federal Republicans at their caucus in 1836 passed the following resolu- tion : " Resolved : That the election of the little Dutchman of Kinderhook is an event deeply to be deplored."
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ally " do so. Retrenchment and reform was then a burning issue, and has continued to be from that time to the present. General Jackson is approved as a candidate for President, and John Quincy Adams is declared unworthy of the position because, when minis- ter to Russia, he availed himself of that provision of the statutes which entitled him to constructive mileage and salary. All of which tends to show that the " fathers " had not elevated their politics to a very high plane.
The political awakening which followed the coalition of 1824 is still a theme for discussion, and dispassionate men differ as to the motives and merits of those engaged in that controversy. The deep-seated bitterness and extravagant personal charges which emanated from it have never been exceeded in our political his- tory. Nor was this condition of active virulence confined to any section or class. It percolated all strata of society, and covered the land with an epidemic of unreason bordering on madness. In this town, where for years political differences had not been suffi- ciently pronounced to be counted a factor in our annual town meetings, it assumed such proportions as to exclude from consid- eration all matters of purely local concern.
The exercises at a banquet on the occasion of the celebration of Independence Day in 1827 indicate how completely the political spirit had taken possession of the popular mind. This was sup- posed to be a purely patriotic observance of the birthday of the Republic by the people resident in the towns bordering on the Connecticut River in this section. At the banquet which followed the usual exercises in the field and after the announcement of the regular toasts, volunteer sentiments were in order. Then the pent-up political enthusiasm burst forth. General Rankin, the president of the day, set the ball in motion with a sentiment ex- pressing the hope that President Adams might be re-elected. This was followed by one offered by Colonel Edson favorable to General Jackson's election.1
These pointed the way, and the first to follow was Dr. Shedd of Boston, who offered : " The Government of the United States, our national ship : May we not have too much Clay for ballast, as it is apt to slip; and may the timbers be comprised of sound ma- terial, and the principal timbers (the rudder which shall guide the ship) be of old Hickory."
Guy Ely then came to the aid of the Administration forces with the following sentiment, which, in some way, has a familiar sound : " The Government of the United States headed by the greatest statesman in the world.".
1 See pp. 277, 278.
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Major George Little, filled with an enthusiastic desire to ad- vance the material and educational welfare of the community, mingled these great interests with his political sentiments, and gave this toast : " Hickory on our hills, canals in our valleys, and literature in our colleges."
Divested of its political flavor, this sentiment is admirable, yet it was not received with the warmth of those which preceded its in- troduction. Evidently the audience was not in a mood to tolerate any subject but that which was nearest the heart.
Dr. Burns had in mind the Arbuthnot and Ambrister incident of the Florida war, then much used for campaign purposes, and referred to it in the toast which he offered : " Andrew Jackson : may he be President only of those who deserve hanging without trial."
Another party cry of the period referred to Jackson as a mere military chieftain ; and Andrew Salter Woods, of Bath, when called upon for a toast, gave : " George Washington and Andrew Jack- son, ' military chieftains': the most unfortunate circumstance in all their lives, for themselves, but the most fortunate for their country."
General Rankin put the finishing touch to the entertainment of the day, a sentiment which the audience regarded as rather mild coming from such a source. It was : " Gen. Andrew Jackson : may he never leave the State of Tennessee unless it be to fight the Indians."
These expressions fairly voice the political spirit of the time. Passionate, prejudiced, and intensely personal, it failed to find time or place for the discussion of questions of principle or even minor considerations of party policy.
Surely those were days of intense political excitement when the minds of men were charged with the political current, and a word or simple act was sufficient to cause an explosion, and out of the turmoil emerged one great political party, and another assumed a new form, and together they divided the people into hostile camps for more than a quarter of a century.
The record of events would not be complete that omitted the names of others who bore a part, less conspicuous perhaps than that of those who commanded, but who were important factors in the political events of the day. Among the Adams men Capt. Isaac Abbott, Elisha Hinds, Guy and George W. Ely, and Sylva- nus Balch, were among the most active. They were reinforced in less than a year by a young man who was firmly grounded in the principles of his party, and was destined within a few
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years to become one of its leaders in the State. Henry A. Bel- lows was influential in the construction of party platforms and in the advocacy, before the people, of party principles, but he never became a managing politician in the sense in which that term is now used. His mental and moral limitations were such as to de- bar him from pursuing such a calling with any degree of success. At the time he had just entered upon the practice of the law, a profession to which he was entirely devoted. In the Jackson party Alexander Albee, William Berkley, Simeon B. Johnson, Major George Little, and Dr. Adams Moore were most con- spicuous. All these gentlemen were well equipped for party war- fare by reason of superior intelligence, strong convictions, and energy of character.
At the annual meeting in March, 1828, these forces met for the first time for the long conflict. John Bell, the Adams candidate for governor, received 107 votes, and Gov. Benjamin Pierce, the Jackson candidate, 75. Mr. Bell was the successful candidate. At this election Mr. Rix, in spite of his repeated elections, possibly on account of that fact, desired to be returned once more as rep- resentative to the General Court. This purpose was not acquiesced in by many of the Adams men, especially by General Rankin and Dr. Burns, who strongly opposed the election of any follower of Jackson to an office. The result of their opposition was to make General Rankin the contesting candidate, and he was elected by a small majority, and was re-elected the following year.
The general character of these contests will be apparent to all who have read the account of the occurrences at the Fourth of July celebration in 1827. The elections were close, and the result in doubt up to the moment of the declaration of the state of the vote. Some of the leaders added to the general feeling of intense concern in regard to public affairs a share of their pronounced personality. General Rankin, Dr. Burns, Timothy A. Edson, and some others in a less degree, were assertive with unchanging likes and dislikes. They never forgot and never forgave, and gave to the political canvass in which they engaged something of these qualities, and the success of the leaders was often regarded as of more consequence than the triumph of principles. The influence of Henry A. Bellows and Simeon B. Johnson was of a conciliating type. They were more diplomatic than their aggressive associates, but with all their persuasive mildness they could not change methods nor the trend of events. They incurred the displeasure of some and the enmity of others among their strenuous partisans, and were accused of want of fealty to the organization for refus-
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ing to engage in bitter personalities. This accusation at a later day affected the political fortunes of both men.
All the men to whom reference has been made bore an impor- tant part in moulding the political and material fortunes of the town. Perhaps the one whose impress was most enduring was Elisha Hinds. He was not obtrusive, but was persistent in every conceivable way in advancing all projects in which he felt an in- terest. It does not appear that he ever sought or desired public office. It is true that for several years he was postmaster, but when the office at the village was established he at first refused that position, but was subsequently prevailed upon, for reasons manifestly of a public character, to accept the appointment. His ambition was abundantly satisfied by serving in the more humble capacity of adviser to those who hield the offices, and by so doing exercised the real power while he escaped all its entangling re- sponsibilities. He was a Selectman for a single term, and_often served on committees raised to transact important town business. But it is as moderator of our town meetings that he is remem- bered, officially, by aged citizens who were at that time entering upon the responsibilities of manhood. They all agree that he discharged the functions of this important position with such dig- nity and urbanity that he was held as a model in these respects for imitation by his successors in office. He was by some con- sidered far too strict in the exercise of his prerogative. Town meetings were held in the old (then new) meeting-house, with its floor and gallery covered with square box pews. When the result of the ballot for moderator was announced, he entered the enclos- ure in front of the pulpit, with his cane rapped to order, and with impressive solemnity received the oath, which he in turn adminis- tered to other town officers as they were chosen, in a spirit of extreme reverence. Upon assuming the duties of this position he requested all present to be seated, with uncovered heads, while a clergyman addressed the throne of divine grace,1 and then the freemen were permitted to resume their head coverings, but they were required to remain seated until they went forward to deposit their ballots. There was no rushing, no disorder, when broad- shouldered, dignified Esquire Hinds served as moderator in town- meeting. The business of the day was transacted with scrupulous
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