USA > New Hampshire > Hillsborough County > Manchester > History of Manchester, formerly Derryfield, in New-Hampshire : including that of ancient Amoskeag, or the middle Merrimack Valley, together with the address, poem, and other proceedings of the centennial celebration of the incorporation of Derryfield at Manchester, October 22, 1851 > Part 14
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* Mass. Archives, Vol. 30, p. 130.
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very thankful to you for your pains. I must acknowledge I have all my days been used to pass in al old canoe, and now you exhort me to change and leave my old canoe and embark in a new one, to which I have hitherto been unwilling ; but now I yield myself to your advice and enter into a new canoe and do engage to pray to God hereafter."*
Wonnalancet doubtless lived up to his profession, though he must have possessed as much of patience, as was attributed to Job of old, to have lived under his oppressions and wrongs, and not have most signally avenged them. Gookin speaking of his conversion, in 1677 says, "I have charity and faith to believe him to be an honest Christian man, being one that in his con- versation walks answerably to his knowledge. He prays in his family and is careful of keeping the Sabbath, loves to hear God's word, sober in conversation."+ During Philip's war, Wonnalancet retired into the wilderness. The war commonly known as "Philip's War," commenced in the summer of 1675. This wily chief, stung with the wrongs of his country, had formed the design of completely destroying the English colo- nies. For this purpose, he had visited the various tribes of New England and endeavored to unite them in the common canse. In this he but partially succeeded. The restless and reckless of most of the tribes, readily assented to take up the hatchet ; but certain tribes and the peacably inclined in others, would not join the confederacy of Philip. The remnant of the tribe under Wounalancet refused to join in his project, though often solicited. But Wonnalancet's position was about as un- comfortable as though he had favored the project of Philip. There was a general prejudice among the colonists against all Indians, and if any depredations were committed by the hos- tile Indians, there were not wanting those who were willing to accuse the friendly Indians of being privy to, or engaged in committing them, and who were ever ready to wreak their ven- geance upon the innocent friendly Indians. Wonnalancet, aware of this state of things, and cognizant of the fact, that through the instigation of Philip, the Indians were planning a general attack upon the colonists, that he and his people might not be involved in the troubles, withdrew into the woods "and quartered about Pennacook." His withdrawal gave fresh alarm to the colonists. The "Great and General Court" was even disquieted at his not returning with his tribe after the planting
* See Allen's Chelmsford, page 156.
t See Coll. Amer. Ant. Soc. Vol. II. page 464.
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season was over, and on September 8, 1675, ordered Capt. Thomas Brattle and Lieut. Thomas Henchman to "send a run- ner or two to Wonnalancet Sachem of Naamkeke who had withdrawn into the woods from fear, and to persuade him to come in again and live at Wamesit, and to inform the Indians at Pennacook and Naticook that if they will live quietly and peaceably, they shall not be harmed by the English."*
The order of the Court was as follows :- "It is ordered by the Council that Lieut. Thomas Henchman do forthwith en- deavor to procure by hire one or two suitable Indians of Wam- esit to travel and seek to find out and speak with Wonnalancet the sachem and carry with them a writing from the Council, being a safe conduct unto the said Sachem, or any other prin- cipal man belonging to Natacooke, Penagooge or other people of those Northern Indians giving (not exceeding six persons) free liberty to come into the house of the said Henchman, where the council will appoint Capt. Gookin and Mr. Eliot to treat with them about terms of amity and peace between them and the English, and in case agreements and conclusions be not made to all others that accompany him shall have free liberty to return back again ; and this offer the council are induced to make, because the said Wonnalancet sachem, as they are in- formed, hath declared himself that the English never did any wrong to him or his father Passaconnaway, but always lived in amity, and that his father charged him so to do and that said Wannalancet will not begin to do any wrong to the English."+ This "runner" was not obtained to go after Wonnalancet, it would seem, till the following month when under date of Oct. 1, 1675, the following "safe conduct" was furnished by order of the council.
"This our writing or safe conduct doth declare, that the gov- ernor and council of Massachusetts, do give you and every of you, provided you exceed not six, free liberty of coming unto and returning in safety from the house of Lieut. T. Henchman at Naamkeke and there to treat with Capt. Daniel Gookiu and Mr. John Eliot, whom you know, and (whom) we will fully empower to treat and conclude with you upon such meet terms and articles of friendship, amity and subjection as were former- ly made and concluded between the English and old Passacon- away, your father and his sons and people; and for this end we have sent these messengers, to convey these unto you, and
* See Mass. Archives.
t See as above.
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to bring your answer, whom we desire you to treat kindly, and speedily to despatch them back to us with your answer. Dated in Boston, 1 Oct., 1675. Signed by order of the council. JOHN LEVERETT, Gov'r. EDWD RAWSON, Sec."*
These messengers did not succeed in reaching Wonnalancet, but they sent the message to him, which fact, together with the other fact, that the Governor and Council sent a written message by Indian runners to Wonnalancet, goes to show that Wonnalancet or some of those with him could read writing. And it is highly probable that there was an Indian teacher with Wonnalancet during this voluntary banishment of his tribe. The message reached Wonnalancet, but he declined to return and went still farther into the woods. His conduct was con- sidered decidedly inimical and the noted Indian fighter, Capt. Mosely, was forthwith sent with a company of a hundred men to disperse the Indian enemy at "Penagog, said to be gathered there for the purpose of mischief." But this "was a mistake," as Gookin says, "for there was (not) above one hundred in all the Penagog and Nimkig Indians whereof Wonnalancet was chief." Capt. Mosely marched to Pennacook, but no enemy, as they expected, was found there, the fort being entirely de- serted. Mosely burnt their wigwams and destroyed their dried fish, which had been cured for their winter use. Gookin says, "When the English drew nigh, whereof he ( Wonnalancet ) had intelligence by scouts, they left their fort and withdrew into the woods and swamps, where they had advantage and oppor- tunity enough in ambushment, to have slain many of the Eng- lish soldiers, without any great hazard to themselves; and sev- eral of the young Indians inclined to it, but the Sachem Won- nalancet, by his authority and wisdom, restrained his men, and suffered not an Indian to appear or shoot a gun. They were very near the English, and yet, though they were provoked by the English, who burnt their wigwams and destroyed some dried fish, yet not one gun was shot at any Englishman."+ For fear of molestation, and that he might not again be able to re- strain his young from attacking the English, were another body of troops sent to distress them, Wonnalancet withdrew with his people farther into the wilderness and passed the winter about the headwaters of the Connecticut River. Here, says Gookin, "was a place of good hunting for moose, deer, bear
* See Coll. Amer. Ant. Soc. Vol. II. page 462.
+ Soe Coll. Amer. Ant. Soc. Vol. II. page 464.
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and other such wild beasts." And here Wonnalancet lived with much of trouble and hardship to himself and people, rath- er than to be in any way drawn into the war his countrymen were making upon the English. He was too much of a pat- riot to fight against his countrymen, and too much of a man of principle to fight against the English, after he had subjected himself to their power and had promised his father to live in peace with them. Besides, it is fair to presume that Wonna- lancet, like his father, saw the utter hopelessness of an attempt to conquer the English, on the part of his countrymen. But this decision must have cost him much of feeling, and we can- not but admire that steadfastness of determination, that should lead him to preserve a strict neutrality. For we have seen what pains the English took took to induce him to come in to them, and Gookin says "he had messengers sent him more than once from the enemy, soliciting him to join with them ; but he always refused." Meantime, among the Colonists there were not a few, who were desirous to stir up an excitement against the Wamesit Indians, residing below Pawtucket Falls, at the mouth of Concord River. They were accused of burning a stack of hay belonging to James Richardson (unjustly as it would seem,) and thirty-three able bodied men were taken to Boston to answer to the charge, being all the tribe except wo- men, children, old men and cripples. Three of them were condemned to be sold as slaves and the others set free. As they passed through Woburn, under the charge of Lieut. Rich- ardson, they were fired upon by one of a train band exercising at the same time in the village-and one of the Indians was killed. The man who fired was named Knight. The Indian killed was related to the principal Indians of Natick and Wam- esit. Knight was arrested and tried for the murder, and as Gookin says, "was acquitted by the Jury, much contrary to the mind of the bench ; the Jury alleged they wanted evidence, and the prisoner plead that the gun went off by accident, in- deed witnesses were mealy mouthed in giving evidence. The jury was sent out again and again by the Judges who were much unsatisfied with the Jury's proceedings ; but the Jury did not see cause to alter their mind and so the fellow was cleared."
Such being the state of feeling among the people, it is not singular that greater outrages upon the Indians should follow. On the fifteenth of November, a barn of Lt. James Richardson of Chelmsford, having been burnt, and the burning charged up- on the Indians, a body of fourteen armed men, went to the
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THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER.
wigwams of the Indians, called them to come out, and after the men, women and children had come out, two of the Eng- lish fired upon them, their guns being charged with buck shot, and killed one boy upon the spot, and wounded five of the women and children. The murderers, Lorgin and Robins were found Not Guilty by the Jury, as Gookin says, 'to the great grief and trouble generally of magistracy and ministry and other wise and godly men."* There being now no safety for them at their home, the entire tribe removed into the wil- derness to join Wonnalancet. The English then had reason to suppose they had gone to join the enemy, and they ordered Lieut. Henchman to send after them and persuade them to come back. An Indian by the name of Wepcositt was sent upon this embassy by Lieut. Henchman, who found the Indians about Pennacook, but could not persuade them to come back. They were living very precariously-suffering much for want of food, but still they preferred staying in the wilderness. Simon Be- togkom, their preacher was with them and preached to them every Sabbath. The first Sabbath he "read and taught the people out Psalm 35 ; the seccond Sabbath from Psalm 46 ; the third Sabbath out of Psalm 118." The 35th Psalm commen- ces with "Plead my cause, O Lord, with them that strive with me; fight against those that fight against me." 2d verse. "Take hold of shield and buckler and stand up for my help." 3d verse. "Draw out also the spear, and stop the way against them that persecuteth me," &c. The 46th Psalm commences with "God is our refuge and strength, a very present help in trouble. 2d versc. "Therefore will not we fear, though the earth be removed, and though the mountains be carried into the sea; 3d verse, "Though the waters thereof roar and be troubled, though the mountains shake with the swelling there- of." It must be confessed these Psalms were very appropriate to their circumstances. It is probable that in the second week -the messenger sent by the Governor of Massachusetts found them-and promised them the protection of the Government if they would return. But they refused to comply with his re- quest, fearing the hostile Indians might bring them into some difficulty. The next and third Sabbath-Betogkom preached from the 118th Psalm, commencing, "O give thanks unto the Lord : for he is good ; because his mercy endureth forever, &c. 5th verse, "I called upon the Lord in distress; the Lord an-
* See Coll. Amer. Ant. Soc. Vol. II. page 482, 482.
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swered me, and set me in a large place. 6th verse, The Lord is on my side ; I will not fear ; What can I do."*
The Indians sent back a letter to Lieut. Henchman, giving their reasons for leaving. The letter was doubtless written by Simon Betogkom and was as follows :
"To Mr. Thomas Henchman of Chelmsford. I Numphow, and John Line, we send the messenger to you again with this answer, we cannot come home again, we go towards the French, we go where Wonnalancet is ; the reason is, we went away from our home, we had help from the Council, but that did not do us good, but we had wrong by the English. 2dly. The reason is we went away from the English, for when there was any harm done in Chelmsford, they laid it to us and said we did it, but we know ourselves we never did harm the Eng. lish, but we go away peaceably and quietly. 3dly. As to the Island we say there is no safety for us for many English be not good, and may be they come to us and kill us, as in the other case. We are not sorry for what we leave behind, but are sorry the English have driven us from our praying to God and from our teacher, (Mr. Eliot.) We did begin to under- stand a little praying to God. We thank humbly the Council. We remember our love to Mr. Henchman and James Richard- son.
The mark of L. John Line, ? their The mark of Numphow, S Rulers.+
This is a true copy of their letter, and compares well with the epistolary composition of the times. Simon Betogkom wrote a very fair hand, and as a scholar reflected much credit upon his teacher, Mr. Eliot. These Indians missed of meeting with Wonnalancet and in about three weeks after, most of them were forced to return to Chelmsford from fear of starvation. A few lingered about Pennacook and did not come in till some days after. Major Gookin, Major Willard and Mr. Eliot were appointed a Committee to visit and comfort them, and to make necessary provisions for them. On the 6th of February follow- ing, the Wamesits petitioned the Governor and Council through Jerathmel Bowers, that they might be removed from Chelms- ford "fearing," as they alleged "to stay, because (in all proba- bility) other Indians would come and do mischief shortly, and it would be imputed to them and they should suffer for it." Their petition being neglected, they fled again "into the woods
* See Coll. Amer. Ant. Soc. Vol. II. page 485.
+ See Coll. Amer. Ant. Soc. Vol. II. page 483.
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towards Pennacook" leaving only some five or six persons be- hind who were lame and blind. These blind and lame Indians being left together in one wigwam, were inhumanly destroyed "-their wigwam was set on fire by people of Chelmsford and they were all burned together! The Wamesits succeeded this time in finding Wonnalancet, not before, however a number of their stout men had perished from hunger. Among the num- ber who perished were Numphow their Sagamon, and Mystic George, a teacher, "besides divers other men, women and chil- dren." The remainder went in with Wonnalancet to Dover and were suffered to depart with him, among whom were, for a certainty, Sam Numphow and George Numphow, brothers of the Sagamon who had perished, and Simon Betogkom the In- dian preacher. Wonnalancet did not return till after the war was over, and then went into Dover with a messenger sent for him by Major Waldron."
At this time he made the following treaty with the Commit- tee of this Province.
S "Piscataqua River, Cochecho, 3 July [1676.]
At a meeting of ye Com appointed by ye Hond Genl. Ct. for to treat ye Inds. of the Eastern parts in order for ye procuring an Honll Peace with ym. Wee wth ye mutll consent of ye Sagamores Underwritten in behalfe of themselues and ye men -Indians belonging to them being about 300 in Number, have agreed as followeth :
lly. That hence forward none of ye said Indians shall offer any violence to ye persons of any English, nor doe any Damage to theyrs Estates in any kind whatsoever. And if any Indian or Indians shall offend herein, they shall bring or cause to bee brought ye offender to some English authority, there to be pros- ecuted by ye English Lawes according to ye Nature of ye Of- fence.
2ly. That none of said Indians shall entertain at any time any of our enemies, but shall giue psent notice to ys Comte when any one come among them, ingaging to goe forth wth ye English against them (if desired) in order to ye seizing of them. And if any of sd Indians shall themselues at any time bring such or Enemies vuto vs, they shall for their reward haue £3. for each they shall so bring in.
3ly. The Indians performing on their part, as is before ex- pressed, wee ye committee doe ingage in ye behalfe of ye Eng-
* See Coll. Amer. Ant. Soc. Vol. II. page 492.
t
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lish not to offer any violence to any of their persons or estates. and if any injury be offered to said Indians by any English, they [their] complaints to authority, ye offender shall be pros- ecuted by English Lawes according to ye nature of ye offence. In witness to each and all ye prmises we haue mutually shaken hands and subscribed our names.
RICHARD WALDERN
Committee NIC : SHAPLEIGH THO: DANIELL
1 WANALANSET, Sagamore
XXXXXX
SAMPSON ABOQUACEMOKA
MR. WM. SAGMAMORE
ISQUANDO, Sagamore
DONY SEROGUMBA
SAMLL NUMPHOW
The mark WarockoMEE*
Meantime many of the Indians who had joined in Philip's war upon the English, had returned into the wilderness and joined themselves to the Pennacooks, Pequauquaukes, and Os- sipees, hoping by that means, that as Wonnalancet had continu- ed at peace with the English, and the Pequauquaukes and Ossi- pees had made a treaty a short time previous, to escape punish- ment by being taken as of their people. So that in September,. 1676, there had come into Cocheco with Wonnalancet, and through his influence, about four hundred Indians. These had the promise of good usage, and had the advice of Major Waldron been followed, good faith would have been kept with them. But on the sixth of September, Captains Syll and Hath- orne came to Cocheco with the companies under their com- mand, being on their way from Boston into the eastern coun- try, having "order to seize all Indians." They were intent up- on falling upon the Indians at once, but were dissuaded from this course by Capt. Waldron, as friends and foes would be kil- led in a promiscuous onslaught. Major Waldron was deserving of all praise for his prudent course in this matter, and had the In- dians known of his influence in their favor, it would doubtless have prevented the massacre that took place 13 years afterwards at this very place, and in which Major Waldron was sacrificed to avenge the wrongs of this very day, attributed erroneously to him by the Indians. Major Waldron had doubtless, like most other Indian traders, been unscrupulous in his dealings
· See Drake's Book of the Indians, page 699.
10
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THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER.
with the Indians ; and though his fist may have been used as a pound weight as against their furs, yet, having promised them good usage, he did all in his power on this occasion, to redeem his promise, and by his advice, doubtless, saved many of the Indians from certain death. He had to yield to higher author- ity and what he could not prevent, mitigate in its execution. By his advice stratagem was used in securing them. A milita- ry display was proposed for the amusement of the Indians, in which they were invited to participate. The parties were to unite in a sham fight, the English upon one side and the Indi- ans upon the other. The Indians entered into the plan with spirit. Tradition says that the Indians were furnished with a cannon mounted upon wheels, which pleased them very much. They were ignorant of its management, and were furnished with gunners by the English. The Indians manned the drag- ropes, and the sham-fight commenced. In changing the direc- tion of the cannon, the English gunners ranged the piece along a file of Indians upon one of the drag-ropes, and fired, killing and wounding a large number. This was attributed to acci- dent. At the same time, the English troops, by a preconcerted manœuvre, enclosed the Indians on all sides, and secured and disarmed them without loss or injury on their part. Wonna- lancet, with the Pennacooks and friendly Pequauquaukes and Ossipees, were dismissed to their homes, while the others, to the number of three hundred who were known to belong to other tribes, and to have been fighting against the English, were ta- ken to Boston, seven or eight of them hanged, and the rest of them sold into slavery. Wonnalancet and his people returned to their home at Wickasauke, where they were ordered by the General Court, and placed under the guardianship of Mr. Jona- than Tyng, of Dunstable, "with Mr. Tyng's consent and under his inspection when at home, and in his absence," *
* "the care of them (was) under one Robert Parris, Mr.
Tyng's bayl."* After this outrage, Wonnalancet seems to have placed but little reliance upon the promises of the English. In fact, their faith towards the Indians may well be called "Punic," as it generally embraced hypocrisy and treachery. It was at this time that Wonnalancet called upon the Rev. Mr. Fisk, of Chelmsford, and enquired of him the news of the day, as to his old acquaintances, and particularly whether Chelmsford had suf- fered much during the war? Mr. Fisk told him that they had not suffered much, but had been highly favored, and for which
* See Coll. American Ant. Soc. Vol. II. page 553.
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he thanked God. "Me next," added Wonnalancet ; plainly showing that, in spite of his wrongs, he had used his influence to protect his friends in Chelmsford from harm. Wonnalancet stopped about in the region of Wickasauke, till after the middle of September of the following year, evincing the same friend- ly disposition towards the English. In March following the seizure at Dover, Wonnalancet came into Capt. Hinchman's, at Chelmsford, with the word that the "Mohokes" were up the river near Souhegan.
This information was communicated to the Governor and Council by James Parker, "from Mr. Hinchmane's farme ner Meremack," "hast post hast."
"To the Honred Govner and Counsell. This may informe youer honores that Sagamore Evanalanset [Wonnalancet] came this morning to informe me, and then went to Mr. Tynge's to informe him that his son being one ye outher sid of Meremack River a hunting, and his dauter with him, up the River, over against Souhegan, upon the 22 day of this instant, about tene of the clock in the morning, he discovered 15 Indens on this sid the River, which he soposed to be Mohokes by ther spech. He ealled them, they answered, but he culd not understand ther spech, and he having a conow ther in the River, he went to breck his conow that they might not have ani ues of it, in the mene time thay shot about thirty guns at him, and he being much frighted, fled and come home forthwith to Nahamcok, wher ther wigowemes now stand.
Not Eles at present, but Remain youer servant to comand.
JAMES PARKER.
Rec'd 9 night 24: muh 76-7." **
But the English had taken his planting grounds, and had put them under cultivation, and he had "not where to lay hishead." Mr. Eliot says, "He (Wonnalancet) was persuaded to come in again ; but the English having plowed and sown all their lands, they had but little corn to subsist by. A party of French Indians (of whom some were of the kindred of this Sachem's wife) very lately fell upon this people, being but few and un- armed, and partly by persuasion and partly by force carried them away."t The fact is, Wonnalancet saw his lands taken up and improved, which the Legislature had granted him, and he saw that he could not settle down upon them again with safe- ty, and he made a virtue of necessity, and retired with a com-
* See N. H. His. Coll., Vol. III, page 100.
t See Coll. American Ant. Soc. Vol. II. page 520.
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pany of his friends to reside with them at the Indian settlement of St. Francis. This was about the 19th of September, 1677. His thus retiring gave cause to his enemies to reproach him with the old story of being hostile, but he lived down this as he had other calumnies.
Major Gookin, the fast friend of Wonnalancet gives the fol- lowing reasons for his leaving, and retiring to St. Francis :
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