USA > New Hampshire > Hillsborough County > Manchester > History of Manchester, formerly Derryfield, in New-Hampshire : including that of ancient Amoskeag, or the middle Merrimack Valley, together with the address, poem, and other proceedings of the centennial celebration of the incorporation of Derryfield at Manchester, October 22, 1851 > Part 15
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"First, this man had but a weak company, not above eight men ; and those, except two or three, remained. Secondly, he lived at a dangerous frontier place, both for the Maqauas that were now in small parties, watching opportunities to slay and captivate these Indians, and had lately done mischief a few miles off ; * on the other side, the Eastern Indians, that were in hostility with the English, might easily have access to this place. Thirdly, he had but little corn to live on for the ensuing winter, for his land was improved by the English be- fore he came in. Fourthly, the Indians that came from the French were his kindred and relations, for one of them was his wife's brother ; and his oldest son also lived with the French. Fifthly, those Indians informed him that the war was not yet at an end, and that he would live better and with more safety among the Indians."* These were cogent reasons, and would be likely to weigh much with a man in the position of Wonna- lancet. The only wonder is that Wonnalancet had not retired long before, and made common cause with the enemies of the English, as they and portions of his tribe had repeatedly urged him to do. It is not known how long he stayed at St. Francis. It is probable, however, that as soon as the war was closed, in 1678, and a peace established with the Eastern Indians, that Wonnalancet returned to Pennacook. But he was not in com- mand of his tribe; for May 15th. 1685, we find Kancamagus, or John Hogkins, at the head of the tribe of Pennacook. This Sagamon and Mesandowit, his second, signed the treaty of Sep- tember 8, 1685, between the Provinces of New Hampshire, Massachusetts and the Indians inhabiting the said Provinces -- Kancamagus signing it and assenting thereto, the 19th of Sep- tember. It is evident from this that Wonnalancet was either not at Pennacook at the time of making this treaty, or if he was, that he was not the Sagamon-Kancamagus and Mesandowit appearing for the Pennacooks. Yet, on or about the 17th of September of the same year Wonnalancet was at Pennacook, as is proved by the following grant upon record in the office of the Secretary of State of Massachusetts.
* See Coll. American Ant. Soc. Vol. II. page 521.
1
81
WONNALANCET.
"The Magistrates being informed by Capt. Hinchman that Wonnalancet and other Indians complain of offence offered them by transporting some of their friends, and that ye said Wonnalancet and others are not rewarded for service now done as in ye treaty late with ye Indians at Pennacook. We judge meet that ye treasurer advance ten pounds in money and cloth- ing to be distributed among them by Capt. Thomas Henchman and Mr. Jonathan Tyng.
Cont when ye Deputys consenting.
Edward Rawson, Sec'y, 17 September 1685, The Deputys have past this our honored
Magistrates consenting thereto.
Richard Sprague Per order.
Sept. 18, 1685. Consented to by Magistrates.
Edward Rawson Secy."*
Again, August 13, 1685, Capt. Walter Barefoot, acting Gov- ernor of the Province, was notified by Capt. Francis Hooke, of Kittery, that the Indians about Saco had "gathered all the yre corn and had removed both pack and package." Upon this in- formation, messengers were sent to Pennacook, where the In- dians had gathered together. They arrived at Pennacook the 2d of September, and were "kindly received by them." The messengers sent to Governor Barefoote that "Both sagamons of Pennacook, viz. Wonnalancet and Mesandowit, the latter of which is come down, did there declare they had no intention of war, neither, indeed, are they in any posture for war, being about 24 men besides squaws and papooses." Which suffi- ciently shows that Wonnalancet was at Pennacook in Sept. 1685 ; yet his name does not appear to the treaty of Sept. Sth, 1685. Which fact seems to show pretty conclusively that Wonnalancet, when he left with his family for St. Francis, in 1677, was considered by those of his tribe who remained be- hind, as having abdicated the Sagamonship; and it is highly probable that Kancamagus, the son of Nanamocomuck, and grandson of Passaconnaway was then duly enstalled in the Sagamonship of his grandfather, as the rightful heir of the same. This being the posture of affairs, Wonnalancet, in 1685 was merely upon a visit to his friends, intending to return to
· See files in Secretary's Office in N. H.
t See Files in Secretary's Office, N. H.
82
THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER.
St. Francis again, and hence his name was of no sort of influ- ence to the treaty of September 8th, 1685. Be this as it may, he was politically dead, for his nephew, Kancamagus, was the duly recognised Sagamon of Pennacook in 1685, as early as May 15, of that year, as at that date he appeared at Portsmouth, with the leading men of his tribe, and in certain letters of that date to Governor Cranfield, asking the protection of the Gov- ernment for his tribe, he signs his name as Sagamon. In 1686 Wonnalancet and the Indians claiming lands on the Merrimack at Wamesit, Pawtucket, Nashua and Natticook, sold the same to Jonathan Tyng and others, for a small sum of money, if we are to judge from the fact that the portion of the purchase mon- ey, paid by Dunstable, within whose ancient limits most of the lands were included, was only 20 pounds. This land was pur- chased sometime in the spring or early part of the summer of 1686, for July 12, 1686, a petition was laid before the Gen- eral Court of Massachusetts, from the purchasers, praying that the land bought of Wonnalancet, be made into a new County, to be called Merrimack. The sale of this land is the last im- portant act of Wonnalancet of which we can find any record, and it is probable he returned forthwith to St. Francis ; for we find not his name mentioned afterwards till 1696, when he again returned to Wamesit, and in that and the following year, was placed, with his people under the charge of Mr. Jonathan Tyng who lived in that part of Dunstable now known as Tyngsbor- ough ; and for taking care of him Mr. Tyng received 20 pounds from the State. As no trace of Wonnalancet is to be found in our ancient records, after this transaction, it is highly probable that, finding himself, as it were, a prisoner in the home of his fathers, he retired to St. Francis, and spent the remainder of his days with his friends of that tribe. In reviewing the life of this Indian Prince, one cannot but be favorably impres- sed with his character. He was a good man and an exemplary christian ; and had our forefathers, in their conduct towards him, been actuated by the same principles, the old Sagamon, instead of retiring among our enemies for security, might have spent the close of his days, in peace and quietness, in the land of his fathers.
Kancamagus, or as he sometimes wrote his name, and was most often called by the English, John Hogkins, was the son of Nan- amocomuck, the eldest son of Passaconnaway. Nanamocomuck, as before stated, was the Sagamon of the tribe of Indians living near the Wachusett mountain in Massachusetts, and at one time was an attendant upon the preaching of Eliot, and promised with
COMMON. 1660
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FALLS
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PROPERTY
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A ROAD HEREABOUTS HAS BEEN DISUSED FOR YLAAE
PRESENT ROAD TO GREAT
83
KANCAMAGUS.
his father to embrace the Christian religion ; but the injuries he received at the hands of the English, forced him to forego all his good resolutions, and finally to abandon his Sagamonship, and seek an asylum among the Indians of Maine. From this time, he doubtless became the determined foe to the English, and in all probability took particular pains to instill his dislike and hatred into the minds of his children. We have no means of determining the precise time of the death of Nanamocomuck ; but it is probable that he died prior to the decease of his father, as Wannalancet his younger brother succeeded to the Sagamon- ship of Pennacook upon the death of Passaconnaway their fath- er, which succession would not have taken place, had the elder brother been living.
Upon the retirement of Wonnalancet in 1777, the warlike portion of the tribe remained at Pennacook, without a chief, but this want was soon supplied by the elevation of Kancama- gus to the Sagamonship of Pennacook. This chief was a po- litic, brave and intelligent man. His superior skill, and brave- ry, had placed him among the foremost of the Amariscoggin warriors, where he was treated as a superior Chief, had his fol- fowers, and maintained a fort in connection with Worombo. Under the rule of so noted a warrior as Kancamagus, the Pen- nacooks soon became formidable. Their numbers were con- tinually increasing by accession from the disaffected among the southern New England Indians-who were denominated by the English "the strange Indians," until in 1783, they had be- come a source of continual alarm and fear to their English neighbors. Many of these "strange Indians" were of the num- ber so perfidiously taken at Cocheco in 1676, and sold into slavery by the Government of Massachusetts. These had re- turned, and putting themselves under the control of Kancama- gus, were waiting a fitting opportunity to satiate their revenge upon the Colonists. It is also very probable that Kancamagus himself, and some of his Amariscoggin followers, were of the number taken at that time and let go free, as friendly Indians. Under such circumstances, the Indians were very haughty in their intercourse with the frontier settlers, and did not hesitate often to express their hostility to the English, and their deter- mination to seek revenge. The colonists felt greatly alarmed, and Governor Cranfield in 1683-4, entered upon the perfidi- ous policy of employing the Moliawks to fight against the Indi- ans of New Hampshire. And as early as March 22, 1683, he was authorized by the council to go to New York and treat with "Honorable Colonel T. Dongans," "for procuring such a
84
THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER.
number of Mohauck, Senecar or other Indians to march into this said Province, for defence and security thereof as the Hon- 'ble Govern't shall think needful."* Governor Cranfield visited New York and treated for the assistance of the Mohawks, little caring, doubtless, whether the Mohawks killed friends or foes. The Mohawks made preparations for a descent upon the New England Indians, in the Spring and Summer of 1685. Of these preparations, the Pennacooks had word, and were in very great trouble. It would seem that the celebrity of Kancamagus who succeeded Wonnalancet as a chief, had drawn around him some noted warriors at Pennacook, as well as other noted Indians. Simon Betogkom was there, the Indian preacher ; the Robins, the father called "Old," and Peter; Sam Line, Canowa, Mesan- dowit and the renowned Hopehood or Wahowah, "the broad shouldered." Betogkom and the Robins were of the Wame- sits, while Hopehood or Wahowah was the son of Robinhood, Sagamon of Kennebeck, and had retired to Pennacook for safe- ty. There can be no doubt of the wish of Kancamagus and his companions, to live in peace with the English. Upon hear- ing that the Mohawks contemplated making an attack upon the Eastern Indians, most of the Indians in and about the Fort at Pennacook fled; but Kancamagus or John Hogkins as he was called by the English, with certain of his companions went to Great Island, (now New Castle) to see the Governor in person, and ask his protection.
On the 15th of May, 1685, he addressed the following letter to Governor Cranfield :
Honur Governor, my friend.
You my friend, I desire your worship and your power, be- cause I hope you can do some great matters this one. I am poor and naked and I have no men, at my place, because I afriad allwayes Mohogs he will kill me every day and night. If your worship when please pray help me you no let Mohogs kill me at my place at Malamake rever called Panukkog and Na- tukkog. I will submit your worship and your power. And now I want powder and such alminishon, shott and guns be- cause I have forth at my hom and I plant theare.
This all Indian hand, but pray you do consider your humble Servant,
John Hogkins.
Simon Betogkom Joseph traske
* See Files in Secretary's Office, N. H.
T
85
KANCAMAGUS.
King hary
Sam linis wapeguanaty Taguachuwashat
old Robin mamanosques andwa peter Robin mr. Jorge Roddunnonukgus
mr hope hoth John Toneh John Canowa John owamosimmin Natonill Indian*
The same day Kancamagus sent another letter or petition to Governor Cranfield, which shows he was laboring under great anxiety.
may 15th, 1685.
Honour Mr. Governor. now this day I com your house, I want se you and I bring my hand at before you I want shake hand to you if worship when please, then you Receive my hand, then shake your hand and my hand. You my friend because I Remember at old time when live my grant father and grant mother then Englishmen com this country, then my grantfather and Englishmen, they make a good gouenant, they friend allwayes, my grant father leuing at place called malamake Rever, other name hef Natukkog and Panukkog, that'one Rever great many names and I bring you this few skins at this first time I will giue you my friend.
this all Indian hand
John hawkins, Sagamon.
Simon Betogkom Joseph traske King hary his Sam linis
wapeguanat Taguachuashat old Robin mamanosques andwa Peter Robin mr. Jorge Roddunnonukgus Hope hoth John Toneh next
· See Files in Secretary's Office, N. H.
86
THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER.
1
John Conowa John owamosimmin
Natonill Indian*
This letter, doubtless, brought an answer from the Governor, a few beaver skins reaching his ear at once ; and Kancamagus was invited to visit the Governor in the evening.
At this time, Kancamagus, doubtless, made the following proposition.
"please your worship-I will intreat you matther. You my friend now (then) this if my Indian he do you long pray you not put your law because som my Indian foll, som men much love drunk then he no know what he do, may be he do mischief when he drunk if so pray you must let me know what he done because I will ponis him what he have done you, you my friend if you desire any business then sent me I will help you if I can.
Mr. John hogkins."+
The Governor was doubtless too busy to attend to the re- quests of Kancamagus, and being about to leave the place, he turned him over to Mr. Mason of the Council, telling him that whatever Mr. Mason should do, would be the same as though he did it.
The next day Kancamagus sent the following letter to Mr. Mason.
"mr mason pray I want Speake you a few a words if your worship when please because I come parpos I will speake this Governor but he go away So he Say at last night and so far I understand this Gouernor his power that your power now, so he speake his own mouth, pray if you take what I want, pray com to me because I want go hom this day
your humble servant John hogkins, Indian Sogamon.}
may 16th 1685.
But Mason as well as Cranfield, treated the requests of the Sagamon with neglect, and he retired from New Castle with no very high opinion of English hospitality or justice. It is evident that Hogkins at this time was faithful to the English, and had Cranfield treated him with decency and complied with his desire for protection, he would still have remained friendly and much trouble and blood-shed might have been prevented.
# See Files in Secretary's Office, N. H.
+ See Files in Secretary's Office, N. H.
¿ See Files in Secretary's Office, N. H.
87
KANCAMAGUS.
But Cranfield depended upon the perfidious policy he had en- tered into, of bringing the Mohawks down upon the Indians within the Province-and thus exterminating friends and foes ; or rather he had his own safety to consult, as he doubtless left the Province at this time. Finding his efforts to gain assistance from the English in vain, Hogkins fled with his companions to the eastward, where he built a Fort upon the Amariscoggin river. The Mohawks having sent word from the fort at Al- bany that "they would kill all Indians from Uncas at mount Hope to the eastward as far as Pegypscott," the Indians about Saco, gathered their corn and removed into the wilderness. Netambomet, the Sagamon of Saco with his people, and the other neighboring Indians, left and fled to Pennacook. This removal of the Indians gave serious alarm to the colonists, as they considered it a signal for war-and messengers were sent to ask the cause of removal. But the Indians had no intention of commencing hostilities, but on the contrary fled because they feared the Mohawks. The messengers followed them to Pennacook and asking the reason why they did not come among the English as formerly, they answered, "they thought if the Mohawks came and fought them, and they should fly for suc cour to the English, that then the Mohawks would kill all the English for harboring them."* Wonnalancet and Mesandowit, being at Pennacook assured the messengers that the "Penna- cooks had no intention of making war, being in no condition to do so, there not being but about twenty-four men at Pennacook besides squaws and pappooses." Kancamagus was not at Pen- nacook, and it is probable that most of his men were with him upon the Amariscoggin. Mutual explanations took place, the Sacos and other Indians who had left their homes, agreed to return thither again, and a day was appointed upon which to make a treaty with them. This was done on the 8th of September. At this time some of the Sagamons were present with the Council of New Hampshire and a deputation from Maine, and formed a treaty-which was signed on the part of the Indians by Mesandowit, Wahowah, alias Hopehood, Te- camorisick, alias Josias, and John Nomony, alias Robin. After- wards another clause was added and the whole was signed by Netambomet, Sagamon of Saco, Wahowah, alias Hopehood, Ned Higgon, and Newcome.
On the 19th of September, Kancamagus alias John Hogkins, came in, together with Bagesson, alias Joseph Traske, and sign-
* See Files in Secretary's Office, N. H.
88
THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER.
ed this treaty in the presence of Joseph Rayn the Attorney General of the province, all of which may be seen in the trea- ty itself, which follows :
Articles of peace agreed upon the eighth day of September, in the year of our Lord, 1685, between the subjects of his maj- esty, king James the second, inhabiting the provinces of New Hampshire and Maine, and the Indians inhabiting the said provinces.
It is agreed there shall be for the future, a lasting peace, frendship and kindness, between the English and the Indians, and that no injury shall be offered by the one or the other. That if any Englishman doth any injury to an Indian, upon complaint made to any justice of [the] peace, the Englishman shall be punished, the Indian shall have present satisfaction made him. And if any Indian doth an injury to the English, or threaten to do any injury, the sagamore to whom that Indian doth belong, shall punish him in presence of one of the king's justices of the peace. That if any other Indian shall design any mischief or harm to the English, the Indians inhabiting the aforesaid provinces shall give present notice thereof to the Eng- lish, and shall assist the English.
That so long as the aforesaid Indians shall continue in friend- ship with the English, they shall be protected against the Mo- hawks, or any others, and may freely and peaceably set down by the English near any theyr plantations.
Robert Mason, Robert Elliot, John Davis,
ES BX
Walter Barefoote,
Henry Green, Francis Hook.
The mark of ) Mesandowit.
The mark of Wahowah, alias Hopehood.
The mark ~ of Tecamorisick, alias Josias.
The mark o of John Nomony, alias Upsawah. The mark W of Umbesnowah, alias Robin.
We whose names are hereunto written, do freely consent and engage to comply and perform the within written articles, as our neighbors have done, and do further engage as follow- eth :
Lastly, That the Indians shall not at any time hereafter re- move from any of the English plantations, with their wives and children, before they have given fair and timely notice thereof, unto the English, from whence they do so remove ; and in case the said Indians shall remove with their wives and children, without such fair and timely notice given to the Eng- lish, that then it shall be taken proconfesso that the Indians do
b
3
(
89
KANCAMAGUS.
intend and design war with the English, and do thereby declare that the peace is broken ; and it shall and may be lawful to and for the English, or any on their behalfs, to apprehend the said Indians, with their wives and children, and to use acts of hos- tility against them, until the sagamores shall make full satisfac- tion for all charge and damage that may arise thereby.
John Davis, Francis Hooke.
The mark V of Netambomet, sagam. of Saco.
The marky of Wahowah, alias Hopehood.
The mark ) of Ned Higgon.
The mark o of Newcome.
Kancamagus, alias John Hawkins, sagamon, signed this instru- ment 19 7ber, 1685, his G mark.
Bagesson, alias Joseph Traske, C his mark.
And agreed to all within written.
Testis, JOSEPH RAYN .*
This treaty continued a peace for four years. During the time from 1676 to 1685, many of the "strange Indians," as they were called, who had been taken at Cocheco in 1676, by Capts. Waldron, Frost, Syll and Hathorne, and who had been transported, had returned home with a determination to wreak their vengeance upon the whites. Mindful ever of kindness the Indians never forget an injury. These, with other reckless spirits collected together at Pennacook and being in close inti- macy with the Pequuauquakes and Amariscoggins, they made up a formidable force. The Massachusetts Government had word of their gathering and of their warlike threats. Waho- wah, alias Hopehood, had become peculiarly obnoxious at this time, and the 24th of April, 1689, "Col. Bartholomew Gedney of Salem is instructed by the Council of Massachusetts to des- patch a messenger to Penacook to ascertain the number and sit- uation of the Indians there, and to concert measures for secur- ing Hopehood and other hostile Indians."+ Nothing was effec- ted towards dispersing the Indians and Kancamagus had soon about him a band of warriors prepared for any enterprise. Some of the friends of the Pennacooks had doubtless been ta- ken at Cocheco and transported. Montowampate, the Sachem of Saugus, and who was a relative by marriage of John Hog- kins, had been sold as a slave at Barbadoes, and it may have been he was among those taken at Cocheco. This outrage
* See Files in Secretary's Office, N. H.
t See Files in Secretary's Office, Mass.
90
THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER.
alone, to the family of Passaconnaway his "grant father" would have been a sufficient cause of revenge on the part of the Pen- nacook Chief. Be this as it may, the fact that the strange In- dians were under the protection of the New Hampshire tribes -and had gone into Cocheco with them, and been most inhos- pitably, not to say inhumanly treated by the English, called upon those Indians loudly for revenge. They considered it a most gross injustice on the part of Major Waldron, and their personal feelings prompted them to take most signal vengeance upon him. Added to this, Kancamagus and his companions had been treated with the most pointed neglect by Cranfield and his Council, and it is not likely that four years of peace even, had blunted their memory of the neglect, or their desire for revenge. The feelings of the Pennacooks were thus exas- perated, when the emissaries of the French went among them to induce them to take up the hatchet in the war, known as "King William's War." They probably needed very little urg- ing. And one cannot but wonder at this day, that they should not have joined in a general war upon the English. They had been treated with neglect or the most flagrant oppression. Their friends had been sold into slavery, hung upon trees in Boston-shot down in the streets at noonday, and burnt in their wigwams by the dozen in time of peace ! What class or na- tion of Whites at the present time, would suffer such wrongs to go unavenged ! And should we expect more of patience, from the rude untutored Red Man! Besides, that haughty op- pressor, Sir Edmund Andros, had provoked the war on the part of the French, by plundering the house and fort of the Baron Castine, in the spring of 1688 at Penobscot, "leaving only the ornaments of his Chapel to console him for the loss of his arms and his goods." Castine had married for one of his wives, the daughter of Madokawando, the Sagamon of Penobscot, and by adopting the habits of the Indians, had gained very great influence among them. His cause soon became the com- mon cause of all the Indians in the eastern parts of New Eng- land. The Pennacooks still brooding over their wrongs-readily entered into a confederacy with the Pequauquaukes, Sacos, Amar- iscoggins and other eastern Indians, to avenge them. The con- federacy had become formidable by the incorporation of the remnants of the Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Connecticut tribes, with the several tribes composing those before noted. Kancamagus, or John Hogkins, was the acknowledged head of the confederacy, while under him, were such noted warriors as Mesandowit, Metambomet and the hated Wahowah. The con-
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