USA > New Hampshire > Hillsborough County > Manchester > History of Manchester, formerly Derryfield, in New-Hampshire : including that of ancient Amoskeag, or the middle Merrimack Valley, together with the address, poem, and other proceedings of the centennial celebration of the incorporation of Derryfield at Manchester, October 22, 1851 > Part 16
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KANCAMAGUS.
federated warriors had their rendezvous at the Fort at Penna- cook, where it was determined in a council holden about the middle of June 1689, to make an attack upon the Garrison of Cocheco. Information of this gathering, and of the intentions of the Indians towards Major Waldron and Capt. Peter Coffin, was communicated to Capt. Thomas Hinchman at Chelmsford, by certain friendly Indians. This information was forthwith communicated to Hon, Mr. Danforth of the Council in this wise. Hon'd Sir,
This day two Indians came from Pennacook, viz. Job Maramasquand and Peter Muckamug, who report that damage will undoubtedly be done within a few days at Piscataqua, and that Major Waldron in particular is threatened ; and that Juli- matt fears that mischief will quickly be done at Dunstable. The Indians can give a more particular account to your honor. They say if damage be done, the blame shall not be on them, having given a faithful account of what they hear; and are up- on that report moved to leave their habitation and corn at Pen- nacook. Sir, I was very loth to trouble you, and to expose my- self to the censure and derision of some of the confident peo- ple, that would pretend to make a sport with what I send down by Capt. Tom, (alias, Thomas Ukqucakussennum.)
I am constrained from a sense I have of my duty, and from love to my countrymen, to give the information as above. So with my humble service to your honor, and prayers for the safe- ty of an endangered people, I am, Sir your humble servant.
THO. HINCHMAN.
June 22,
This 22 June.
Hon'd. Sir,
This day Captayne Tom and another Indian informed me that there is farther mischief intended by the Indians, which the bearer hereof, Thomas Loud, is able to inform you of .- yrs. T. H.
Hon. Thomas Danforth, Esq. at Cambridge .*
Mr. Danforth being detained from the meeting of the Council, sent Major Hinchman's notes to Governor Bradstreet enclosed in the following letter.
June 22, 1689.
Hon. Sir,-The enclosed came to hand last night by the bearer, who has farther to inform, and gives such a character of the Indians, and brings such a report as gives great cause to fear
* See Files in Secretary's Office, Mass.
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THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER.
it too true. He will inform of the names, who they are, and of the manner that they plotted their designs. Something must of necessity be done, or matters will grow worse. I un- derstand that Hawkins is a principal enemy, and that he threat- ens that whosoever comes to treat, whether English or Indians they will knock them on the head. They are a company of young men, 30 in a company. They have a special design on Maj. Waldron and Peter Coffin, and under pretonce of trade in- tends to surprise them and that speedily. I am much afraid, if there be no speedy course taken their company will increase. I must beg excuse for my absence to-day, for by the providence of God I am detained. God direct.
Your humble servant,
THOMAS DANFORTH.
N. B. I entreat that Maj. Waldron have speedy notice ; bet- ter to send on purpose than not at all.
The Governor and Council most unaccountably and repre- hensibly, seem to have taken no notice of this information un- til the 27th of June, when they passed the following order.
"Considering the present danger of an assault by the Indians, on the county of Middlesex, it is ordered that John Philips, Esq. be commander in chief of the lower regiment, and Maj. Tho. Hinchman, of the upper regiment in Middlesex, and so contin- ue till an orderly nomination of Majors can be made for the said regiments.
Consented to by the Governor and Council, ISAAC ADDINGTON, Sec'y.
June 27, 1689.
They then despatched a Mr. Weare to Cocheco with a letter disclosing the Indian plot as follows :
"Boston, June 27, 1689. Hon'ble Sir,
The Governor and Council having this day received a let- ter from Major Hinchman of Chelmsford, informing that some Indians are come in unto them who report, that there is a gath- ering of some Indians in or about Penecooke with designs of mischief to the English. Among these said Indians one Haw- kins is said to be a principal designer ; and that they have a particular design against yourself and Mr. Peter Coffin.
The Council thought it necessary to send you advice thereof, and to give you notice, that you may take care of your safe- guard ; they intending to endeavor to betray you on a preten- tion of trade. Please forthwith to signify the import hereof to Mr. Coffin and others as you may think necessary, and advise
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ATTACK UPON COCHECHO.
of what information you may at any time receive of the Indi- an's motions.
By order of Council,
ISAAC ADDINGTON, Sec'y.
For Maj. Waldron and Mr. Peter Coffin, or either of them at Cochecha. These with all possible speed."
Some delay of Mr. Weare at the ferry at Newbury, prevented his arrival at Cocheco till the 28th of June, after the threatened attack upon the Garrison had been consummated, and the ven- geance of the Indians fully satisfied by the torture and death of Major Waldron, and the killing and capturing of fifty-two men women and children, and the burning of six houses, and the mills of the settlement.
This surprisal took place on the night of June 27, 1689, and was executed with great adroitness ; and shows that Kancama- gus was a warrior of skill, and that his assistants were men of coolness in a time of much peril. Mesandowit was feasted at Waldron's table the evening previous, and foreshadowed the impending attack with the greatest coolness, by asking of his host " What he should do if the strange Indians should come !"
The asking of this question shows that the threats of the. strange Indians were well known to Waldron-and the reply that "he could assemble an hundred men by lifting his finger," shows that he had schooled his feelings into the most perfect security.
Dr. Belknap has related the circumstances of this massacre. with much of minuteness, as follows :
" In that part of the town of Dover, which lies about the first falls in the river Cochecho, were five garrisoned houses : three on the north side, viz. Waldron's Otis' and Heard's; and two on the south side, viz. Peter Coffin's and his son's. These houses were surrounded with timber-walls, the gates of which, as well as the house doors, were secured with bolts and bars.
The neighboring families retired to these houses by night ; but by an unaccountable negligence, no watch was kept. The Indians, who were daily passing through the town, visiting and trading with the inhabitants, as usual in time of peace, viewed their situation with an attentive eye. Some hints of a mis- chievous design had been given out by their squaws; but in such dark and ambiguous terms, that no one could comprehend their meaning. Some of the people were uneasy ; but Wal- dron, who, from a long course of experience, was intimately acquainted with the Indians, and on other occasions had been ready enough to suspect them, was now so thoroughly secure,
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THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER.
that when some of the people hinted their fears to him, he mer- rily bade them to go and plant their pumpkins, saying that he would tell them when the Indians would break out. The very evening before the mischief was done, being told by a young man that the town was full of Indians and the people were much concerned ; he answered that he knew the Indians very well and there was no danger.
The plan which the Indians had preconcerted was, that two squaws should go to each of the garrisoned houses in the eve- ning, and ask leave to lodge by the fire ; that in the night when the people were asleep, they should open the doors and gates, and give the signal by a whistle ; upon which, the strange In- dians, who were to be within hearing, should rush in, and take their long meditated revenge. This plan being ripe for execu- tion, on the evening of Thursday, the twenty-seventh of June, two squaws applied to each of the garrisons for lodging, as they frequently did in time of peace. They were admitted into all but the younger Coffin's, and the people, at their request, shew- ed them how to open the doors, in case they should have occa- sion to go out in the night. Mesandowit, one of their chiefs, went to Waldron's garrison, and was kindly entertained, as he had often been before. The squaws told the major, that a num- ber of Indians were coming to trade with him the next day, and Mesandowit while at supper, with his usual familiarity, said, 'Brother Waldron, what would you do if the strange In- dians should come ?' The major carelessly answered, that he could assemble an hundred men, by lifting up his finger. In this unsuspecting confidence, the family retired to rest.
When all was quiet, the gates were; opened, and the signal was given. The Indians entered, set a guard at the door, and rushed into the major's apartment, which was an inner room.
Awakened by the noise, he jumped out of bed, and though now advanced in life to the age of eighty years, he retained so much vigor as to drive them with his sword, through two or three doors; but as he was returning for his other arms, they came behind him, and stunned him with a hatchet, drew him into his hall, and seating him in an elbow chair, on a long table, insultingly asked him, " Who shall judge Indians now ? " They then obliged the people in the house to get them some victuals ; and when they had done eating, they cut the major across the breast and belly with knives, each one with a stroke, saying, "I cross out my account." They then cut off his nose and ears, forcing them into his mouth ; and when spent with the loss of blood, he was fast falling down from the table,
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ATTACK UPON COCHECHO.
one of them held his own sword under him, which put an end to his misery. They also killed his son in law Abraham Lee : but took his daughter Lee with several others, and having pil- laged the house, left it on fire. Otis's garrison, which was next to the major's met with the same fate; he was killed, with several others, and his wife and child were captivated. Heard's was saved by the barking of a dog just as the Indians were entering :- Elder Wentworth, who was awakened by the noise, pushed them out, and falling on his back, set his feet against the gate and held it till he had alarmed the people; two balls were fired through it, but both missed him. Coffin's house was surprised, but as the Indians had no particular enmity to him, they spared his life, and the lives of his family, and con- tented themselves with pillaging the house. Finding a bag of money, they made him throw it by handfuls on the floor, whilst they amused themselves in scrambling for it. They then went to the house of his son who would not admit the squaws in the evening, and summoned him to surrender, promising him quarter. He declined their offer, and determined to defend his house, till they brought out his father and threatened to kill him before his eyes. Filial affection then overcame his resolution, and he surrendered. They put both families together into a deserted house, intending to reserve them for prisoners; but whilst the Indians were busy in plundering, they all escaped. Twenty-three people were killed in this surprisal, and twenty- nine were captivated ; five or six houses, with the mills, were burned ; and so expeditious were the Indians in the execution of there plot, that before the people could be collected from the other parts of the town to oppose them, they fled with their prisoners and booty. As they passed by Heard's garrison in their retreat, they fired upon it; but the people being prepared and resolved to defend it, and the enemy being in haste, it was preserved. The preservation of its owner was more re- markable.
Elizabeth Heard, with her three sons and a daughter, and some others, were returning in the night from Portsmouth. They passed up the river in their boats unpercieved by the Indians, who were then in possession of the houses : but sus- pecting danger by the noise which they heard, after they had landed they betook themselves to Waldron's garrison, where they saw lights, which they imagined were set up for direction to those who might be seeking a refuge. They knocked and begged earnestly for admission ; but no answer being given, a young man of the company climbed up the wall, and saw to
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THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER.
his inexpressible surprise, an Indian standing in the door of the house, with his gun. The woman was so overcome with fright that she was unable to fly ; but begged her children to shift for themselves ; and they with heavy hearts, left her. When she had a little recovered, she crawled into some bushes, and lay there till day-light. She then perceived an Indian coming toward her with a pistol in his hand ; he looked at her and went away ; returning, he looked at her again ; and she asked him what he would have; he made no answer, but ran yelling to the house, and she saw him no more. She kept her place till the house was burned, and the Indians were gone ; and then returning home, found her own house safe. Her preservation in these dangerous circumstances was more re- markable if (as it is supposed ) it was an instance of justice and gratitude in the Indians. For at that time when the four hun- dred were seszed in 1676, a young Indian escaped and took refuge in her house, where she concealed him ; in return for which kindness he promised her that he would never kill her, nor any of her family in any future war, and that he would use his influence with the other Indians to the same purpose. This Indian was one of the party who surprised the place, and she was well known to the most of them.
The boldness-skill and success of the attack and massacre, filled the colonies with amazement. The leader, John Hog- kins was outlawed by the General Court of Massachusetts and a price set upon his head. Capt. Noyes with a party of soldiers, was sent to Pennacook, but the Pennacooks had fled and the soldiers found nothing but some corn, which they destroyed. Another party under Capt. John Wincol, marched to lake Win- nepesaukee, where they killed one or two Indians, and destroyed their corn. The whole frontiers were in a state of alarm and excitement. The Indians hovered about in this neighborhood for some time, and soon after made an attack upon the settle- ment at Oyster River.
But most of the Indians engaged in the expedition against Cocheco made directly for Canada, and hence eluded all pur- suit. In September following, the fort upon the Amariscoggin was attacked by Capt. Church. It was called Worombo's fort. In it was the sister of Kancamagus, his brother in law, his wife and his children, but the wily Pennacook was not found. His sister was slain, while his wife and two children were made prisoners. His brother in law was also taken, but escaped. The capture of his wife and children exasperated Kancamagus, and on the 21st of the same month, he with Worombo, attack-
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DEATH OF KANCAMAGUS.
ed Church at Casco, and fighting with desperation, were not beaten back till much hard fighting, and seven of Church's party had been killed, and twenty-four wounded. It is proba- ble that his wife and children were returned, for in 1691, the year following their captivity, Kancamagus was one of the Sagamons who formed the truce at " Sackatehock," which was to continue until May. 1692. Kancamagus doubtless, stipula- ted for Pennacook, Winnepesaukee, Ossipee and Pequauquauke. We find no mention made of Kancamagus after the truce of 1691, and think it most probable that he died soon after that event, for if he had been alive during the remainder of " King William's War," which ended in 1698, or during " Queen Anne's War " which lasted from 1703 to 1712, this fierce and warlike Sagamon, would have been engaged in some of the conflicts of those times.
Kancamagus, or John Hogkins, was a brave and pol- itic Chief, and in view of what he accomplished, at the head of a mere remnant of a once powerful tribe, it may be considered a most fortunate circumstance for the English colo- nists, that he was not at the head of the tribe, at an earlier pe- riod, before it had been shorn of its strength, during the old age of Passaconnaway, and the peaceful and inactive reign of Wonnalancet. And even had Kancamagus have succeeded to the Sagamonship ten years earlier than he did, so that his ac- knowledged abilities for counsel and war, could have been uni- ted with those of Philip, history might have chronicled another story then the inglorious death of the Sagamon of Mount Hope, in the swamp of Pokanoket; or the success of his renowned conqueror, Major Church.
After the affair at Cocheco, in which the warlike portion of the Pennacooks were first and foremost, they made but little tarry in this neighborhood. Some of Wonnalancet's adherents, ever peaceably disposed, were scattered at various points up and down the Merrimack, few in numbers, dragging out a precari- ous existence in hunting and fishing and scanty tillage. But Kancamagus and his followers quit the valley of the Merrimack entirely, joining the bands at the sources of the Saco, Amaris- coggin and Connecticut, or retiring among their friends at St. Francis. Thus the royal residence of the Pennacook Saga- mons at Namaoskeag became comparatively deserted. At Dun- stable, a few Indians remained while " Lovewell's fight" in 1725, and at Namaoskeag and Pennacook, quite a number remained for some yearsafter that event. Among others there was Christian,
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THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER.
a well known Indian who lived at Namaoskeag and in this neigh- borhood as late as 1745. His name was Christian, which was shortened to Christo and Christi. Christo was one of the " praying Indians" and hence doubtless his name. Christo lived at Namaoskeag, upon the bank of a little brook that emp- ties into the Merrimack, from the east, just below the Namaos- keag Falls, and which is now known as Christian's Brook. Here he had his residence, living by fishing and hunting , and upon the most friendly terms with the whites.
He was accused at length of rendering assistance to his brethren in time of war, but with how much of truth we are not able to state, as this charge was usually brought against the " praying Indians," by certain prejudiced persons, whether they were guilty or not. Tradition says, that Christo was suspect- ed of being in the battle of Pequauquauke, assisting his country- men, and that soon after that battle, the people from Dunsta- ble and Haverhill came up to Namaoskeag to wreak their ven- gence upon him, and not finding him at home, they destroyed his wigwam. But whether this act of destroying his wigwam was soon after the fight at Pequauquauke, or at a later period, we have no means of determining.
Of one thing, however, there is no doubt,-his wigwam was destroyed by the whites, and because of their enmity to- wards him or his people. And it is probable that tradition is true as to the time of the event, as Gov. Dummer in a letter to Col. Tyng of Dunstable, of that date, expressed a wish that a certain " Indian of note " whom he sent to him, " should march with him in company with Christian " to bury the dead who fell in the battle at Pequauquauke. And it is probable, that when the expedition came to Namaoskeag, Christo may have been absent from his wigwam, and this fact was turned to his disad- vantage, and resulted in the valiant expedition from Dunstable and Haverhill against him, wherein his wigwam was burned. But it is more than probable, that this attempt upon Christo's life, and the destruction of his property, was a complete out- rage, and that their suspicions of his fidelity to the English at that time, were entirely groundless. This is made apparent, from the fact, that Christo was afterwards in the confidence of the government, and in the subsequent Indian wars, was employed as a scout, his name appearing upon the rolls of the day repeatedly at Canterbury, and his pay having been allow- ed by the Legislature, as late as 1745, as appears by the follow- ing bill .-
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CHRISTIAN.
The Province of New Hampshire to Jeremiah Clough, Dr. To keeping Christo by order of the Captain General, 30 days from the 19th of Dec. to the 19th of Jan., 1745. To Billeting at 3s. per day,
To his wages,
£4 10 0
5 70
£9 17 0
JEREMIAH CLOUGH:
Province of N. Hamp.
In ye House of Repre. Jerh. Clough above sd. made
June 19th, 1745. $ oath to ye truth of the above
acct, before ye House.
D. PIERCE, Clk.
Province of 2 In the House Representitives,
N. Hamp, June 19th, 1745.
Voted that Capt. Clough be allowed twenty-two shill. and six pence, billetting of ye Indian named Christo, from ye 19th Dec. to ye 19th Jany., and ye sd. Christo for his wages for sd Time, twenty six shill. and nine pence-to be pd out of ye money brot into ye treasury last yeas by Provl Tax for defray- ing ye charge of ye Government.
D. PIERCE,, Clk.
June 20 1745 In Council read and concurred. Eodem Die assented to
B. WENTWORTH.
And Christo's name appears upon Captain Clough's rolls of a scout at that and several other times prior to 1745.
After this period, for reasons that have not transpired, Christo seems to have retired to St. Francis with others of his tribe, and to have reckoned himself as a St. Francis Indian, and to have been hostile to the English. In 1747, in company with Sabatis and Plausawa, Christo assisted in the capture of Mrs. McCoy at Epsom, and in burning McCoy's house, and it is possible, that he was of the party that made an attack at Sun- cook, now Pembroke, and about the same time, killed some cattle, and one Estabrook, at Rumford.
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THE HISTORY OF MANCHESTER.
And again, in 1752, in company with Sabatis, (a corruption of Jean Baptiste, ) Christo came to Canterbury, where they were treated in a friendly manner for about a month, saying they were from St. Francis, and when they left the place, they seized upon two negroes belonging to the people who had entertained them, and carried them away. One escaped, and told who his captors were, while the other they sold at Crown Point.
Christo probably died at St. Francis. The last we hear of him is in the summer of 1757, when Moses Jackman, a cap- tive taken at Canterbury, in June of that year, and who knew Christo well, saw him at or near St. Francis, and was recog- nized by him.
The spot occupied by Christo's wigwam at Amoskeag Falls, is now shown, where the ashes of his hearth stone, his pipes, arrow heads, and ornaments consisting of bear's teeth, together with his tomahawk, have been ploughed up within the mem- ory of the present generation. And his tomahawk, an iron one, with an eye like that of a hoe, and without any head, is still in possession of the former proprietors of the soil.
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OPPOSITION OF MASSACHUSETTS.
CHAPTER VI.
Capt. Mason intends a permanent settlement in New Hampshire .- Opposition of Massachusetts, and its cause. - New construction of their charter .- Claim a portion of Mason's grant .- Take possession at Hampton .- Lords Say and Brook purchase Hilton's Patent, at the suggestion of Massachusetts .- Mason attempts to thwart their plans .- Prosecutes his schemes with vigor .- Mason's death .- His will .- His tenants and servants divide his personal ef- fects among them, and his affairs are left in confusion .- Massachusetts estab- lish their north line three miles north of the forks of the Merrimack and thus cover Wheelright's purchase .- Certain people at Dover, propose to put Pis- cataqua under the jurisdiction of Massachusetts .- A committee negotiate a union .- The people reject the treaty .- Capt. John Underhill .- His intri- gues .- Difficulties at Dover .- Underhill in the interest of Massachusetts,- Purchase of Hilton's Patent of "the gentlemen in England."-Peters, Dalton and another, committee to visit Dover .- Get lost in the woods .- The pro- prietors arrive from England .- The patents upon the Piscataqua are duly transferred to Massachusetts .- She extends her jurisdiction over them .- Op- position, but it is silenced by force .- Underhill departs to New York, him- self and family being sent there at the charge of Massachusetts .- Wheel- wright flies to Maine but finally makes his peace .- Massachusetts extends her claim still farther north .- A committee establish their nothern boundary at a point three miles north of the outlet of Winnepesaukee .- The Endicott rock .- She then claims Maine .- Gov. Godfrey and council resist .- Massa- chusetts carries her point by persuasion and force .- Principal men arres- ted .- Bonython outlawed .- Massachusetts completes her usurpation of the best part of New Hampshire and Maine.
It has been suggested in a preceding chapter, that Capt. John Mason intended making a permanent residence in New Hampshire ; but his intentions were frustrated. So long as his settlement at Piscataqua, was prosecuted as a mere mercan- tile speculation for the obtaining of fish, furs, and lumber, and that with indifferent success, he received little opposition ; but as soon as his trading establishment began to be prosecuted with vigor, and to assume a permanent character, then the colony of Massachusetts began their opposition to him and his little col- ony. There were two causes of this opposition. One that Mason and his dependants were Episcopalians, and the other, the intention on the part of Massachusetts to claim the most of his grant of New Hampshire, and that of Gorges' grant in Maine, by a forced construction of their Charter. The charter of Massachusetts defined its northern bounds to be a line three miles north of the Merrimack river, and every part of it. It is evident that the grantors supposed the Merrimack had an east and west course, as from Dracut to its mouth, and it is highly probable that the grantees had the same belief at the same time ; but after coming upon the grant, finding from the Indi-
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