USA > New York > Livingston County > History of Livingston County, New York, from its earliest traditions to the present together with early town sketches > Part 102
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Prior to my having settled at Canandaigna, Jemima Wilkinson and her fol- lowers had established themselves on a tract of land, purchased by them, and called the Friends' Settlement. Her disciples were a very orderly, -ober, in- dustrious, and some of them a well educated and intelligent set of people; and many of them possessed of handsome properties. She called herself, the "Uni- versal Friend," and would not permit herself to be designated by any other ap- pellation. She pretended to have had revelations from Heaven, in which she had been directed to devote hier labors to the conversion of sinners. Her disciples placed the most unbounded confidence in hier, and yielded, in all things, the most implicit obedience to her mandates. She would punish those among them who were guilty of the slightest deviation from her orders. In some instances, she would order the offending culprit to wear a cow-bell round his neck, for weeks or months, according to the nature of the offense : and in no instance was she known to be disobeyed. For some offense committed by one of her people, she banished him to Nova Scotia for three years, where he went, and from whence he returned only after the expiration of his sentence. When any of her
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people killed a calf . or a sheep, or purchased an article of dress, the "Friend" was asked what portion of it she would have ; and the answer would sometimes be, that the Lord hath need of the one-half, and sometimes that the Lord liatlı need of the whole. Her house, hier ground-, and her farms, were kept in the neatest order, by her followers, who labored for her without compensation. She wa- attended by two young women always neatly dressed. Those who acted in that capacity and enjoyed the most of her favor and confidence, at the time I was there, were named Sarah Richards and Rachel Milnin. Jemima prohibited her followers from marrying; and even those who had joined her after having been united in wedlock, were made to separate and live apart from each other. This wa- attributed to her desire to inherit the property of those who died. Having discovered that bequest- to " the Universal Friend" would be invalid, and not recognizing the name of Jemima Wilkinson, she caused devises to be made by the dying to Sarah Richards, in the first instance. Sarah Richards however died ; and her heirs at law claimed the property thus bequeathed. Litigation ensued ; and, after the controversy had gone from Court to Court, it was finally decided in Jemima'- favor, it appearing that Sarah Richards had held the property in trust for lier. After the death of Sarah Richards, devises were made in favor of Rachel Milnin; but Rachel took it into her head to marry, and her husband, in behalf of luis wife, claimed the property thus devised to her.
Among Jemima's followers, was an artful, cunning. and intelligent man. by the name of Elijalı Parker. She dubbed him a Prophet, and called him the Prophet Elijah. He would, before prophesying, wear around the lower part of lii- waist, a bandage or girdle, tied very tight; and when it had can-ed the upper part of his stomach to swell, he would pretend to be filled with prophetic visions, which he would impart to the community. But, after some time, Jemima and her Prophet quarreled, and he then denounced her as an impostor-declared that she lad imposed on his credulity, and that he had never been a Prophet. After hav- ing divested himself of his prophetic character, he became a Ju-tice of the Peace, and in that capacity issued out a Warrant against Jemima, charging her with blasphemy. She wa- accordingly brought to Canandaigua, by virtue of this Warrant; and, at a Circuit Court hield there, in 1790, by the late Governor Lewis, then a Judge of the Supreme Court of the State, a Bill of Indictment, prepared by Judge Howell of Canandaigua, then District Attorney, was laid be- fore the Grand Jury. Judge Lewis having told the Grand Jury, that, by the Laws and Constitution of this State, blasphemy was not an indictable offense, no Bill was found. Judge Howell has informed me that a similar question having been brought before a full Bench of the Supreme Court, Judge Lewis's opinion wa- overruled by all the other Judges ; and that blasphemy was decided to be an in- dictable offen-e. These litigations, however, had considerably lessened the number of her followers; but she. as I am informed, retained until her death, lier influence over a considerable portion of them.
Prior to these occurrence-, Jemima had been attacked with a violent disease, and slie expected to die. Under this conviction, she caused her di-ciples to be as- sembled in her -ick chamber, when she told them that her Heavenly Father, find-
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ing that the wickedness of the world was so great that there was no pro-pect of her succeeding in reclaiming it, had determined that she should -oon quit it, and rejoin him in Heaven. Having unexpectedly recovered, she again assembled them, when she announced to them, that her Heavenly Father had again com- manded hier to remain on earth, and make one more trial.
When I first saw Jemima, she was a fine-looking woman, of a good height, and though not corpulent, inclined to embonpoint. Her hair was jet black, short, and curled on her shoulders. She had fine eyes, and good teeth and complexion. Her dress consisted of a silk robe, open in front. Her under dress was of the finest white cambric or muslin. Round her throat she wore a large cravat, bor- dered with fine lace. She was very ignorant, but possessed an uncommon memory. Though she could neither read nor write, it was said that she knew the Bible by lieart, from its having been read to her. The sermon I heard her preach was bad in point of language, and almost unintelligible. Aware of her deficiencies, in this respect, she caused one of hier followers to tell me. that in her discourses, she did not aim at expre-sing her-elf in fine language-preferring to adapt her style to the capacity of the most illiterate of her liearers.
Governor Simcoe had. from his first assuming the Government of U'pper Canada, evinced the greatest jealousy of the progress of the settlement of our Western Country. He was even said to have threatened to -end Captain Williamson to England in irons, if lie ever ventured to come into Canada.
In 1794, Captain Williamson had commenced a settlement at Sodus Bay. In the month of Augu-t of that year, Lientenant Sheaffe of the British Army, (now Major-general Sir Roger Hale Sheatfe, who during the la-t War, coll- manded at the Battle of Queenston after the death of Colonel Brock | was sent by Governor Simcoe, with a Protest, to be delivered to Captain Williamson, pro- testing against the further prosecution of the settlement at Sodu-, and all other American settlements beyond the old French line, during the inexecution of the Treaty that terminated the Revolutionary War. Finding there only an agent of Mr. Williamson's (a Mr. Moffatt, who is yet living, ) Lieutenant Sheaffe in- formed him of the nature of his missiou, and requested him to make it known to Captain Williamson, and to inform him that he would return in ten days, when he hoped to meet Captain Williamson there.
Mr. Moffatt came to me at Canandaigua, to acquaint me with what had taken place and induce me to accompany him to Bath, to confer with Captain Willian- son, in relation to this very extraordinary Protest. I accordingly went to Batlı : and it was agreed between Captain Williamson and myself, that we would both ineet Lieutenant Slieaffe at Sodus, at the time he had appointed to be there.
Accordingly, on the day named by Lieutenant Sheaffe, we were at Sodus; and shortly after our arrival there, we perceived on the Lake a boat, rowed by about a dozen British soldiers, who after landing their officer, were directed by him to pull off some distance in the Bay and remain there until he made a signal to re- turn for him.
Captain Williamson, in consequence of the threats imputed to Governor Simcoe in relation to himself, did not think proper to expose him-elf mmnecessarily to
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any act of violence, if any such should have been meditated against him. He therefore requested me to receive Lieutenant Sheaffe on the beach, and to accom- pany him to the log cabin where Captain Williamson was, with a brace of loaded pistols on his table. The ordering his men to remain at a distance from the shore showed that the precaution that had been taken, though proper at the time, was unnecessary ; and that no resort to force was intended.
The meeting between the Lieutenant and Mr. Williamson was friendly. They had known each other before, and, while in the same service, had marched through some part of England together. The Lieutenant handed to Captain Wil- liamson the Protest, and was desired by the Captain to inform Governor Simcoe, that he would pay no attention to it, but prosecute his settlement the same as if no such paper had been delivered to him-that if any attempt should be made, forcibly to prevent him from doing so, the attempt would be repelled by force.
Lieutenant Sheaffe having, during the interview between them, made allusion to Captain Williamson having once held a Commission in the British Army, he replied that while in the service of the Crown, he had faithfully performed his duty : that having since renounced his allegiance to that Crown and become a citizen of the United States, his adopted country, having both the ability and the inclination, would protect him in his rights and the possession of his property. I asked Lieutenant Sheaffe if he would be so good as to explain what was meant by "the old French line ; " where it ran ; and what portion of our country we were forbidden in Governor Simcoe's Protest to occupy? He replied that he was merely the bearer of the paper that, by the orders of his superior officer, he had handed to Captain Williamson ; that no explanation had been given to him of its purport, nor was he authorized to give any.
After about a half hour, I again accompanied him to the beach where he liad landed ; and on signal having been made by him, his boat returned for him and he departed.
This is what my father in his letter of the tenthi of September 1794 alludes to and terms "a Treaty," and for which he hopes that Simcoe will get a "rap over the knuckles from his master. "
So many years have elapsed since the complaints made by both the British and our own Government were adjusted by negotiation, that you may be at a loss to know what Governor Simcoe meant, when he spoke of the inexecution of the Treaty that terminated our Revolutionary struggle. The complaint on the part of Great Britain, was, that those parts of the Treaty which required that those States in which British subjects were prevented by law from recovering debts due to them prior to the Revolution, had not been repealed, as by the Treaty they ought to have been ; and also that British property had been confiscated since the period limited in the Treaty for such confiscations, and no compen-ation had been made to the injured parties. On our part the complaint was, that, after the cessa- tion of hostilities, negroes and otlier property were carried away by the Britishi Army, contrary to stipulations entered into by the Preliminary Treaty of Peace. The British retained possession of the posts on our borders and within our bounds, until an amicable settlement of these difficulties, which settlement, I think, took place in 1796.
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In September, 1794, another Treaty was held by Colonel Pickering with the Six Nations, at Canandaigua. The object of this Treaty, like the former ones held with them, was to preserve their friendship and to prevent their joining the hostile Indians, or, in Indian language, to "brighten the chain of friendship." I have none of the speeches made at that Treaty ; but as Mr. Greig informs mie that you have had in your possession all the papers of the late Captain Chapin, you have probably received from them all the information that you desire, rela- tive to what was done at that Treaty.
One circumstance I do recollect in relation to it. The Treaty was holding, when news was brought by runners, sent by the hostile Indians to the Six Nations, giving an account of their defeat by General Wayne, at the Battle at the Miami. This account was closed with these words, "and our brethren, the Brit- islı, looked on and gave us not the least assistance." The belief at the time was, and the words I have quoted seem to confirm it, that when the Indians agreed to give battle to Wayne, they were encouraged so to do by the British, and were promised shelter in the British fort, commanded by Major Campbell, in the event of defeat. Certain it is, that when routed, they rushed towards the British fort, the gates of which were shut against them, as our men would have pursued them into it. Major Campbell appeared on the ramparts ; the matches of his Artillerists were lit ; and he liailed our troops and warned them not to approach his fort, or he would fire on them. Unmindful of liis threats, the Indians were 'mowed down under his very guns, by Wayne's Cavalry. He did not fire, for, had he discharged a single gun, "Mad Anthony, " as Wayne was called, would have taken his Fort.
I have been thus particular in dwelling on this subject, in consequence of the influence it had on our settlements. For some months prior to the Treaty of Can- andaigua, the Indians would come among us painted for War. Their deportment was fierce and arrogant ; and their behavior was such as to create a belief that they would not be unwilling to take up the hatchet against us. From certain expres- sions attributed to Governor Simcoe, and in connection with his conduct at Sodus Bay, it was believed that the British had taught the Indians to expect that General Wayne would be defeated ; in which event, they might easily have persuaded the Six Nations to make common cause with the hostile Indians ; and our settle- ments would have been depopulated.
Such were the apprehensions entertained at that time of an Indian War on our borders, that, in several instances, farmers were panic-struck and, with the dread of the scalping-knife before them, had "pulled up stakes" and, with their fan- ilies, were on their way to the East. Arrived at Canandaigua, they found that I was painting my house and making improvements about it. Believing that I pos- sessed better information on the subject than they did, their lears became quieted, and they retraced their steps back to their habitations. After the defeat of the liostile Indiaus, those of the Six Nations became completely cowed; and, from that time, all apprehension of a War with them vanished.
You will perceive, by the Conveyances and Agreements accompanying this statement, that, in the years 1792-93, my father had made sales in Holland to the gentlemen composing the "Holland Land Company, " of the greater part of
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his interest in the Genesee Country, or rather that part of it lying West of the Genesee river. You will observe that these Conveyances and Agreement- are in the names of Herman Le Roy, William Bayard, Mathew Clarkson, Garrett Boon, and John Linklaen. These gentlemen hield the land in trust for the Hollander-, as they, being aliens, were not at that time, by the Laws of this State, permitted to hold landed property in it. A subsequent Law has removed that disability, a- far as it relates to the parties concerned in the "Holland Purchase."
By the terms of these Agreements, my father was bound to extinguish the native Title at his own expense ; and thirty-five thousand pounds sterling of the purchase-money was retained by the purchasers until that extinguishment was obtained. My father's reasons for not attempting to make a purchase of the In- dian Title at an earlier period, appear in two of his letters. dated in 1796, and to which I refer you. One of these letters was suppressed, because, after having been written, it was discovered that, after our fort at Niagara had been surrendered by the British to our troops, the officer then in command of that fort had sent to the War Department an Indian Speech, by which it was made to appear that the In- dians were reluctant to treat with him. The other letter, and which was sent to the President, was dated the twenty-fifth of August. You will observe, from the-e letters and those written by him the following year, my father's extreme solicitude to make a purchase of the native Title. Thi- solicitude wa- more from a desire to comply with his engagements with the Hollanders, than from any private advan- tage that would accrue to him, having at that time parted with his interest in the lands.
Massachusetts, when she sold her pre-emptive Title to these land-, reserved to herself the right to appoint a Commissioner, to be present at any Treaty that miglit be heid with the Indians for the extinguishment of the native Title : and she accordingly did appoint, at an early period. General Shepard, to attend the same. By the Laws of the United States, no Treaty could be held with Indian-, without being superintended by a Commissioner appointed by the President and confirmed by the Senate of the United States ; and to proeure that appointment, a difficulty arose, that had not been anticipated. This difficulty aro-e from the Indian Speech sent by Captain Bruff (the officer whom I have before alluded to as having assumed the command of Fort Niagara), to the War Department. It appears that this Captain Bruff had held a conference with the Senecas, and had presented them with a flag. In their answer to Captain Bruff's Speech, which you will find in the paper marked "Indian," they called my father, as you will per- cieve, the "Big-eater, with the big belly, " and beg that he may not be per- mitted to come and devour their lands.
When, then, my father made his application, in 1797, to General Washington, to nominate a Commissioner, the General at once consented to do so; but said that his duty would require that Captain Bruff's letter and the accompanying Indian Speeches, should be sent with the nomination to the Senate, and that, such was the desire at that time to conciliate the Six Nations, he did not believe the Senate would confirm any nomination contrary to their wishes. A Commissioner was however appointed, but with an understanding that he was not to act in this busi- ness until the Indians themselves requested a Treaty.
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The task of procuring from them this request devolved on me, and it was not an easy one to accomplish. The Indians were apprehensive that their asking for a Treaty would be considered as a commitment, and be claimed as a pledge that they were desirous to part with their lands. To persuade them to make this re- quest, I went to Buffalo, having performed the journey on foot (from Canan- daigua). For an account of that journey and its results, I refer you to a letter written by me, to my father, dated the twenty-seventh of May, 1797, which I have found among my father's papers, and also to the Speeches of Farmer's Brotlier and Red Jacket, of the twenty-third of September, 1796. These are the speeches my father alluded to in 1796, and which prevented his making in that year an application for the appointment of a Commissioner, a- by his suppressed letter in that year, it appears he liad contemplated doing.
The Commissioner who in the first instance was appointed to superintend this Treaty, was a member of Congress from New Jersey, named Isaac Smith. Having been subsequently appointed a Judge of the Supreme Court of New Jersey, and finding that his attendance at a Treaty would interfere with his judicial duties, he resigned his situation as a Commissioner, and Colonel Jeremiah Wadsworth, who had been a distinguished member of Congress, from Connecticut, was ap- pointed in his place. Those who attended the Treaty, besides the two Commis- sioners, were Captain Chapin, then Superintendent of Indian Affairs, the Inter- preters, and, occasionally, Captain Williamson, with Mr. James Rees of Geneva, who acted as Secretary, Mr. William Bayard of New York, as Agent of the "Hol- land Land Company, " and two. young gentlemen from Holland, by the name of Van Staphorst, who were nearly related to the gentlemen of the same name who were the principal members of that Company.
I had hired, for the accommodation of these gentlemen, the house of Mr. Wil- liam Wadsworth, his brother James being at that time in Europe. I liad also caused a large Council-house to be prepared, covered by the bouglis and branches ot trees, to shelter us from the rays of the sun, with a more elevated benchi for the Commissioners and other benches for the spectators. Here the business of the Treaty was conducted between the Indians and myself; and here also the Indians held their private Councils. It is their custom to agree among themselves, in private Comicil, on the measures to be adopted, the arguments to be used in support of them, and also to fix on the speakers to discuss them, before they meet the white people, in a more public Council.
You will observe from my father's Speech, No. 3, that, as lie could not person- ally attend the Treaty, he had authorized Captain Williamson and myself to act in his behalf. Captain Williamson's business requiring that he should be the greatest part of his time at Bath, and that he could only occasionally be at Gen- eseo, where the Treaty was held, declined acting ; and consequently, the manage- ment of the whole concern devolved on me.
By the rough memorandums of the doings at this Treaty, which you will find rolled up together, you will perceive, that we reached Geneseo, on the twenty- sixthi of August, 1797. I must refer you to the same paper for a knowledge of what had taken place between that day and the thirtieth of the same montli,
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when you will find, from the same document, that I addressed to them the Speechi No. 4. You will discover from the same memorandum, and for the cause there stated, that nothing more was done until the second of September. On that day, I again addressed them, as you will find from the paper marked No. 5.
You will observe that, in answer to Red Jacket's Speech, wherein he had mag- nified the consequence and importance which their lands gave to the Senecas among the other Nations of Indians, that I endeavored to convince him that he was mistaken ; and as a proof that he was so, I mentioned the treatment that some of their Chiefs (Red Jacket having been one of them), had received when on a mission of l'eace to the hostile Indians. My allusion was to the following circumstance : In 1793, Colonel Pickering and Colonel Beverley Randolph were sent by the President of the United States to the country of the hostile Indians to endeavor to open negotiation with them for a Peace. They came to Canan- daigna, and from that place proceeded to Buffalo. There they prevailed on some of the Seneca Chiefs to accompany them, supposing that their medition might promote the object of their mi -- ion. On their arrival among the hostile Indian -. the latter expressed the greatest contempt for the Seneca-, and refused to hold any communication with them. Although the mission was unsuccessful, our Commissioners were treated with courtesy.
In Red Jacket's reply to this part of my Speech he admitted the fact of the dis- respectful reception they had met with, but imputed it to their going in bad company. "Had they gone alone. " he said, "and on their own business their reception would have been such as Senecas had a right to expect. But that, when they interfered in the disputes of the United States and accompanied their Commissioners, they forfeited all claims to such a reception, " adding, "that the event to which I had alluded, would warn them hereafter to confine them- selves to their own affairs; and if they went among other Indian Nations, not go in bad company." I regret that, among my papers, there are no copies of this and several other Indian Speeches
After ten or twelve days had elapsed, Colonel Wadsworth became unwell, and very impatient of further delay, and insisted on the business being brought to a close. At this time, I became informed that some white men, who spoke a little Indian, and whose offers to be employed by me I had rejected, had per- snaded the Indians that, by rejecting iny offers, I could be brought to any terms which they might propose; and that they intended, on the next day, to offer me one Township on the Pennsylvania line, at one dollar per acre !
I endeavored to convince Colonel Wadsworth that further delay would be in- dispensable to counteract the impressions that had been made on the Indians. IIe contended that a prompt and indignant refusal of their offer would bring them to my terms. Mr. Bayard had received the same impression from Colonel Wad -- worth ; and the latter having declared that he would go home unless 1 made the experiment, and Mr. Bayard having agreed to assume towards his principals, (who alone were interested in the result) the responsibility in the event of its failure, I most reluctantly consented to make it.
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