USA > New York > Livingston County > History of Livingston County, New York, with illustrations and biographical sketches of some of its prominent men and pioneers > Part 9
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* Even the English in Virginia, have suffered and still daily suffer from them, but the gain of the merchants of Orange and Manatte is paramount to every public interest, for were they not to sell the Iroquois pow- der, that Nation could be more easily conquered than any other. It consists of five principal tribes, (villages) each of which has other small dependen- cies. The first calls itself Mohawk (Anic) and can muster 200 men fit for service. . The
second is Oneida, ( Oncroust,)
*
who can
muster 250 men. The third is Onontagué, * it can muster 300 men. The fourth is Cayuga,
· Memoir of MI. de la Barre, Paris Doc. Hist., 1., 109.
( Goyoguoain) * > which can furnish 200 men ; and the Senecas (Sonontouans) are the fifth. The last consists it is said of 1, 200 fighting men, and are five leagues south of the lake. The Senecas, being the strongest. are the most insolent. Their subjugation need never be expected except we be in a position to surprise them."*
Louis responded with additional re-enforcements, and not only approved the war, but advised that Iroquois prisoners be sent to him for service as gal- ley-slaves. Denonville therefore determined to divert the Iroquois from their inroads among the river Indians by giving them employment at home ; and especially to overawe and punish the Senecas. Accordingly. in the summer of 1687, he invaded them with about two thousand French and Indians. Having arrived at Irondequoit Bay, he constructed a palisade for the protection of his bateaux and canoes, which was finished on the morning of July 12th. The re-enforcements ordered from Niagara arrived simultaneously with his own forces at the month of the bay. The Senecas appealed to Gov- ernor Dongan for aid, but he gave them only a quasi support.
We quote from Denonville's report of this ex- pedition so much as is of especial interest to this locality :-
"12th. After having detached 400 men to garri- son the redoubt which we had already put in con- dition of defense for the protection of our provi- sions, bateaux and canoes, we set out at 3 o'clock with all our Indian allies, who were loaded like our- selves with 13 days' provisions, and took the path leading by land across the woods to Gannagaro. We made only three leagues this day, among lofty trees sufficiently open to allow us to march in three columns.
" 13th. We left on the next morning, with the design of approaching the village as near as we could, to deprive the enemy of the opportunity of rallying and seizing on two very dangerous defiles at two rivers which it was necessary for us to pass, and where we should undoubtedly meet them. We passed these two defiles, however, unmolested, no *
There * one appearing but a few scouts. * still remained a third, at the entrance of said vil- lage. It was my intention to reach that defile in order to halt there for the night and to rest our troops, who were much fatigued in consequence of the extraordinary and sultry heat of the weather : but our scouts having notified us that they had seen a trail of a considerable party, which had been in that neighborhood, in order that we may call our troops together, M. de Calliéres, who was at the head of the three companies commanded by Tonty, de la Durantage and du Lhu, and of all our Indians,
· Memoir of M. de Denonville on the State of Canada, Nov. 12, 1685, Col. Hist. 1X .. 281, 282.
43
DENONVILLE'S INVASION OF THE COUNTRY OF THE SENECAS.
fell about three o'clock in the afternoon, * into an ambuscade of Senecas, posted in the vicinity of that defile. They were better received than they anticipated, and thrown into such con- sternation, that the most of them flung away their guns and blankets, to escape under cover of the woods. The action was not long but the firing was heavy on both sides. * *
*
" The severe fatigue of the march which our * troops *
* had undergone, left us in no condition to pursue the routed enemy, as we had a wood full of thickets and briars and a densely cov- ered brook in front, and had made no prisoners who could tell us positively the number of those that attacked us. Moreover, we had not sufficient knowledge of the paths, to be certain which to take, to get out of the woods into the plain.
" The enemy, to our knowledge, left twenty-seven dead on the field, who had been killed on the spot, besides a much larger number of wounded, judging from the bloody trails we saw. We learned from one of the dying that they had more than eight hundred men under arms, either in the action or in the village, and that they were daily expecting a re-enforcement of Iroquois.
"Our troops being very much fatigued, we halted the remainder of the day at the same place, where we found sufficient water for the night. We maintained a strict watch, waiting for daylight that we might enter the plain which is a full league in extent before reaching the village. The Rev. Father Enialrau, missionary among the Outawas savages whom he had brought to us, was wounded in this action. It cost us also the death of five Canadians, one soldier, and five Indian allies, besides six militia and five soldiers wounded.
"14th .- A heavy rain that lasted till noon next day, compelled us to remain until that time at the place where the action occurred. We set out thence in battle array, expecting to find the enemy entrenched in the new village which is above the old. We entered the plain however, without see- ing anything but the vestiges of the fugitives. We found the old village burnt by the enemy, who had also deserted the entrenchment of the new which was about three-quarters of a league distant from the old. We encamped on the height of that plain, and did nothing that day but protect our- selves from the severe rain which continued until night.
"15th .- The Indians brought us two old men, whom the enemy had left in the woods on their retreat, and two or three women came to surren- der themselves, who informed us that for the space of four days, all the old men, the women, and children, had been fleeing in great haste, being able to carry with them only the best of their effects. * * One of the old men who had been of note in the village, * told us the ambush consisted of two hundred and twenty men stationed on the hill-side to attack our rear, and of five hun- dred and thirty to attack our front. * * In addition to the above, there were also three hun-
dred men in their fort, favorably situated on a height, into which they all were pretending to retire, having carried thither a quantity of Indian corn. * *
" After we had obtained from this old man all the information he could impart, he was placed in the hands of Rev. Father Bruyas, who finding he had some traces of the christian religion, * * set about preparing him for the baptism, before turning him over to the Indians who had taken him prisoner. He was baptized, and a little while after they contented themselves at our solicitation, with knocking him on the head with a hatchet in- stead of burning him according to their custom.
"Our first achievement, this day, was to set fire to the fort of which we have spoken. It was eight hundred paces in circumference, well enough flanked for savages, with a retrenchment advanced for the purpose of communicating with a spring which is half way down the hill, it being the only place where they could obtain water. The remain- der of the day was employed in destroying Indian corn, beans and other produce.
" 16th July .- We continued the devastation. Our scouts brought us from time to time the spoils of the fugitives found scattered in the woods.
" In the afternoon of the same day, we moved our camp towards those places where corn was to be destroyed. A party of our Indians about whom we had been anxious, arrived in the evening with considerable booty, which they had captured in the great village of l'otiakton, four leagues distant. They found that village also abandoned by the enemy, who on retreating had set it on fire, but only three or four cabins were consumed.
"17th .- We were also occupied in destroying the grain of the small village of St. Michael or Gannogarae,* distant a short league from the large village.
" 18th .- Continued, after having moved our camp in order to approach some fields which were concealed and scattered in the depths of the for- est.
"19th .- Moved our camp in the morning from near the village of St. James or Gannagaro, after having destroyed a vast quantity of fine large corn, beans and other vegetables of which there re- mained not a single field, and after having burned so large a quantity of old corn that the amount dared not be mentioned, and encamped before Totiakton, surnamed the Great Village or the Vil- lage of the Conception, distant four leagues from the former. We found there a still greater num- ber of planted fields, and wherewithal to occupy ourselves for many days.
"20th .- We occupied ourselves with cutting down the new corn and burning the old.
"21st .- Went to the small village of Gannoun- ata, f distant two leagues from the larger, where all the old and new corn was destroyed the same day,
*Gannogarae or Gandougarae was situated south of Gannagaro, near the site of East Bloomfield.
t Gannounata or Gannondata. named on Clark's map as Gandachira- gon, the site of the mission of St. John, was located near East Avon.
44
HISTORY OF LIVINGSTON COUNTY.
though the quantity was as large as in the other villages. It was in this village that we found the arms of England which Sieur Dongan, Governor of New York, had caused to be placed there con- trary to all right and reason, in the year 1684, having antedated the arms as of the year 1683, although it is beyond question that we first discov- ered and took possession of that country, and for twenty consecutive years have had Fathers Fremin, Garnier, &c., as stationary missionaries in all these villages.
"The quantity of grain which we found in store in this place, and destroyed by fire is incredible. * * *
" 22d .- We left the above named village to re- turn to Totiakton, to continue there the devasta- tion already commenced. Notwithstanding the bad weather and incessant rain, the entire day was employed in diligent preparation for our departure, which was the more urgent as sickness was increas- ing among the soldiers, the militia and the Indians, and provisions and refreshments were rapidly diminishing. Besides the impatience of the sav- ages to return with a great number of the sick and wounded, gave us no hope of retaining them against their will, some having already left on the preceding day without permission.
" 23d .- We sent a large detachment of almost the entire army *
* * to complete the destruc- tion of all the corn still standing in the distant woods.
"About 7 o'clock in the morning, seven Illinois, coming alone from their country to war against the Iroquois, arrived at the camp, as naked as worms, bow in hand, to the great joy of those whom Sieur de Tonty had brought to us.
"About noon of the same day, we finished the destruction of the Indian corn. We had the curi- osity to estimate the whole quantity, green as well as ripe, which we had destroyed in the four Seneca villages, and found that it would amount to 350,- ooo minots * of green, and 50,000 of old corn- [1,200,000 bushels]. We can infer from this the multitude of people in these four villages and the great suffering they will experience from this de- vastation.
"Ilaving nothing more to effect in that country, and seeing no enemy, we left our camp in the af- ternoon of the same day to rejoin our bateaux. We advanced only two leagues. *
" 24th July. We reached our bateaux after marching six leagues. We halted there on the next day, the 25th, in order to make arrangements for leaving on the 26th, after we had destroyed the redoubt we had built."
Denonville then repaired to Niagara, and con- structed a fort in the angle of the lake, on the Seneca side of the river. He left a hundred men under the command of Sieur de Troyes to garrison it, provisioned it for eight months, and returned with his army. This fort was so closely besieged
by the Iroquois that nearly all the garrison perished by hunger.
The Iroquois were alarmed at this bold incur- sion into the country of the strongest nation of their league, and applied to Governor Dongan of New York, for protection. A council was held in the City Hall at Albany, August 5, 1687, at which the Five Nations assigned as the probable reason of Denonville's invasion, "that wee have given our land and submitted ourselfs to the King of Eng- land, which we confirmed solemnly when the Gov- ernor of Virginia was with you here," three years previously. They added, "It is true, wee warr with the farr Nations of Indians, because they kill our people, and take them prisoners when wee goe a beaver hunting, and it is our custom amongst In- (lians to warr with one another ; but what hath the Christians to doe with that to join with either one side or the other ? O Brethren, you tell us the King of England is a very great King, and why should you not joyne with us in a just cause, when the French joynes with our enemies in an unjust cause ; O Brethren, wee see the reason of this, the French would faine kill us all and when that is done they would carry all the Beaver trade to Canada, and the great King of England would loose the land likewise, and therefore, O Great Sachim beyond the Great Lake, awake and suffer not those poor Indians that have given themselfs and their lands under your protection to bee destroyed by the French without cause."* Governor Dongan wrote to the Lord President, requesting instructions as to what course he should pursue in this emergency, adding in his letter on that occasion : "Those five nations are very brave and the awe and Dread of all ye Indyans in these Parts of America and are a better defense to us than if they were so many Christians."+
On the 10th of November, 1687, he was in- structed to afford them protection .; He advised them not to make peace with the French, and prom- ised them supplies of arms and ammunition. But Denonville called a meeting of the chiefs of the Five Nations at Montreal, for the purpose of arranging terms of peace, and they decided to send representatives for that purpose.
In this year, 1687, the English colonists of New York resolved to avail themselves of the peace which then existed between the English and French, by virtue of the treaty of neutrality of Nov. 16,
. A minot is equal to three bushels.
· Col. Hist. III., 442.
1 Col. Hist., 111., 429, 430.
# Col. Hist., III., 503.
45
WARS BETWEEN THE IROQUOIS AND FRENCH.
1686, to attempt a participation in the fur trade of the upper lakes. They induced the Iroquois to liberate a number of Wyandot or Huron captives to guide them through the lakes and open a trade with their people, who were then living at Michili- mackinac. The party, which was led by Capt. McGregory, was intercepted and captured by a large body of French, and their goods distributed gratuitously among the Indians. The lake Indians, who had favored the project, by reason of the high price and scarcity of goods, now became anxious to disabuse the French of the suspicions their actions had engendered, and to prove their fidelity to them. To this end Adario, a celebrated chief of the Wyandots, shrewd and wily in his plans, and firm and courageous in their execution, led a party of one hundred men against the Iroquois. Stop- ping at Fort Cadaraqui for intelligence which might guide him, the commandant informed him of the impending peace negotiations, that the Iroquois embassadors were expected at Montreal in a few days, and advised him to return. But perceiving that if this peace was consummated, it would leave the Iroquois free to push their war against his nation, Adario resolved to prevent it, and waylaid, sur- prised and killed, or captured the Iroquois em- bassy, with the forty young warriors who guarded them. By dissembling he fully impressed his cap- tives with the belief that the treachery, of which he was made the unwitting instrument, was instigated by Denonville. With well-simulated indignation he looked steadfastly on the prisoners, among whom was Dekanefora, the head chief of the Onondagas, and said: "Go, my brothers, I untie your bonds, and send you home again, although our nations be at war. The French Governor has made me com- mit so black an action, that I shall never be easy after it, until the Five Nations have taken full re- venge. He then dismissed them, with presents of arms, powder and balls, keeping but a single man, an adopted Shawnee, to supply the place of the only man he had lost in the engagement .*
The Iroquois were deeply incensed and burned to revenge the base treachery. They refused to listen to a message sent by Denonville disclaiming any partici- pation in the act of perfidy. On the 5th of August, 1689, fifteen hundred Iroquois warriors landed. with the stealth and deadly purpose of enraged tigers, on the upper end of the island of Montreal, and pursued their murderous work without any- thing to impede them. They burned houses, sacked plantations and massacred men, women
and children of the French inhabitants to the num- ber of two hundred, and retired with more than one hundred and twenty prisoners. November 13th following they visited the lower part of the island with an equally deadly scourge .*
These incursions were incalculably disastrous to the French interests in Canada and reduced the colonies to the most abject despondency. Their minds were filled with the fear of foreboding ills. They burned the two barks they had on Cadaraqui (Ontario) Lake and abandoned the fort at Cada- raqui. They designed to blow up the fort, and lighted a match for that purpose; but in their fright and haste they did not wait to see that it took effect. The Iroquois, hearing of the destruc- tion of the fort, took possession of it. The match the French lighted went out without igniting the train. They found twenty-eight barrels of powder, besides other stores.
These disasters to the French soon spread among their Indian allies, already disgusted with la Barre's miserable failure, and whose confidence the questionable success of Denonville had not restored. The French influence over them was greatly lessened, while the dread of the Iroquois was measurably increased. Many sought an alli- ance with the English, with whom this misfortune to the French enabled them to open a trade; and they would have murdered the whole French col- ony to placate the Iroquois, "and would certainly have done it," says Colden, "had not the Sieur Perot, with wonderful sagacity and eminent hazard to his own person, diverted them."
The French colony was in a most pitiable condi- tion, for while the larger proportion of the men had been engaged in the expedition against the Senecas, in trading with the Western Indians, and in mak- ing new discoveries and settlements, tillage had been neglected. Several thousand of the inhabi- tants had been killed. The continual incursions of small parties of the Iroquois made it hazardous to go outside the forts ; they were liable at any time to sacrifice their scalps to a lurking savage, to have the torch applied to their cabins, and the toma- hawk fall upon the defenseless heads of their wives and children. Their crops were sown in constant fear, and were often destroyed before they could be gathered. To add to the horrors of their situa- tion, famine was rapidly decimating those who had escaped the hatchet of the revengfu! Iroquois, and threatened to put a miserable end to their existence. 1
* Col. Hist. IX., 429, 431, 434, 435.
* Colden.
46
HISTORY OF LIVINGSTON COUNTY.
But this deplorable condition was destined to a favorable and most unexpected change, toward which the bitter animosities and divided counsels of the English colonies, growing out of the Revolu- tion in England at this time, which resulted in the accession of the Prince of Orange to the throne, contributed in no small measure. The Count de l'rontenac, whose previous management of the col- ony had been eminently wise and satisfactory, was again appointed Governor, May 21, 1689, and though he had arrived at an age when most men pre- fer a retired life to the oncrous burdens of State, he entered upon his duties with such energy and manifest wisdom as to revive the flagging spirits of the colonists, notwithstanding the impending dan- ger of a war with the English colonies which soon ensued. He arrived on the second of October 1689, and at once commenced an effort to nego- tiate a peace with the Iroquois, having learned by sad experience that they could not hope to gain by the continuance of war with them. He was the more anxious to effect a peace with them, as the French then had a war on their hands with the English, which was declared that year. Failing in this, he hoped to terrify them into neutrality, and for this purpose, and to lessen the influence with the English with them, he fitted out three expedi- tions that winter, one against New York, another against Connecticut, and a third against New Eng- land. It was a hazardous undertaking at that sea- son of the year, but the desperate condition of the French colonists demanded heroic treatment.
The first expedition was directed against Sche- nectady, which was sacked and burned, on the night of February 9, 1690, only two houses being spared, that of Major Sauder, ( Coudre, ) from whom the French had received good treatment on a for- mer occasion, and that of a widow, with six chil- dren, to which M. de Montigny, one of the leaders of the expedition, was carried when wounded. They spared the lives of some fifty to sixty old men, women and children, who escaped the first fury of the attack, and some twenty Mohawks, "in order to show them it was the English and not they against whom the grudge was entertained." The loss on this occasion in houses, cattle and grain, exceeded 400,000 livres .* There were up- wards of eighty well built and well-furnished houses in the town." They returned with thirty prisoners, loaded with plunder, and with fifty good horses, only sixteen of which reached Montreal, the rest having been killed on the road for food. They
* A French coin, now superseded by the franc, equal to 18% cents.
lost one Indian and one Frenchman in the attack on the town, and nineteen on the return march .*
This disaster at Schenectady so disheartened the people of Albany, that they resolved to abandon the place and retire to New York. Many were packing up for that purpose, when a delegation of Mohawks who had come to condole with them on the loss, on hearing of their design, reproached them and urged them to a courageous defense of their homes. This passage in our colonial history fills us with humiliating reflections, when we con- trast the supineness of the English colonists, arising from the bitter dissensions incident to the governmental changes which the recent revolution wrought, with the magnificent energies exerted by the French colonists under the energizing influence of the sagacious Frontenac. Our admiration is not less challenged by the heroic conduct of the Iro- quois, who, notwithstanding French intrigues and Jesuitical influence, combined with an exasperat- ing English apathy, which appeared willing to sac- rifice these savage but noble allies, kept firmly to their early allegiance
Count de Frontenac, encouraged by the answer made to his former message, renewed his efforts to bring about a peace with the Iroquois; but they compelled his embassadors to run the gauntlet and then delivered them over as prisoners to the Eng- lish. Foiled in this, he endeavored to prevent the peace which the Iroquois were on the point of making with the Utawawas and Quatoghies. The Iroquois continued to harrass the French in small bodies and kept them in constant alarm.
In the summer of 1691, New York and New England concerted an attack by a combined land and naval force. The former, under command of Major l'eter Schuyler, was directed against Mon- treal ; and the latter, consisting of thirty sail, under command of Sir William Phips, against Quebec. Both failed of the ultimate object for which they set out ; though Schuyler inflicted a heavy loss upon the enemy, killing three hundred, which ex- ceeded his entire command,f having seventeen killed and eleven wounded of his own forces. But finding the enemy vastly more numerous than he expected he was obliged to retire. The naval attack was illy directed and proved an ignoble fail- ure. It was likewise attended with considerable loss, both in men and material, without inflicting much damage on the enemy, who, with ordinary
* Paris Document IV. Doc. Hist. 1, 297. The English account places the number killed at 60, and the number taken prisoners 27, including several negroes .- Ibid.
1 Colden.
47
FRONTENAC'S INVASION.
promptness and prudence, might have been routed. The Iroquois, however, continued their stealthy raids, which were more dreaded and really more destructive to the French interests than the more imposing efforts of their English allies. The French were prevented from tilling the ground, or of reaping the fruit of what they had sown or planted, and a famine ensued, " the poor inhabi- tants," says Colden, "being forced to feed the soldiers gratis, while their own children wanted bread." The French fur trade was also stopped by the Iroquois, who took posession of the passes between them and their allies, the western Indians, and intercepted the traders and others passing over these routes.
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