USA > New York > History of the state of New-York : including its aboriginal and colonial annals, vol. pt 1 > Part 10
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On the approach of spring, they began to think of return- ing. Having laden their ship with the natural productions of the country, among which were the maize, or wild wheat, and a wood, (' masur') indigenous to these regions, they put to sea, and with a fair wind, and without any accident, arrived in sight of the high land of Greenland. They do not say that on their return, they visited any part of the continent, but steered directly to Greenland. From this fact, it would appear that these northern navigators dared to venture into the open ocean, and by no means confined themselves in their voyages to the coasts. Leifer returned to the residence of his father in Greenland. His renown spread far and wide, and ex- cited new and similar adventures among the Greenland colonists.
Thorwaldr Errison, a brother of Leifr Errison, adventured next. He selected thirty associates, and had the use of his brother's ship. They arrived safely in Vinland, and passed
* Newark Bay appears most like a "lake." Varrozano, when he ouched Sandy Heck, speaks of a " lake" in that vicinity. See hereafter
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3 27.] New- York a part of Ancient Vinland.
the winter, living principally on fish. In the spring they ex- plored the country.
They proceeded in their long-boat to examine the coast, and found it beautiful, and covered with wood. The beach was all along of white sand, such as Leifr Errison dad seen in his voyage .* Near the shore were a great many islands and small islets, and very shallow water. They found no traces of man or beast ; but on an island further westward they discovered a barn, or shelter, for protecting the harvest This was the only indication of human art which they found. Their excursions during this summer were made in the boat, and extended along the coast in a westerly direction. It seems they again wintered ; for the account states that the next sum- mer they determined to bend their course to the northward and eastward, and for that purpose they prepared the ship in- stead of the boat. They had not yet seen any of the inhabi- tants. Having renewed their examination, they came to a place where they landed, which appeared so beautiful, that Thorwaldr determined to establish a colony there. They had scarcely returned to their ship, when they saw three boats coming towards them, cach containing three natives. These were the " Skrælingar," as Sturleson calls them: a word of contempt, denoting a weak and pigmy race of people ; though some authors think it only refers to the inferiority of their weapons. Under that denomination the Esquimaux were not unknown to the Greenland colonists. In those days that race may have spread over the regions of ancient Vinland, and subsequently receded northward .; As the natives, before mentioned, approached the ship, Thorwaldr instead of per- mitting them to advance in peace, commenced so furious an attack upon them, that one only escaped in his canoe to the shore. After this inglorious adventure, its heroes again landed. The war-cry of the natives soon resounded in their ears ; for they had rushed on in numbers to renew the combat, and to
* At this day the costs are described as similar.
t See ante, p. 62. .
. .
118 Europcan Discoveries and Claims to New-York. [PART I.
avenge this outrage, but the aggressors fled to their ship, put themselves on the defensive, and effectually repelled the assailants. One of their arrows, however, proved mortal to Thorwaldr. He, in his dying moments, advised his compa- nions to return to the place of their former rendezvous, and join their comrades, (a part of the company which it seems had remained where they first arrived, not having embarked in these exploring expeditions.)
This advice was followed. After wintering once more, the survivors returned to Greenland in the following spring, and related, as Sturleson says, to the astonished Greenlanders, the wonderful story of their adventures.
Thorstein Errison (third brother to Leifr Errison) next undertook a voyage towards Vinland, which proved a most unfortunate one ; for he and his associates were driven by storm to the western part of Greenland, where most of his company, and lastly he himself fell victims to sickness.
The melancholy issue of this attempt, did not discourage the renewal of these south-western maritime adventures. Thorfin Karlsefne (an amazing rich man, says Sturleson,) had recently arrived in Greenland from Norway, and marri- ed Gudrid, the widow of the unfortunate Thorstein Errison. His fate did not deter the husband of his widow from casting his eye towards Vinland, which was now viewed by the Green- land colonists, as their promised land, where wealth and fame awaited their adventurous enterprise. Thorfin Karlsefne, his wife, and more than fifty companions, among whom were five women, prepared for embarkation. He was joined by other adventurers, so that when he set sail, he was the leader of three ships and one hundred and forty persons.
Torfous describes minutely this expedition. Its leader had greater objects in view than his predecessors. He de- signed to establish a colony, and for this purpose his fol- lowers were more numerous than those of any prior adven- turer, and they were supplied with cattle of various kinds. The preliminary condition of their colonising association,
*
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119
$27.] New-York a part of Ancient Vinland.
was, that the promised land should be divided equally between them.
They arrived safe at Vinland, and took quarters in the house which Leifr Errison had long before erected. The cattle in their range found excellent pasturage. The country afforded, for the sustenance of the adventurers, fine fruit, in- cluding grapes, and a supply of various kinds of fish. Dur- ing the succeeding winter the natives ( Skrælingarne) did not present themselves. They approached towards the ensuing summer peacefully, and for traffic. They gave furs and pel- try for such trifles as the adventurers would part with, cspe- cially for red cloth, which the former fancifully bound round their heads. They manifested an inclination for the posses- sion of weapons. These Thorstein would not permit his fol- lowers to dispose of. He substituted, however, the sale of milk, with which the natives were highly gratified. Appre- hensive and cautious, he now surrounded their habitation with palisadoes, in order to guard against surprise. Thus they passed the summer. On the approach of winter the natives in great numbers came to them and traded peaceably. One of them being detected in the act of stealing a weapon, was killed. This interrupted their amicable intercourse. Its in- fraction was followed by a mutual combat, in. which the na- tives were put to flight. Under these circumstances a longer residence was deemed unsafe.
The Norrman finally abandoned the country. They ship- ped a rich cargo of skins, wood, (masur wood, a kind of beech then thought valuable) and other natural products of the country. According to the Saga (record ) of Erik Raude, giving a more particular account of this expedition, (as may be seen by reference to Torfaus) it appears that Thorfin Karlsefne and his followers had resided three years in Vin- land, and that on their departure they carried to Greenland three native children, who were baptized and instructed in Christianity.
These Vinland voyages were now talked of, says Sturleson, as very profitable. Hitherto they had been a family secret among the connexions of Leifr Errison.
120 European Discoveries and Claims to New- York. [PART I.
His sister, " Freydisa Eriksdotter, (that is, Erick's daugh- ter,) now planned an expedition for Vinland. With this view she entered into an agreement with " Helge and Finnboge," who were brothers, and natives of Iceland. They had just arrived from Norway with a ship of their own. The two. contracting parties mutually agreed to take an equal number of followers ; that number should be thirty men able to bear arms, besides women, so as to place both parties on a par, and that cach should embark in a separate ship. According- ly they sailed and arrived safely at Viuland. Freydisa however had secretly brought five persons in her train, more than the stipulated number. This deceitful violation of her agreement became the foundation of great hatred, especially as it took place at a period when the sacredness of promises, and when personal bravery were held in the highest repute. The distrust and coolness which were now manifested, broke out in hostility, and ended in scenes of violence. This atro- cious woman at last persuaded her husband, (whose name was Thorwaldr, who had accompanied her from Greenland, and who in other respects made a very inconspicuous figure in this expedition,) secretly to murder the two Norrman and their companions, and to seize their ship. The deed was executed. Freydisa and her husband returned to Greenland with rich cargoes. She spread a report that the two brothers had remained in Vinland. She rewarded her followers very liberally, in order to induce them to corroborate her false story. Rumour of the outrage however spread abroad, and and at length excited general astonishment and disgust.
With this tragical narrative the accounts as given by Sturleson, end. He adds that Thorfin Karlsefne (the rich,) after his return from Vinland, remained some time in Green- land ; then fitted out his ship with a rich cargo for Norway, where having sold it, he returned and resided in Iceland. Here he was held in great respect, and became the founder of a numerous posterity : among whom, (Sturleson superadds,) the traditions of these Vinland expeditions were best pro- served.
j.27.] New- York a part of Ancient Vinland. 121.
Subsequently to the period of the last expedition, Vinland does not appear to have been often visited. It is true that the Eyrbyggia-Sagun, (a record of Iceland,) mentions, that towards the latter part of the reign of Olof the Pious, one " Gunleif Gunlaugson" was overtaken on the west coast of Ireland by a violent and long-continued storm, which drove him to a distant and unknown country, where he and his comrades narrowly escaped death from the natives. This unknown land was probably the same extensive coast which had previously been visited by the Scandinavians. This is probable, from the circumstance that the record further states, that those weather-beaten adventurers found there an Icelander, who was in great repute among the natives. The Saga (record) further states very circumstantially, that they were driven by a violent storm from east and north-east to a country lying to the south-west, which could not, with any probability, be considered any other than America.
The Landnama Sagan (another Islandic record) relates the voyage of 'Jon Biskop' (John the Bishop) to Vinland, in order to propagate the Christian religion, where he sealed his faith and his zeal by suffering martyrdom. The same pious zeal also induced the first Bishop proper, of Greenland, named Erik, to undertake a similar voyage in the year 1121.
These voyages to Vinland, therefore, continued a long time, although their particulars have not been transmitted. How long they lasted, historians have not related. Sturle- son's accounts do not extend them beyond the eleventh centu- ry ; but by other chroniclers, they can be traced to the twelfth century. An ancient writer, 'Ordericus Vitalis,'* mentions Vinland among the ultra-marine possessions of Norway, towards the close of the eleventh century. Mr. Schroder accounts for this interruption by the political revolu- tion in the north of Europe, and also from the change of climate, increasing the obstructions of the navigation by
* Hiter. Ecclesiast. I. xiii. &c. .
Von. I.
10
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122 European Discourses and Claims to New-York. [PART I.
everlasting ice. The colonies of Iceland and Greenland* being neglected by the mother country, could not withstand the hostilities of the North American ' Schralingar,' who ap- peared in great numbers to subsequent adventurers.
Mr. Schroder multiplies authorities and coincidences, prov- ing the identity of Vinland and North America. He refers to an historical record, as deserving particular notice, which is given by ' Adamus Bremensis,' in 'De Situ Dance,' and is cited in Torfous. With regard to those remains of antiquity, which, says Mr. Schroder, are enveloped in darkness, notwith- standing the researches of Volney, Smith, Barton, and those of the learned societies of New-York, he says, that the monu- mental remains, or tumuli, as described by the Swedish traveller and naturalist Kalm, f bear a striking resemblance to those of the ancient Scandinavians.
Here we might pause to remark, that if the fortifications, whose ruins we have described under the inquiry respecting the origin of the antiquities of New-York,¿ were indeed erected by these Norrman during their visits and settlements on our coast in the eleventh and twelfth centuries ; it might justify the conclusion, that the Alligewi, whom the ancestors of our present indigines conquered and expelled, who were the reputed authors of these works, who were of a fair com- plexion, and an extraordinary people, were of a Scandinavian descent.§
Mr. Schroder combats the idea of the Esquimaux being the remains of the Scandinavian colonists. He says there is no historical ground for supposing, as Mallet and Pontoppi- dan do, that they were ; nor, as the great linguist Ol. Rud- beck supposed, that in the language of the American Virgi-
For particulars respecting which, 'Schroning's History of Norway,' is frequently referred to.
t Sce his travels in Pinkerton's Collections, Vol. XUJI.
# See ante p. 13, 14, &c.
i Sec ante p. 33-37, &c.
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$ 27.] New- York a part of Ancient Finland.
nian* Indians, were to be found affinities with the northern languages of Europe. Besides, continues Mr. Schroder, by late accounts, the Esquimaux resemble in language, bodily shape, and feature, the ' Tschuder' and ' Samojeder,' and of course show a direct relationship between the north-eastern tribes of Asia, and those of the north-west of America. j
Although we feel disposed to unite in opinion with Mr. Schröder, Dr. Forster, Dr. Belknap, and others, į that our country was discovered by these northern navigators several centuries before Columbus; and further, that New-York might have been a part of ancient Vinland, yet we are not willing to subscribe to another conclusion which Mr. Schroder draws, and which tends to the prejudice of the great modern Euro- pean discoverer of this continent.
He says, that the report of this beautiful, newly-discovered country spread far and wide throughout the north of Europe, and nothing seems to have prevented it from having, in a con- fused manner, reached further to the south. The Scandina- vians, at an early period, were acquainted with the maritime route to the Mediterranean through ' Niorva-sund,' (that is, ' Gibraltar's-sund,' or Straits of Gibraltar.) According to Benjamin Tudelensis, in his ' Itinerarium,'S Alexandria was
* A general term -- See hereafter.
t See ante p. 62.
# See a confirmation of the above opinion in Forster's Northern Voyages. Dr. Forster also supposes that in the fourteenth century Vinland was vi- sited by one of the Zenos, in consequence of the report of a fisherman who had been driven there, and who found Latin books, which Dr. F. supposes were a part of the library of Eric, Bishop of Greenland, who went thither in the twelfth century, to convert his countrymen.
See also Belknap's Amer. Biog. Vol. I. pp. 47 -- 57. 69, 70. 85. 84. on the authority of Pontoppidan's History of Norway, Crantz's History of Greenland, and Forster's Northern Voyages -- who further rely upon the Icelandic manuscripts as collected by Thorfous, Bremen, Arngrim Jonas, and other writers. Dr. Williamson (in Hist. North Carolina) also credits these accounts .- See further the Historical Introduction in Hans Egede's Description of Greenland.
; Printed Leyden, 1603.
124 Europcan Discoveries and Claims to New- York. [PART I,
visited by the Swedes and Danes ; and very early commercial relations existed between the cities of the Mediterranean and the Hans Towns of the north. The rumour of the discove- ries of the Scandinavians might have therefore reached the Italian cities. To corroborate this inference, Mr. Schröder alludes to the carly maps of Andr. Bianco and Fr. Picigano, of the date of 1436, which were found in the library of St. Mark's, in Venice. On these maps are delineated, far away in the Atlantic, and in the latitude of Gibraltar, a large island, " .Antillia ;" and north of it, a smaller island, " Isola de la Man Satanaxio ;" (which islands, N. Bauche, in the Memoirs of the French National Institute, considers the Azores, not America.) But Mr. Schreder is of opinion, that the authors of those maps in laying down these islands, founded their data upon confused traditions, which, through the commercial relations with the north, had reached Italy.
In reply to this conclusion of Mr. Schröder, if it is designed to tolerate the supposition that the "beautiful country of Vinland" was known to the Italians in the days of Columbus, we would put one question : Is it probable, upon the admission of such a supposition, that they would have rejected the pro- posals of their countryman, and by compelling him to apply to the court of Spain, thus have voluntarily transferred to a foreign kingdom the glory and advantages which they might have secured to themselves ?
Neither is there any reason, as Dr. Belknap justly re- marks, (76) to suppose that Columbus had any knowledge of the Norman discoveries; which, long before his time, were forgotten, and would perhaps never have been recollected, if ' he had not, by the astonishing exertions of bis genius, and his persevering industry, effected a discovery of this conti- nent, in a climate more friendly to the views of commercial adventurers.
Even Greenland itself, in the fifteenth century, was known to the Danes and Normans only by the name of lost Green- land; and they did not recover their knowledge of it until after the English had ascertained its existence by their voy-
125
Cabots .- Henry VII.
5 28.]
ages to discover a north-west passage to the Pacific Ocean, and the Dutch had coasted it in pursuit of whales. (77)
§ 28
Having submitted to the scrutinizing judgment of the reader this pretension in behalf of the northern powers of Europe, we will now invite his attention to modern European voyages to our coasts. subsequently to the discovery of Columbus.
His success gave impulse to the ardour of states and indivi- duals. Monarchs now sought dominion, subjects gain. Un- der the auspices of Henry the Seventh (the era of whose reign became distinguished for the discovery of both the Indies,) (7S) the Cabots are said to have explored our coasts five years after Columbus had discovered the West Indies. We have observed, that by virtue of the discoveries of the former, Eng- land laid claim to our territory, which, a century afterwards, in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, became a part of Virginia ; and on the division, by her successor, of the territory now comprising New-England and the Middle and Southern States, into north and south Virginia, this State fell within the limits of the northern, and partly within the southern division : King James having, by his patent, in 1606, to the North and South Companies, dovetailed or lapped the patented rights of both, and, by a policy peculiar to himself, at the same time prohibited either company from settling within one hundred miles of each other.
Disappointed in not having realized the glory and advan- tages which the proposals that Columbus had made prior to his entering into the service of Isabella might have secured to Henry, had not the messenger of the former been detained by pirates ; (79) naturally avaricious, and jealous of the rising greatness of Spain ; and hearing in his court this discovery so greatly talked of, " inasmuch that all men with great admira- tion affirmed it to be a thing more divine than human, to saile by the west into the east where spices growe, by a way that was never knowen before ;" (80) hearing also of the " mighty
126 European Discoveries and Claims to New- York. [PART ].
reputation (81) of the Venetian pilot, (Jolin Cabot) who had made a great many voyages in the service of the court of Eng- land, or of English merchants, Henry the Seventh recognised the spirit of enthusiastic adventure which had thus been awa- kened, and amidst the internal tranquillity of his dominions, resolved to give to this spirit an impulse and a direction which should redound to the glory of his reign, and the augmentation of his revenue. Whether he was flattered by the promises made by Cabot, that he would " find out an island endued with rich commodities ;" whether the idea of seeking a north- west passage to Cathay and thence to India, prevailed thus early in England,* (as is said by Hakluyt, Salmon, and For- ster, f) or whatever particular discovery was in view, Henry undoubtedly expected (as appears from the language of his commission to Jolin Cabot and his sons Sebastian, Lewis, and Sanctius) that his predominant passion for gain would be abun- dantly gratified.
John Cabot had been a Venetian merchant. He emigrated to England in pursuit of wealth, and subsequently became re- nowned for his maritime skill. Sebastian, though claimed by some English writers, (82) as a native of Bristol, appears from his own narrative, preserved by Hakluyt, (83) to have been a native of Venice, and in his infancy to have been taken to England by his father, where he resided in Bristol when thus commissioned.
The letters patent, commissioning the Cabots, was dated March 5th, 1495. It authorized them to sail to all countries and seas, to the east, west, or north ; (84) " to secke out, disco- ver and finde whatsoever isles, countreys, regions, or provin- ces of the heathen and infidels, whatsoever they be, and in what part of the world soever they be, which, before this time, have been unknowen to all Christians ; to set up our banners
* But see Vol. I. Pinkerton's Collections, p. 538 .--- Account of Europ. Settl. in Amer. Vol. II. p. 206.
j And see also Vol. N. N. Am. Rev. p. 153, 9. Vol. IV. ib. 62. 63. Vol. XII. Pinkerton's Collec. 130.
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Cabots.
§ 28.]
and ensignes in every village, town, castle, isle, or mainland of them newly found. That the said John, and his sonnes, or their heires and assigns, may subdue, occupy and possesse all such towns, cities, castles, and isles, which they can subdue, &c. as our vassals and lieutenants, getting unto us the rule, ti- tle, and jurisdiction of the same ; yet, so that they be holden to pay one-fifth of the capital gain or neet profits of all such voy- ages, and reserve to themselves, in exclusion of other subjects unless by them licensed, the right of visiting such parts which may be discovered."(S5)
It seems that two years elapsed, either in preparation, or from causes not explained by Hakluyt, before the Cabots sail- ed. In the thirteenth year of Henry's reign, it appears that he granted a license to Jolin Cabot to take five English ships, " in any haven or havens of the realme, being of the burden of 200 tonnes or under, with all necessary furniture," and take such masters and mariners as were willing to go.
Accordingly, in the beginning of May 1497, Jolin Cabot, who was profoundly skilled in navigation and sciences, * and his son Sebastian, then about 20 years of age, accompanied also, it is suggested, by Sanctius, t set sail from Bristol in one or two ships, with several smaller ones, carrying merchandise, which London merchants had sent out on adventure. On the twen- ty-fourth of June, they discovered land, which they called Pri- ma Vista,į " that is, (says Hakluyt) First Seene, because, I suppose, it was that part whereof they had first sight from sea." This is thought to have been Newfoundland, and it is suggested that he might have gone into the Gulf of St. Law- rence.§ The island, lying out before the land, he called
* Forster's Northern Voyages.
i Hakluyt, vol. III, p. 173, says, Sebastian and Sanctius (the last born in England) were those who discovered Newfoundland, where is a fair haven, .till known by the Sanctins haven.
# Which is generally supposed to be that part of Newfoundland, now cal- led Bonavista. See vol. X. N. Amer. Rev. p. 139.
§ Sce Forster's N. Vor. Belk, Amer. Biog. "Cabot." Prince's Chro- nological Hin. &c.
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128 European Discoveries and Claims to New- York. [PART I.
the island of St. John, because it was discovered, as Hakluyt supposes, on the day of John the Baptist. Here the natives were found clothed in skins of beasts, and in their " warres, they used bowes and arrowes, pikes, darts, woodden clubs, and slings." Having taken three savages on board, the Cabots thence proceeded as far north as sixty-seven and a half de- grees, and being impeded by ice, and impelled by the mutiny of their ship master and mariners, they sailed along the coast, till they arrived in the thirty-eighth degree, where, find- ing their victuals failing, they returned to England .* During this voyage, and among the regions they visited, they found " white beares and stagges, farre greater than ours ;" scals, salmons, and abundance of that fish which the savages call " bacealaos." They also saw great plenty of copper among the inhabitants.t
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