USA > New York > History of the state of New-York : including its aboriginal and colonial annals, vol. pt 1 > Part 23
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dependence and happiness which enliven and beantify the borders of Hud- son River. Then shall we pursue the progress of liberty to our shores, and mingle in her triumphs. Then shall we record one of the most resplendent victories in the annals of man : not that of patriotism over selfishness, when roused by the call of country and biudred; not even that of disinterested philanthropy over the love of ease, and the tranquilised plenitude of domes- tic and social happiness ; (a philanthropy which, Howard-like, could enter upon a voyage of universal charity, in behalf not of the infirmities of indi- viduals, but of the liberty of the world when she was making her last strug- gle for existence ; ) not such victories, and far less such, as are stained by the blood of the defenceless, and distinguished only for carnage and desola- tion : but a victory of gratitude in behalf of Republics over the proverbial prejudices of ancient and modern times ; a triumphant victory which still resounds from Maine to Louisiana, from the Atlantic to the Mississippi, and reverberates froin the sea-board to the shores of Europe! It was the un- bought, unpurchasable, unsolicited, voluntary, tribute of affection, which gratitude elicited from the hearts of ten millions of republican freemen, to- wards General La Fayette, for his signal services in the achievement of their independence! How strange is the destiny of man ! we behold that apostle of Liberty, after an absence of nearly half a century, revisiting the country where Liberty dwells, receiving the reward of bis devotion to her cause, and welcomed with cordial enthusiasm even on the very spot" which Hudson so prophetically designated.
* The people of the country came an board, traded some skins, and con- tinued till the middle of the afternoon. They were probably the Wabingi from the western shore, and that branch of the Mahicanni from the eastern shore, which was afterwards denominated Pechami. " The mountaynes look as if some mineralls were in them, for the trees that grow on them are all blasted. They (the natives) brought a stone like to emery (used by gla- siers to cut glass,) it would cut iron or steel ; but bruised and water put to it, it made a colour like black-lead glistening. It was also good for painter's colours."-Journal. See a list of animal, vegetable, and mineral produc- tions which Hudson saw in his voyage, in Philosophical Discourses by De Witt Clinton, LL. D. Note 57, p. 117.
* Newburgh, where General La Fayette stopped on his passage up the Hudson River during the present year. ( 1821 1
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his ship was becalmed, and came to anchor a few miles be- low Peekskill, in the vicinity of Stony Point, and at the mouth of Haverstraw Bay.
Here the native highlanders" came flocking to the ship, expressing their wonder and astonishiment to behold a vessel so superior to their canoes, and weapons so much more terri- ble than their own. Anxious to carry away to their friends some part of this floating world of wonders, and not satisfied with the trifles they received in return for skins, one of the canoes with one man in it lurked about the stern with a thievish tardiness, notwithstanding he was warned off. Watch- ing an opportunity, hic at length crawled up the rudder into the cabin window, and stole a pillow and a few articles of wearing apparel. The mate (little anticipating that justice. though slow is sure, and would follow him even to the arctic circle) shot at the poor pilferer and killed him. The rest fled panic struck, and in their precipitance some leaped into the water. 'The ship's boat was manned and sent to recover the articles ; one of those who had leaped into the water got hold of the boat, for the purpose of overturning it, (as was thought) but the cook stood ready with his sword, and with one blow cut off one of his hands, and he was drowned. This was the first Indian blood shed during the voyage. With this mighty revenge for a trifling injury, they returned to the ship, weigh- ed anchor and sailed six miles, when it being dark, they an- chored near Teller's Point, off the mouth of Croton River, near the entrance into Tappan Sea. At daybreak (2d Oc- tober) they again sailed with a fair wind twenty-one miles, till the tide set too strong against them, when they came to anchor near Fort Washington and Fort Lee at the upper end of Manhattan Island. The two captive Indians who escaped at West Point, had, it might appear, made their way on the west side of the river, rousing on their return the spirits of
* The Wickapy Indians whose principal settlement was in the vicinity of Anthony's Nose.
272 European Discoveries and Claims to New- York. [PART I.
Sleepy Hollow,# or the more ferocious Manhatta, ; and at the head of the Manhattan Island, probably in the inlet of Har- laem river, they had concentrated a force that impatiently await- ed the arrival of the rich booty, which they flattered themselves they should obtain. The ship soon appeared, and was hove to near the vicinity of their place of ambush. One of the savages, who had escaped, came out with many others armed with bows and arrows. But Hudson discovering no friendly intention in their approach, suffered none of them to enter the ship. Thereupon two canoes full of men fell back near the stern, and discharged 'a volley of arrows upon the ship. In retaliation six muskets were fired, and two or three Indians killed. Meantime the main body of the Indians advanced to the point of land (at Fort Washington) and discharged their arrows as the vessel moved slowly along. A cannon was fired on board, and two of the Indians fell; the remainder fled to the woods. Still resolute in their plan, though discomfited in its onset, about a dozen of the boldest and most desperate jumped into a canoe, and advanced to meet the ship. Ano- ther cannon was discharged, their canoe shot through, and one man killed. The men stationed on the deck also fired and killed three or four more. This terminated the desultory sea fight, in which nine fell victims to their temerity. The assailants " went their way," and the ship after sailing two leagues. anchored beyond the reach of danger, in what ap- peared to be a bay near Weehawken, or Hoboken, opposite New-York ; here they rode all night, but experienced much wind and rain. The next day (3d) was very stormy, the anchor was driven home in a violent gust, and the ship went aground, but the wind suddenly changing drove her off, the ground being oozie.
On the fourth of October, Hudson left " the great mouth of the great river," and with all sails set put to sea, and sailed south east by east,
Y Of the Mohlicanni nation, a little north west of White Plains in West. Chester. See Irving's Sie tch Book.
: Who probably extended to Tappan Bay.
§ 53.]
Hudson's Return. 273
Thus after spending a month of almost uniformly fine weather, but suffering the apprehension of shipwreck, in con- sequence of the vessel being three times driven on shore, and half a dozen times run aground ;after meeting a more friend- ly reception, and realizing a more profitable trade from the natives on the west side of the river, than from those on the eastern ; losing one man and killing ten, Hudson completed a discovery, the benefits and glory of which he could neither foresee nor appreciate. His character throughout appears to have been marked with mildness and dignity.
When justly provoked by the first aggression of the Indians in the death of Colman, he sought no retaliation. The mate alone was implicated by the death of the Indian, whose rash curiosity had led him to pilfer some trifles, and the sub- sequent sacrifice of life was caused in self-defence.
The delay in ascending and descending was principally occasioned by adverse winds. Hudson was eleven days ex- ploring, and eleven returning .*
After his departure from Sandy Hook, Hudson deemed it expedient to hold a consultation with his crew, upon the course which it would be most proper to adopt. The sailors had sometimes wanted necessaries, and they had often exhibi- ted symptoms of disaffection, in consequence of the length of the voyage. In fact, they had threatened at one time an open mutiny, and Hudson had frequently found himself in a deli- cate, if not dangerous, relation to a crew, so heterogeneous and turbulent. This may have been the reason why he had not sufficient control over them, to prevent the plundering expedition at Penobscot Bay, and the effusion of blood on the river. From the same cause, he now found it policy to con- sult their wishes ; but as might be expected, they were vari-
* A vessel bearing the name of "Hudson" and propelled by steam, now performs the voyage in forty hours. The name of Hudson's vessel, " Ilalf Moon," is that of a spot to which his boat probably reached, and upon which is the village of Waterford.
VOL. I.
35
274 European Discoveries and Claims to New-York. PART I. ous and discordant. The mate* was in favour of wintering in Newfoundland, and seeking Davis's passage ; but such a destination, Hudson strenuously opposed. Although the true reason which prompted him was the fear that the company would take another opportunity to mutiny,f yet he urged to them the probability, that their provisions during the rigour of a northern winter would become exhausted, without afford- ing the means of replenishment ; that many of the men were sick, and by taking the proposed direction, they would pro- bably never reach Holland. None, however, spoke of Holland but Judson ; and the general silence induced those who were really in favour of going thither, to suspect the sincerity of Hudson's intentions.į The result was, that be held his course southeast by east; at noon of the same day was in latitude 39º 30', and continued towards England, without seeing any land during the residue of the month.§ The vigilant Hudson re- solved (says Lambrechsten||) to return to Amsterdam, to com- municate his report of the voyage to the directors. The voyage was prosperous ; but when he approached the English coast, a mutiny arose among the crew, of which several were Englishmen. They compelled Hudson to enter Dartmouth, where, " by the grace of God, they safely arrived" on the 7th day of November, 1609, T just seven months and a day after he had left the Texel. From Dartmouth, the rumour of his discoveries ere long reached the capital.
Hudson soon gave information of his return to the Dutch East India directors, sending them also a journal of his
* Collection of D. E. Ind. Company Voyages. The mate was a Dutch- man. ib.
t In Vol. V. Ailiin's, Morgan's, and Johnson's General Biography, art.
"Hudson," it is said, " a mutinous crew prevented him from endeavouring to find a western passage through Davis' Strait."
# Coll. of D. E. Ind. Co. Voy.
& Journal.
! Short Description, &c.
" Journal,
275
Hudson's Return.
$ 53 ]
voyage, and an account of his discoveries .* He also offered to go again in search of a north-west passage, provided they would give him five hundred livres in money, more provisions than he before had, and the same wages. He proposed too that the provisions which were already in the ship, should not be taken out, that they should change seven men, but that the crew should still consist of twenty; that he would set sail from Dartmouth on the first of March ; spend the month of April and half of May in killing whales and other creatures near the island of Panar ; after that, sail to the north-west, and stay there till the middle of September, and at last return to Holland, by the north-east of Scotland.t
The particular transactions between Hudson and the Dutch East India Company are not given in the accounts of his voyages ; but it has been said that they declined his propo- sals, upon which he returned to England, and re-entered the service of the London Company, who had employed him in his two first northern voyages .; Smith§ says, (probably grounding his declaration upon that of some English writers,) "he sold the country, or rather his right to it to the Dutch."
Facts however exist, which concur in rendering each of these statements improbable, and that, 1st, Hudson never re-
* Coll. of D. E. Ind. Voy. De Laet in " Novus Orbis, seu Descripti- onis India Occidentalis." Lambrechtsen (in short description, &c. ) says, De Lact, one of the Holland directors of the West India Company, who pub- lished, in 1624, a History of the West Indies, preserved a part of Hudson's journal, and made us further acquainted with the country of New Nether- lands, its inhabitants, climate, and natural productions. This was probably Hudson's own journal, or particular account. The one which we have, is ascribed to his mate, and appears to have been written with great fidelity "and carc.
t Collec. of Voy. undertaken by Dutch E. Ind. Co. translated &c. ib. p. 68, 70. That Hudson made new proposals is a statement confirmed by English as well as Dutch writers. See Aikin's, Morgan's, and Johnson's General Biog. Vol. V. and Biog. Britan. So Dr. Forster in Northern Voy. d. 333.
Dr. Belknap. American Biog. Dr. Forster's Northern Voyage, see p. 333.
f History of New-York p. 14. (Carey's edition.)
276 European Discoveries and Claims to New- York. [PART I.
urned to Holland, 2d, The East India Company did not absolutely decline his proposals, 3d, He never sold his dis- coveries to the Dutch.
First, we have seen that the ship arrived at Dartmouth ; and Lambrechtsen says, that after the Half Moon had been detained at Dartmouth for some time, it was at length per- mitted to return to the " Fatherland," where it arrived early in 1610. There is, however, no proof that Hudson visited Ilolland, (previous to his entering the English service in the spring.) Besides the inclemency of the season, other circum- stances concurred to prevent him. It has indeed been said by several of the more ancient writers,* that Hudson had made a second voyage from Amsterdam to his discovered river. This is more improbable than either of the above declara- tions ; for it will appear that on the 7th of April, 1610, he commenced under the patronage of the London Company, a. voyage to the north, from which he never returned. And if he went at all, it must have been during the rigour of this winter, of which we have not even a probability.f
But secondly, after the rumours of Hudson's discovery had reached the English court at London, and the ears of King James, to whose views, says Lambrechtsen, nothing was more averse, than to allow to the Netherlanders any advantages from transmarine colonies, while in imitation of Queen Eliza- beth, he desired to convert the whole to the profits of his own subjects ; Hudson was consequently considered a person of im- portance, and accordingly about the time he received the an- swer* from the Holland Company, ordering him to sail his ship to Holland, he and the English part of his sailors were forbidden
* Among others, also William Castle, who wrote a small description of America, about the year 1640. [Harleian Collection of Voyages, Vol. II. p. 739. But Professor Ebeling, who quotes this, (in Hist. of Amer.) does not credit the assertion of this second voyage.
{ Smith, in his history of the province of New-York, erroneously, there- fore, asserts that " in 1610 Hudson sailed again from Holland to this coun- try."
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Hudson's Return.
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to accompany it, or again to enter the service of the Dutch ; a step which the latter considered the most unprecedented and. ungenerous .; Had Hudson been permitted to go, no doubt the East India Company would have continued him in their service ; for upon their obtaining such favourable reports of the countries discovered by bim, they consideredf these a full compensation for the disappointment of their principal aim --- the passage to India by the north.
Thirdly, that Hudson sold the discovered land to the Hollanders, is a declaration which some writers have engrafted upon another still more positively erroneous : namely, that Hudson was in the English service when he discovered this river. That assertion does not at least appear susceptible of any proof, and it is still more questionable when we reflect that Hudson was in the Dutch service, and at that time no claim was allowed to a private person for discovered countries. They were the monopoly of kings or governments. And we shall hereafter see in what way the States General regarded this discovery. Besides, the Hollanders at first had no idea of colonizing or settling the country, but were satisfied with the advantages of the new branch of commerce which arose in consequence of the discovery.
. It is said* elsewhere, that the Dutch purchased of Hudson his chart of discoveries on the coast, and sent some ships the
* Says Abm. Yates, jun. in MS. letter 1793, addressed to Jedediah Morse, and in possession of N. Y. Hist. Soc. Mr. Y. also alludes to HIud- son's proposal or " intention" to sail to the north in March. Lambrechtsen also says he was forbidden to pursue his voyage towards Amsterdam.
+ Lambrechtsen Korte Beschryvinge, &c. Van Meteren (B. XXXI. p. 590, &c. cited by Ebeling and by Lambrechtseu) in Ned. Hist. relates that the British had not permitted Hudson to go over to Holland himself, to make report of his voyage. Lambrechtsen also says he was forbidden to pursue his voyage towards Amsterdam. In what manner they do not say. Per- baps a mandate from the department of state was then deemed enough; or the high prerogative writ, ne excat regno, (since converted to a civil remedy in Chancery,) was, perhaps, the remedy then made use of.
278 European Discoveries and Claims io New-York. [PART I.
next year. They may have done so for the purpose of ob- taining a correct guide and direction for their first trafficking visits. The chart was his own, but the right of disposing of newly discovered countries vested in no private individual.f Whatever claim the Dutch Republic, or their East India Company under the States General had, existed without such pretended disposal, and could not be strengthened or weak- ened by it. If Hudson had not been a native of England, he would have had no right to sell to the Dutch, had he been in English service; neither, vice versa, as he was in the Dutch service, could his birth-place alter their claim, and transfer the benefits of his discovery to England, any more than Italy could have claimed North and South America, because Co- lumbus, Americus, Cabots, and Varrazano, were her natives. And yet it is said that King James made the nativity of Hud- son one ground of his claim to this State ; but under a prior alleged discovery by the Cabots, natives of Venice, he de- duced a still paramount title !
The consequences of this splendid discovery will form a subject for our colonial history. It will be found that the Hollanders, with characteristic sagacity, in the very next year seized the advantages of trading to this river, while Hudson, leaving all to their enterprise and the conflicting claims of the English, prepared to renew for the fourth time, the grand and hazardous attempt to secure an object, which seemed to have become the predominant scope of his ambition.
* Bos. Hist. of the first settlement of Maryland. Mod. Univ. Hist. Vol. X. p. 293.
t In this point of view is the declaration also considered by Professor Ebeling, and see also Belknap,
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Hudson's last Voyage and Disastrous Fate.
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In the character of a chivalrous adventurer upon the north- ern seas, Hudson will appear for the last time combating, not like the hero of Cervantes, with phantoms, but with substantial floating ice islands, living leviathans of the deep, hurricanes and tempests, famine and savages, but worse than all, with in- gratitude ! " more hideous than the sea monster."
The London society, which had with so remarkable li- berality, fitted out the two first expeditions, prepared for a third. (132) The former having failed in high latitudes, it was now determined to seck for a passage westward of Green- land, by examining the inlets of the American continent, par- ticularly those which Davis saw, but durst not enter, on the western side of his Straits, and through which it was now sup- posed that one might exist in the South Sea. The ship was named the Discovery, manned with twenty-three men, (133) and equipped for the voyage.
The company had insisted upon Hudson's taking with him an able and experienced seaman, whom they designated. This marked confidence in the capacity of another seemed to question his own. From disgust, envy, or from motives now unknown, but assigned at the time in his letter to the company, Hudson, after his departure (April 17, 1610) from Blackwall, put this man, at Lee on the river Thames, into a pink bound to London. After taking this rash step, (so denominated by writers, without perhaps possessing the means of properly ap- preciating its motive, and to which as an example of dis- obedience, they ascribe a principal cause of his own misfor- tunes,) Hudson continued on his voyage, and reached (May G) the Orkneys and northern end of Scotland, which he found less to the north than had been set down. (134) He saw Faro Islands on the eighth, came to the east side of Iceland on the eleventh. Sailed along its southern coast, wit- nessed Mount Hecla casting forth flames ; (135) and after eu- conntering adverse winds and islands of ice, (136) arrived at
280 European Discoveries and Claims to New- York. [PART Is
a harboar (30th) (where was a hot spring) on the western part of the island. (137). Hudson was here received hos- pitably by a people poor and miserable. Here he unfortunate- ly first discovered dissentions among his crew. (138) But a greater misfortune was brooding, of which he was unconscious ; for here that disorganising spirit was first cherished, which was to spread in growth and contagion, until it should involve in destruction nearly the whole company.
On approaching and departing from Iceland, his mate Ivet, who, it will be remembered, shed the blood of the first Indian who fell in the exploring voyage upon Hudson River,) had secretly discouraged the expedition, and endeavoured to destroy the confidence of the men in Hudson; alarmed the timid when encompassed by ice, persuaded others to keep their muskets charged and swords ready in their cabins, for there would be blood shed before the voyage ended, and in one instance openly threatened to turn the head of the ship homeward. This mutinous disposition became somewhat ap- parent to Hudson, but in hopes of amendment, he then calm- ly endeavoured to pacify it. (139)
On the first of June they left the harbour, sailed westward (in latitude 66° 34 ) on the fourth, saw Greenland very clear- ly over the ice, were off Frobisher's Straits on the ninth, and on the fifteenth descried the land of Desolation (59º 27'). They had been much encumbered by ice, and were now en- dangered by whales. Some of them actually came alongside, passed around and under the ship. (140) Having doubled the southern promontory of Greenland, they steered north- west for the American Continent. In their passage across Davis' Straits they were daily obstructed and endangered by ice. It had accumulated in the shape of islands and moun- tains, one of which overturned not far from the ship, and warned them of the hazard of approaching too near. hi en- deavouring to avoid one they encountered others, which, the. further they proceeded, appeared more numerous and terrifying. On their arrival in a bay near the inlet, as is supposed, of the Great Strait that now bears Hudson's name, and while thus
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perilously exposed, a storm arose and drove the ice so rapidly upon the ship, that Hudson was forced to run ber into the thick- est of it, and abide the storm which raged furiously around them. Some of the crew became dismayed and sick. The tempest at length ceasing, they went to work in order to disentangle the ship from its dangerous mooring. This they effected, but soon found that they were encompassed with apparently il- limitable ice fields and ice mountains, of which some grounded " in six or seven score fathoms of water." They now direct- ed the ship into every clear sea, where any prospect ap- peared of getting out ; still they were forced by the ice in every direction. After going to the north, north west, west, and south west, they laid the ship's course to the south as the last alternative. Yet the more they strove the worse their si- tuation became, until at length they could proceed no further. Then the stout heart of Hudson sickened. His resolution and courage for the first time failed. He cast his eye over the desolate scene which surrounded them. He saw no pros- pect or possibility of escaping. " He was in despaire !" (141) Although he afterwards acknowledged that he thought he should have there perished, he did not at that critical moment entirely lose his accustomed decision and energy. Amidst the dismayed looks and broken spirits of his worn-out crew, he assumed a cheerful countenance, and having brought forth his " card," called the company around him, showed them that they had entered more than three hundred miles further than ever any Englishmen had been before them, and he left it to their own choice to proceed or not. (142) But they were too much divided in opinion, and distracted by the prospect before them, to settle upon any destination. The ma- jority cared not whither they went, if they were once extricated from their present peril. A few, however, regardless of their duty and of the cause in which they had all embarked, vented their anger and spleen upon him who was disposed to forget his own sufferings in the deep sympathy he felt for theirs. Hudson beheld, with indignant grief, the renewal of that mutinous disposition which he had witnessed but overlooked VOL. I. 36
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