USA > New York > History of the state of New-York : including its aboriginal and colonial annals, vol. pt 1 > Part 16
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37
The Spanish Colossus having been prostrated by the republic of Holland, she held the balance of European power, sustained single-handed the liberties of the world, displayed prodigies of valour and commercial enterprise, and continued in the course and progress of her greatness, to shine like a comet, until (in 1672) she suddenly fell like a meteor. Paradoxical as it appeared, she flourished most in the midst of bloody and expensive wars, and declined fastest in profound peace; and fell when the genius of her native subjects had been wholly di- verted from arms to traffic and the arts of peace. i
The theory and practice of this confederacy had been brief- ly this : The union of the seven sovereign states first chose. their deputies for composing three colleges, called first, The States General; second, The Council of State; third, The Chamber of Accounts. Each of the seven republice retained its own states, consisting of nobles and burgesses, and styled "noble and great mightinesses." Each republic was inde- pendent of the others, but neither could contract foreign al- Jiances or declare war without the concurrence of the others. Each town was, with respect to its province, what the province was with respect to the aggregate body of the republic, that is, free and uncontrolled in its local government, but depend-
* Anquetil Sum. of Univ. Ilist. Vol. VIII. p. 377, 332. Rees's New Clyc. arts. Holland, Netherlands. Account of Europ. Settlements in America, Vol. I. Temple's Obser. on United Provinces. Mezeray's France, 909, 332. Grotius. Pinkerton's Geog. Vol. I. Mod. Un. Hist. Vol. XXVII. XXVIII. Corps Diplomat Vol. V. p. 282. Vol. III. p. 516.
i Account of Europ. settlements in America. Vol. II. p. 17. Sir Wm. Temple's Observations on the United Provinces, seventh edit. London, 1705, p. 261.
189
Dutch Republic.
§ 44.]
ent on the provincial council in every thing that concerned the common interests. The sovereign power effectually lay in the States General, styled " high and mighty lords," and " high mightinesses," consisting of deputies from each pro- vince, chosen from the noblesse, who were termed the "Eques- trian Order," and from the burghers.
Each province sent as many deputies as it pleased, but this made no difference, as all matters were carried not by votes of persons, but provinces. Some provinces sent deputies for one year, some more, others for life. The provinces of Hol- land sent one of their nobles who was perpetual ; two depu- ties chosen out of their eight chief towns, and one out of the North Holland, and with thesc, two of their provincial Council of State, and their pensioner, who was the Grand Pensionary of Holland, that presided formerly in the provincial states, and Council of Deputies of that country. The States General was convoked by the Council of State, but as they usually con- sisted originally of eight hundred persons, the ordinary coun- cil, called the States General, was at length formed, and sat constantly at the Hague, representing the sovereignty of the union, forming a sort of congress, giving audiences and des- patches, to foreign ministers, or appointing and receiving them ; cujoining the right of war and peace, naming the greffier, or secretary of state, and all the staff officers; but it was in fact a representation only of the States General, (the assembling of which came wholly to be disused) and seldom exceeded twenty-six deputies : subordinate and responsible to those were the council of state, admiralty, and treasury. The council of state consisting of twelve deputies, presided each a week in turn, met daily at the Hague, directed domestic af- fairs, especially subsidies, fortifications, finances, and other matters of police. In the States General every province pre- sided its week's turn. The president proposed all matters, made the greffier read all papers, put the question, called the voices of the provinces, and formed the conclusion. Or if he refused to conclude according to the plurality, he resigned, and the next week's president concluded for him. But in case
190 European Discoveries one Claims to New- York. PART 1.
of peace and war, foreign alliances, raising or coining money, determining the privileges of each province, or member of the union, a plurality was not enough, all must have concurred. And as the Council of States General formed a sort of con- gress only representing the sovereignty ; therefore, in case of choice, &c. of ambassadors, the states of each province through their deputies were consulted, and in other important matters the Council of State was also consulted. Originally, when a deputy did not conceive himself sufficiently authorised by his province for the decision of any affair, he was obliged to go and communicate it to his constituents, and receive new powers. This greatly protracted their proceedings.
The Stadtholder was originally a kind of dictator, appoint- ed from the necessity of the times to conduct the emancipation. of the state. When that necessity vanished, the office was of dubious authority, until in 1672, when William III. procured it to be declared hereditary. The duties and powers of this officer were to watch over the police, attend to the preserva- tion of the power, previleges, and rights of each province, give his aid to the law, and protect the established and re- formed religion. Neither the Stadtholder, Governor, or any military person, could sit in the States General. The Stadt- holder was allowed to attend the assembly and bring forward propositions. All favours were granted in his name, but with the consent of the states. He alone was commander of land and naval forces .*
$ 45.
It was as early as 1594, while the provinces were convulsed by war, while battles were fought, towns taken and pillaged, the open country ravaged, and the storm raged with various and doubtful success-it was during this period, while the renowned Maurice commanded with so much bravery, skill, and address, that commerce assumed its greatest activity, and
* Authorities, ante.p. 188.
191-
§ 45.] Dutch Companies and Voyages.
the appetites for trade and adventure became the keenest and sharpest. It was this very year, when Philip expected. by a stroke of policy, to enforce their submission, when after he had long excluded (except in Spanish vessels) his Ne- therland subjects from the commerce of the east, that having now laid an embargo upon their ships, seized their effects, imprisoned their persons under pretence they came from the enemy's country, exposed them to the rigour of the inquisition. and sometimes kept them in his service, that some merchants, to avoid these multiplied oppressions, formed a private com- pany and determined to open a north-west passage to India. from which they had been so unjustly excluded by Charles V. as well as Philip; whose restrictive policy they would have still put up with, without any thought of extending, by a forced trade, their navigation beyond the Baltic and Mediterranean, had it not been for the Spanish severity thus exercised.
Their first enterprise resulted in events unforeseen and acci- dental; for it laid the basis of the power and splendour of Holland in the east and in the west. It led to subsequent voyages and the formation of new companies, the establish- ment of that of the East Indies, and consequently the eastern Dutch empire, the main pillar of their glory and prosperity ; and as it prepared the way for the employment of Henry Hudson and the establishment of the West India Company. it was the remote foundation of the colonisation of this State, by the frugal, diligent, and enterprising citizens of the Dutch republic.
These merchants, thus animated with a desire to make trade flourish, submitted propositions through Balthasar Mau- cheron of Zealand (the head of the society) to the states and Prince Maurice, high admiral, for liberty to explore the north passage, and received a commission.
The " first voyage of the Dutch and Zealanders by the north, along the coasts of Norway, Muscovy, and Tartary, in order to seek a passage to Cathay and China," was conducted under command of William Barentz and James Heermskirk. The latter was the same naval hero, who, twelve years after
-192 European Discoveries and Claims to New- York. [PART I.
acquired so great a reputation in the celebrated naval combat in the bay and under the cannon of Gibraltar." Having now sailed northward, the vessels separated, and that under Ba- rentz went farthest. They penetrated along Novaya Zemlia, gave name to the Bay of Loms,t sailed towards Admiralty Isle, arrived at Swarthock, or the Black Cape, in 75º 29', and afterwards at William's Isle, at the distance of eight leagues, in lat. 75º 55', sailed to and named the Isle of Crosses (on ac- count of two great crosses discovered thereon) thence to Cape Nassau, in 76° 30', they proceeded as far as 77º 45 till they were stopped by ice, then penetrated to the most northern point of Novaya Zemlia and Orange Isles, and thereupon re- turned home, and reported that there were hopes of finding a passage by the Strait of Nassau.
The States General and Prince of Orange, now equipped seven vessels in 1595, under the same commanders, for the purpose of sounding this passage for discovery and for trade. Six were laden with merchandise. Merchants sent goods free of exports or custom duties. The seventh was a yacht to re- turn with news. The prince ordered them to pass the Wei- gats, and sail towards Cathay and China. They left the Texel in June, were gone four months, visited the Samoiedes, lost two men by bears, endeavoured to penetrate the sea of Tar- tary, were impeded by ice, and returned. The same year, certain merchants at Amsterdam (including some of the first private company) formed another, called " The Company of Foreign Countries." Having, it is said, learned from a Hol- lander (who had been in Portugal, and there obtained his knowledge) the condition of the East Indies, and a passage thither, they sent four vessels to India, by way of the Cape, which, after an absence of two years and four months, return- ed richly laden.
Before their return, the second northern voyage had ended as above, and a third was contemplated. Their high mighti-
* See ante, p. 167.
¡ Ou account of the birds scen there, which appeared very heavy. Iom. in Dutch, signifies heavy ..
:
193
§ 45.] Dutch Companies and Voyages.
nesses were unwilling to countenance the attempt, but decreed that if there were individual cities or corporations willing to bear the expense, they might, and if successful, the states would make a stipulated recompense. The council of the city of Amsterdam not being discouraged, ordered two vessels to be equipped at the commencement of 1596, under the same com- manders, with the addition of J. C. Ryp. They went as far as cighty degrees, which was further than had been explored, to the northern part of Norway ; wintered in Nova Zembla in lat. 75° 58' were exposed to imminent perils, and suffered incredibly from ice, inclemency of weather, ferocity of bears, and failure of provisions. Having remained till June 1597, finding it impossible to disentangle their ship, which had been frozen in and blocked up by ice, and having prepared their shallop and schuyt (two little open vessels) they put to sea, coasted Russia and Lapland, and at Cola obtained a passage to Holland .*
After this, the four ships having returned from the Indies richly laden, so animated the " Company of Foreign Coun- tries," and other companies that sprung up, that the next year. (1598)and during three years after, the voyages were repeated, until the competition between the different companies, arising from their sending goods to the same market, and thus les- sening their value, threatened to injure the trade, and therefore the States General called a meeting of the directors of all the companies, obliged them to unite in one body, and confirmed them by patent as the East India Company for twenty-one years, March 20th, 1602.1 Their joint stock was six millions, six hundred thousand livres, and they sent fourteen great ships in June following. From this till 1609 several fleets of East . Indiamen sailed.
* See these three northern voyages at large in Vol. I. Pinkerton's Col- lections. p. 81 to 127, newly translated from " Receuil des Voyages, qui ont servi a l'establissment et aux progrez de la Compagnie des Indes ori- entales." They are also in "Collections of Voyages undertaken by the Dutch East India Company, translated from the Dutch. London. 1703. ¡ The patent when expired, was renewed ior like term. VOL. I. 25
194 European Discoveries and Claims to New-York. [PART 1.
Such was the flourishing condition of the company, that from 1605 to 1600 inclusive, its dividends for those years were 15, 75, 40, 20, and 25 per cent. and after the trace had been proclaimed this year, (1609) its dividend the next was 50 per cent, and voyages became so common that in two years only (viz. in 1613 and 1614) nearly twenty-seven ships at several times were fitted out. (122)
Notwithanding the failure of the first northern voyage, (1595) yet the navigation it described was, as we before sug- gested, the first instigation given to the United Provinces to go in quest of those rich regions in the cast, of which they afterwards acquired the possession. (125) Subsequent causes combined till the whole resulted in extending their commerce to the four quarters of the world, in consequence of the crea- tion of three companies, each a republic within itself, having its own laws, revenue, officers, marine and landed forces. 1. The East India Company, whose formidable empire was not the least brilliant ornament that adorned the history of the seventeenth century. Its commerce extend- ed over Asia, and its representatives in India appeared in the pomp of oriental magnificence. 2. The West India Company who traded to America and Africa, and founded colonies. 3. The Surinam Company which, though the least considerable, carried on a pretty general trade into every quarter. Its centre was the city of Amsterdam.
But their East India establishments and colonisation in America were events which, while they laid the foundation of the glory and prosperity of the republic, resulted from acci- dent, certainly from no premeditated place or design. This we have already seen was the fact with regard to the first, and we shall see, in the course which Hudson's voyage took, that it was so with respect to the second, so far as the discovery and colonisation of New York contributed to that glory and prosperity.
These events are classed with those astonishing incidents, that result at times from causes which apparently are the mos inadequate to produce them. In fact, whether in pavization.
-
$ 40.]
North Passage to India. 195
the arts, or experimental philosophy, few discoveries have been the direct result of efforts founded in reasoning a priori. The first hints were accidental, and discoveries far different from those sought, voluntarily presented themselves, while others eluded research or baffled experiment. (124) The voyages to discover a northern passage, have uniformly af- forded the most memorable illustration of the truth of this ob. servation.
§ 46.
Although the three northern voyages by the Dutch had failed, still the passage was considered practicable. New routes were suggested,# and faith in the project continued to prevail in Holland as well as in other countries in Europe, but in the former, no new experiment was made until the ap- pearance of Henry Hudson, with the experience of two voyages in the English service, and with the reputation of a navigator of comprehensive views and dauntless perseve- rance.
.
A northern passage had indeed been the favourite problem from the days of the Cabots. Under the patronage of kings, or the liberality of capitalists, or from the impulse of private adventure, this project had been over and over attempted, but it had invariably terminated in a manner different from what had been anticipated by either the employers or the employ- cd.
After that of the Cabots in 1497, Gaspard Cortesius (or de Cortereal) in 1500, made an unsuccessful voyage, the next year another, and perished. His brother Michael afterwards shared a like fate. Cabot in 1506 was again impeded by ice. Varrazano, after his voyage of 1524, landed at Cape Britain, and, with his crew, was devoured by savages. Sebastian Gomesjus took the same route in 1525, and all the honour he
* For instance by the learned Isaac Pontanus. See Receuil des Voy- age. &c. Tom. I. p. 254. Vol. I. Pinkerton's Collections 127.
.
.
196 European Discorcries and Claims to New- York. [PART I.
acquired was to bring away a few savages. Sir Hugh Wil- loughby in 1553 sailed from England, penetrated to seventy- two degrees, where he and his crew perished. Three years after, Stephen Burrough discovered Galgorevia, Novaya Zemblia, &c. but the cold forced him back. Martin Fro- bisher, Arthur Pet, Charles Jackman, and John Davis of the same nation made similar attempts. After Davis's third and last voyage, (1587) and after the three Dutch voyages had failed, the King of Denmark, induced by the fame of northern dis- coveries by other powers, ordered a voyage to be made. Eng- lish navigators being thought most skilful and experienced, he appointed in 1605 John Knight and James Hall to com- mand the expedition. . Captain Hall was in the Danish service from 1605 to 1602. In his last voyage, the crew mutinied, and he was obliged to go to Iceland. One account says he was afterwards killed by a Greenlander. Capt. Knight did not enter the Danish service, but that of the Russia and East India Companies, (1606) and was, with part of his crew, massacred by the savage Esquimaux .*
In 1607, a London company having associated for a simi- lar purpose, had the honour of first introducing to the world the man, whose fame afterwards transcended that of all his predecessors in this noble but dangerous enterprise : a man, whose name has been geographically commemorated to pos- terity by a strait, bay, river, and city.
In England, among those whose knowledge and spirit made them competent judges and lovers of such undertakings, the rational hopes of this grand discovery, notwithstanding so many disappointments, seemed to grow greater by every attempt, and to spring up out of every failure. (125) The voyages of Captain James Lancaster in 1591, 2 and 3, to India by Good Hope, had shown the possibility, but the difficulties also, of the passage. Lancaster sailed again to the East Indies in 1601,
* Sec Pinkerton's Collec. Vol. I. Forster's Northern Voyages, 317, 320 Recevil des Voy. &c.
197
Henry Hudson.
$ 40.]
in a fleet belonging to the newly established English East In- dia Company, and returned in 1603, with great riches. Sir Henry Middleton and Sir Edward Michebown returned safe in 1606, each of them also with a very richly laden fleet. Itmight have been imagined that these successful expeditions would have stifled the passion for a passage to the north ; but they did not, neither could all the former failures produce that effect. The passage was still deemed discoverable under a man of skill and resolution. Accordingly, a society of wealthy and reso- lute men in London, aware of the advantages which would result from the discovery, with surprising liberality, furnished the means necessary for three expeditions .* This society was composed of Sir Thomas Smith, Sir Dudley Digges, Master John Wolstenhome, Alderman Jones, and others. To the command of these expeditions was appointed Henry Hudson. It was resolved to search for a passage by three different routes, north, northeast, and northwest. These routes were explored by Hudsont in three voyages, two of which were performed in 1607 and 8, (before his discovery of New-York) and the last in 1610. The journals of these voyages are ex- tant.t . That of the first was written partly by him, and part- ly by one of his company. Those of the second and the last (until his disastrous fate) by himself.
6 47.
Of Henry Hudson's parentage, connexions, and education, biography is almost silent. He was a native of England, a
* Forster's North. Voy's. p. 323-4, who says the names of the gentlemen who employed Hudson, have not been transmitted. In this he seems to have been mistaken. Their sirnames he mentions after the conclusion to his account of the voyages they set on foot, p. 352-7, and they are given at large in Purchas his Pilgrimage, b. 8, c. 3, 1 6.
i See Forster, p 323, 352-7. Belk. Am. Biog. Vol. I. p. 394-5, &c.
t In Purchas his Pilgrimes, Vol III. p. 567, 610. Lond. 1625, and in Vol. I. N. Y. Hist. Coll. p. 61 to 150. Dr. Forster, p. 323-4, says Hud- son's journals have not heen transmitiel. In this he appears to be mis- taken.
1
198 European Discourses and Claims to New- York. [PART I.
navigator of enlarged views and long experience, of a bold and penetrative capacity, unwearied in assiduity, and invinci- ble in intrepidity. He early entered the school of maritime experiment, and he ranked with the most distinguished seamen who flourished at the period when he did. He was intimate with the famous Captain John Smith ; and in courageous ad- venture, patience under privation, presence of mind amid pe- ril, and unshaken constancy in perseverance, his character strongly assimilated to that of this distinguished founder of a Virginia colony. He had a family, and kept a house in Lon- don ; but who was the woman that shared his glory and mourned his fate, is not known. His only son, a youth, was with him during all the voyages of which we have any record, and he perished with him in his last. But so little has been preserved illustrative of his private life and condition, that we are left to contemplate the brilliant career of his public usefulness alone. He seems to have been one of those origi- nals who have at times suddenly appeared before the world in the vigour and maturity of unpretending merit, to whom, therefore, the meed of public admiration has been proportion- ably awarded. Like Demosthenes, Shakespeare, Franklin, and a long list of orators, statesmen, poets, and philosophers, who derived no claims from birth ; or, rather, like individuals of his own profession, Cook, Anson, Drake, Hawkins, Nelson, and others, who received no adventitious aid towards the at- tainment of eminent distinction, from the aristocracy of famig ly or of wealth, but self-taught, self-elevated, and self-sustain- ed, Hudson was the sole architect of his celebrity, and we shall see how dazzling was his career.
His first voyage was in 1607. The company having fitted out a ship, Hudson and his crew, after they were prepared to sail, pursuant to the then custom of seamen, went to church, and partook of the sacrament. (126.)
With eleven persons, among whom was John Colman, who, it will appear, lost his life after entering the waters of our State in 1609, Hudson sailed from Gravesend on the first of May, proceeded to the castern coast of Greenland, north lat.
$ 47.]
Henry Hudson. 199
70°, and with great intrepidity endeavoured to approach the pole. He designed to explore the whole coast of Greenland, supposing it to be an island, and pass round it to the north- west, or else directly under the pole, but he was obstructed by extensive fields of ice. Although these insuperable bar- riers prevented him from proceeding beyond the S2do, yet he shaped his course once more towards Greenland, in hopes to find a passage, and return by Davis' Straits, but the ice prevented. He was doubtless the first navigator who advanced beyond 80° northward .* To him is awarded the honour of discover- ing Spitzbergen, and more of the coast of Greenland than was previously known to Europeans. He arrived in the Thames on the 15th day of August. In this voyage was evinced the daring spirit and unshaken fortitude of Hudson. Although he did not succeed in securing to the company the prime ob- ject of their wishes, yet his voyage opened the whale Gshery to the commercial spirit of the English, and the members of the association were not deterred from resolving upon another effort .*
Accordingly, the next year the same association prepared another expedition. Hudson's crew now consisted of four- teen. Among these was his mate, Robert Ivet,t (who after- wards accompanied him in his discovery of our bay and river, and who will appear unfortunately among the mutineers, whose story will be told in the fourth and last voyage of this renowned discoverer.)
On the 22d April, (1608) they set sail from St. Katherines.
* See ante p. 123.
i See Journal in Samuel Purchas his Pilgrimes, Vol. III. p. 567. N. Y. Hist. Coll. V. I. p. 61, and see Purchas his Pilgrimage, b. 8. c. 3, 16. Fors- ter, 326, 7. B-ik. V. I.
+ In the orthography of the original journal, and old writers, the name stands " Iuet." u in those days was put for e, as in haue for hare. Wash- ington Irving (in Knickerbocker) and some others (see Vol. I. N. Y. Hist. Coll. 29 n.) render it Juet. Ivet seems most correct, and Forster, and some others, have so understood it.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.