The Memorial History of the City of New York: From Its First Settlement to the Year 1892, Volume III, Part 19

Author: Wilson, James Grant, 1832-1914
Publication date: 1892
Publisher: [New York] New York History Co.
Number of Pages: 723

USA > New York > New York City > The Memorial History of the City of New York: From Its First Settlement to the Year 1892, Volume III > Part 19

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The account of the presidential election of 1800 and 1801 might with some reason be suppressed from these pages, although the connection of New-York with the occurrences at Washington was

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too intimate to make the omission altogether permissible. But the events and the act growing out of these occurrences, directly and logically, which caused the final political extinction of Aaron Burr, confront us whenever we turn the pages of the records of this period, and we cannot avoid them. It began to appear how little credit Burr had left in his own party when, at the end of four years, it became time to nominate candidates for the offices of president and vice- president. Jefferson was renominated for the former, but Burr was not even mentioned for vice-presi- dent, Governor George Clinton's name being substituted. At the same time, in the spring of 1804, a contest for the governorship of New-York was at hand, and in this Burr saw an opportunity to redeem his political standing, or to test his power. There being nothing left for him in national politics, he set about to secure a nomination for governor of New-York. His own party, under the influence of the Clinton and Livingston families, MorganLewis. failed to give him this, but nomi- nated Chief Justice Morgan Lewis, a brother-in-law of the former chan- cellor, Robert R. Livingston. He then hoped to obtain the Federalist nomination, but was again disappointed, Chancellor Lansing being named by this party. Burr then posed as an independent, or self- nominated candidate, and when Chancellor Lansing declined to run, felt certain of having a part of the Republican or Democratic vote, and the bulk of the Federalist, diverted to himself. The result of the election showed that he had miscalculated. A colossus had risen in the way of the governorship: the same who had blocked his dubious progress toward the presidency. James Ashton Bayard, of Delaware, acting on Hamilton's advice, had ceased to vote for Burr (his one vote standing for his State) in the House of Representatives; and, giving it to Jefferson, had turned the tide and made his elevation to the presidency possible. Hamilton now again raised his warning voice against Burr amid the ranks of the Federalists, and their votes fell off to Lewis, in whose personal integrity they trusted, however bitterly opposed on party lines.

Burr was thus left without any ground to stand on, either in the nation or in his own State. He was desperate, and his unscrupulous, unbridled temperament easily turned to thoughts of vengeance.

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Hamilton must be taken out of his way; if he were not, his own career was a wreck. The duel was his only resort. Should Hamilton fall, Burr might hope to rise again in the political world. His own case could scarce be worse than it was now if Hamilton's bullet should destroy him. Occasion for a quarrel was readily found after a heated election contest. Words unworthily overheard by two eaves- dropping adherents of Burr; an account in the newspapers of a re- ported conversation at a private table among trusted associates : such were the materials for a charge by Burr against Hamilton of im- proper language, requiring explanation or denial. The groundlessness or irrelevance of such a charge, and such a demand based upon it, was indicated by Hamilton; but Burr wished to quarrel, not to argue, and his peremptory demands left no opening to avoid the quarrel. The point of a challenge, aimed at by Burr, was therefore reached. It was sent, and could not but be accepted, as men then thought and felt. As a recent authority remarks, speak- ing of Burr's part in this unhappy transaction : "With cool delibera- tion he set about forcing a quarrel. He showed his purpose plainly enough by selecting a remark at- tributed to Hamilton at the time of the caucuses [in a sense, confidential gatherings, not to be compared with the public hustings] held to nomi- nate candidates for the governor- ship, which was really applicable to his general public character, was not peculiarly severe, and was perfectly ABuvo. inoffensive compared with many of the denunciations launched at him by Hamilton only a few years be- fore. Hamilton had no desire to fight, but it was impossible to avoid it, if he admitted the force of the code of honor, when Burr was deter- mined to fix a quarrel upon him."1 Upon Hamilton we can fasten no such stigma of a desire to do harm. He towered too far above Burr in professional ability and success to entertain any jealousy of him on that score. He did not oppose Burr's endeavors to secure office because he himself wished to attain one; for, with everything within his reach, Hamilton had deliberately turned aside from public life in order to improve his fortune, too long neglected while he was serving

1 "Alexander Hamilton," by Henry Cabot Lodge, p. 247.

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his country. He antagonized Burr, both in 1801 and in 1804, in the arena of national politics, as in those of the State, purely on grounds of a public nature. Secession was in the air then, as it was nearly sixty years later, only its latitude was then further north. It was in the thoughts of the men of New England, and hence we do not find the matter emphasized much in the history of that time. Hamilton foresaw or suspected that Burr was entirely capable of disrupting the Union for the sake of personal ambition; that he would lead a seces- sion much rather than shed his last drop of life-blood (as Hamilton would have done) to prevent it. The sequel of events has justified that suspicion. Hence Hamilton, in 1801, preferred to see Jeffer- son, the demigod of the Demo- crats, in the presidential chair, rather than Burr, pledged to the Federalists. In 1804 he preferred Lewis as governor to Burr, even as a nominee of his (Hamilton's) own party. In social life he was Burr's friend. In a moment of distress he came to his aid with a loan of ten thousand dollars, raised with his characteristic en- ergy among his own friends and relatives. It is not clear that this Theodosia 1 indebtedness of Burr's was liqui- dated at the time of the duel, and it casts a darker shadow upon the latter's vindictive course. It was on political grounds solely that the two men were ever opposed; but Burr allowed this opposition to awaken within him a personal resentment. "If he could have stifled his political aspirations," says one who writes of Burr in a friendly spirit, "and returned to the bar, as Hamilton had done, a brilliant and honorable career might still have been his; but unfortunately he could not endure defeat with patience."2

The day set for the duel was July 11, 1804, over a fortnight after

1 Theodosia Burr was the vice-president's only child. She was born in 1783, and was carefully educated under her father's supervision, her ac- quirements even embracing a knowledge of the classics. Her native wit and eminent social at- tainments made her a remarkable figure in the society of that day. In all of Burr's unhappy career, the mutual devotion and sincere admira- tion of father and daughter the one for the other afford a pleasant and pathetic relief to so much

that is disagreeable. On Burr's return from his long-continued wanderings in Europe in 1813, his daughter left Charleston in a small sailing-vessel to meet him in New-York. The ship was never heard of afterward, and either foundered or fell into the hands of pirates. Theodosia had married Joseph Alston, who became governor of South Carolina.

2 "The Story of New-York," by Charles Burr Todd, p. 384.

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the challenge had been accepted. Attention is directed by some writers to the contrast between the respective actions of the antag- onists during the interval. Burr busied himself in destroying evi- dences of several amours; Hamilton in setting in order his affairs, so that his wife and children and his creditors might suffer as little as possible from his de- mise. Burr diligent- ly spent hours each day practising with a pistol in shooting at a target. Hamil- ton was at his of- fice, attending to the business of his cli- ents. The time of waiting was an anx- ious one for Hamil- ton, not because he HAMILTON'S RESIDENCE, "THE GRANGE." 1 was a coward-un- less, indeed, in so far as he was properly made so by those con- siderations of home and loved ones which do "make cowards of us all." The prolonged interval had no effect upon Burr's cool delibera- tion to put his antagonist out of the way, or perish in the attempt. Hamilton, in his dying moments, solemnly protested that he had no intention of even shooting at all at the first fire, and that he was in doubt about the second fire, should Burr's murderous intent call for that. For mere self-defense in that case would have demanded of Hamilton to protect himself against what would then have too plainly showed itself to be assassination. With our best endeavors and strongest desire to remain impartial, it is impossible that these sig- nificant contrasts before the fatal event should not prejudice us in favor of Hamilton, and make us feel that the imputations of sinister motives, whether just to Burr or not, would entirely comport with these exhibitions of character on his side.

On the morning of July 11, shortly after dawn, two boats might have been seen crossing the Hudson. For either, the angle of cross- ing had need to be very oblique. Weehawken, about opposite Forty- second street, was the objective point of both of them. Burr's party,

1 The cluster of trees in the right-hand corner of the illustration represents the thirteen gum- trees (named after the thirteen original States) planted by Hamilton's own hands on the lawn a few rods from the house, about a year before his death. These trees are still standing, and have re- cently been purchased with a small plot of ground by the Hon. Orlando B. Potter, of New-York, with a view to their preservation. In a note to the VOL. III .- 11.

Editor, he says : "I am hopeful that the city will set apart the whole square, of which my purchase is but part, as Hamilton Park, as a just memorial of the greatest citizen whom New-York has yet given to the country. I am also hopeful that Hamilton's dwelling, which is at present removed and connected with St. Luke's Church near by as its rectory, may be returned to the place where Hamilton built and occupied it."

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the first to take the journey, left the east shore of the river near the foot of Charlton street. Hamilton came down from about One Hun- dred and Forty-first street, where stood his country house of "The Grange," still to be seen at the corner of One Hundred and Forty- first street and Convent avenue, and now temporarily occupied by St. Luke's Episcopal Church. The details of the meeting are too well known to be dwelt on here. It need only be mentioned that the statement has recently been made, in refutation of the claim that Hamilton had no intention of shooting Burr, that, just before firing, Hamilton complained of the light, and took time to adjust his glasses or spectacles, in order to see better. But there has come to notice no documentary or printed evidence to corroborate this rather new version of a familiar story. Be this as it may, at the first fire Hamil- ton fell, mortally wounded, and Burr stood over the prostrate form of his victim, unhurt.

A hurried departure from the fatal spot followed. Burr's party went first. Arrived at Richmond Hill, near the corner of the present Charlton and Varick streets, he quietly settled himself to reading in his library. A relative arrived from Connecticut, after an all-night journey, about seven o'clock. At eight breakfast was served, and later the guest left to saunter into the city. Until he saw the com- motion in the streets, and was accosted by an acquaintance and told of the tragedy, which has made it a never-to-be-forgotten day in New-York history, Burr's companion, at his own breakfast-table, knew nothing of the dark deed whose shadow never left this man's long subsequent career.1 A few words will suffice to dismiss that career from these pages; for its incidents-thrilling and sad some; evil, or suspicious of evil, others-took place at too remote a distance from this city to warrant minute mention. When an indignant pub- lic sentiment took shape in an indictment for murder, Burr escaped from the city. When his term as vice-president was at an end, he entered upon those mysterious but not clearly traitorous schemes, involving the suggestion of a Mexican or Central American empire, which finally brought on the trial at Richmond in 1807. A verdict of "not proven" left Burr his liberty, but little else. Then came years of wandering and penury in Europe. On his return the blow struck him of the loss of Theodosia, shipwrecked or slain by pirates on her way from Charleston to New-York to join him. Many years of life, "unknown, unhonored, and unloved," were yet reserved for him ; near the close, a little more unpleasant notoriety connected with his marriage of a few months (followed by separation or divorce) with Madame Jumel; and then finally, in 1836, came "the last scene of all," ending this eminently "strange, eventful history."

1 "Life of Aaron Burr," by James Parton (New-York, 1864), 2: 13, 14.

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But it is time to follow also the other boat leaving Weehawken. It did not return up the river, but crossed obliquely downward. It landed at the foot of the present Horatio street, then a part of the village of Greenwich. William Bayard, a friend of Hamilton, stood awaiting its arrival. The wounded man, who had recovered con- sciousness on the way over, was tenderly carried to Bayard's house. Hither were hastily summoned the devoted wife and the seven young children.' All that loving care, all that the best medical science of that day, could do, was done to save his life. But it was all in vain: the target practice in the Richmond Hill garden had been but too

HAMILTON-BURR DUEL.

successful. The adversary's aim had been at the seat of life, and the bullet had struck fatally near it. All the remainder of that day and through the night Hamilton suffered greatly; but on the next morn- ing the pain abated, while the exhaustion premonitory of death set in. At two o'clock in the afternoon of July 12, Hamilton died.

And then there was a burst of spontaneous grief from every part of the young republic, whose strength, and credit, and incipient glory were largely due to him whose head was now laid low. Federalist and Republican forgot their political antagonism in the patriotic sentiment of regret and sorrow at the country's loss. Not only the Cincinnati, his former companions in arms, and generally of the Fed- eralist faith, but even the members of the bar, of various political opinions, took special measures to indicate their feelings. The latter

1 Hamilton left a large family of children, none of whom are now living, but he is represented in the city where he lived by numerous grandchildren.

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resolved to wear mourning badges for several weeks.1 On Saturday, July 14, the funeral took place in Trinity Church. Gouverneur Mor- ris, always Hamilton's friend and admirer, pronounced a funeral ora- tion worthy of the occasion, simple, eloquent, just. Indeed, a mere recital of the acts of the man's brief life was the grandest eulogium that friendship or admiration could possibly have conceived. "Thus tragically passed from the scene one of the greatest of the great men of the Revolutionary era. 'The Patriot of Incorruptible Integrity, the Soldier of Approved Valor, the Statesman of Consummate Wis- dom.' One reads it on his modest tombstone in Trinity church- yard-a truer pane- gyric than most." 2

Yet, even in the fla- grant "manner of his taking off," Hamilton did his country a ser- vice. In those anxious days when a presenti- ment of disaster made him fear that he would be torn from his fam- ily, Hamilton put in writing his opinion of dueling: "My reli- RICHMOND HILL MANSION. gious and moral princi- ples are strongly opposed to the practice of duelling, and it would ever give me pain to be obliged to shed the blood of a fellow- creature in a private combat forbidden by the laws."3 When men read the record of this sentiment against a practice which yet the writer of it felt bound by public opinion to engage in, that public opinion received a shock which awakened it to a due sense of its enormity, and the code of honor henceforth became one of dishonor. Dueling was doomed in New-York and in Northern society.

The glory of New-York city is her public-school system, unrivaled

1 At the Cincinnati dinner on July 4, one week before the duel, Hamilton (the president of the society) and Burr were both present. Hamilton was asked to sing his favorite ballad of "The Drum "; he hesitated. but, in order to create no suspicion as to the coming event, consented. Burr looked him intently in the face while he sang; it is hard to tell with what feelings.

2 Charles Burr Todd. "Story of New-York," p. 390. The pall-bearers were General Matthew Clarkson, Oliver Wolcott, Richard Harrison, Abi-

jah Hammond, Josiah Ogden Hoffman, Richard Varick, William Bayard, and Judge John L. Law- rence. On the coffin were placed Hamilton's hat and sword ; his boots and spurs hung reversed across the general's gray horse, which was led di- rectly in front of the coffin by two black servants dressed in white, with white turbans trimmed with black crape.

3 "Life of Alexander Hamilton." John T. Morse, Jr., 1 : 364.

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for the excellence and the extent of education placed within the reach of the poorest of her citizens. The opening of the nineteenth century saw the beginning of this good work, the foundation of that organized, systematic enterprise in this direction, which has ever since characterized it. The history of the school in New-York dates back, as has been shown in a previous volume, to the year 1633; and the school then founded, that of the Dutch Reformed Church, was in a flourishing condition at the period now under discussion, and is in existence to-day. ALEXANDER BAMILTON Under Lord Cornbury, much against that nobleman's wishes, the assembly legislated on the subject of schools, and the matter necessarily attracted the attention of men awake to the real interests of city or HAMILTON'S TOMB IN TRINITY CHURCHYARD.1 province. But the development of this institution was always on a narrow line. Instruction in secular knowledge must go hand in hand with that in religious things; and in consequence of this, while the schools were so largely an appendix of the churches, only the chil- dren of the churchly families received the benefit of them. There were many of the "outlying " masses-churchless even then, as they are now-whose children grew up debarred from the advantages of education. "By that social gravitation which seems to have always been inseparable from compacted communities," says the historian of the Public School Society, "the metropolis was not exempt from the characteristic feature of a substratum of wretched, ignorant, and friendless children, who, even though they had parents, grew up in a condition of moral and religious orphanage, alike fatal to their tem- poral and spiritual advancement and elevation." This sad picture is drawn of the city when it numbered but little over sixty thousand souls.

Benevolent and far-seeing persons of both sexes perceived the wrong and the peril of this condition of things, and set about the methods of remedying it. In the second year of the century an

1 Inscription on Hamilton's tomb :

On the south face: To the Memory of | Alex- ander Hamilton, | who died July 12th, 1804, | Aged 47.

3 " History of the Public School Society of the City of New-York," William Oland Bourne, p. 1 (New-York, 1870).

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association of ladies belonging to the Society of Friends, or Quakers, had contributed of their private means, and established a free school for the education of girls. This humble but noble endeavor was the germ of the great metropolitan system of public schools to-day. Con- fined to one sex only, yet its beneficent effects were clearly apparent, and the success within its one-sided and necessarily limited sphere so pronounced that it led naturally to undertakings on a larger and wider scale. The free school for girls had been three years in opera- tion when the idea of extending the principle at its foundation took practical shape. No doubt, as in all such cases, men had talked and deliberated. The necessity was so pressing, the calamity of ignorance so appalling, that the problem of removing the crying shame could not be set aside or postponed. Yet all honor to those who began the movement. Two gentlemen-let their names be held in bright remembrance-Thomas Eddy and John Murray, early in the year 1805, issued a call for a meeting of all such as would unite in an undertaking to provide the means of education for the youth hitherto neglected. On the day appointed, February 19, 1805, twelve gentle- men met at the house of Mr. John Murray, situated in Pearl street. It will need no apology to mention their names, and among them will be noticed some already familiar in local history. They were, besides Messrs. Eddy and Murray, who called them together, Samuel Osgood, Brockholst Livingston, Samuel Miller, Joseph Constant, Thomas Pearsall, Thomas Franklin, Matthew Clarkson, Leonard Bleecker, Samuel Russell, and William Edgar. Besides the passing of a reso- lution expressive of their conviction of the need and importance of the work they had at heart, nothing of a practical nature was done, except to appoint a committee to devise plans for the execution of their noble design. Less than a week after the first meeting, a second was called by this committee, who had thus promptly prepared their report. The main recommendation of this report was that application be made to the legislature of the State for an act regularly incorpo- rating a society to be charged with educational interests in the city. A memorial to that effect was drawn up, signed by one hundred prominent citizens, and sent to the legislature on February 25. One passage read as follows: "The enlightened and excellent Government under which we live is favorable to the general diffusion of know- ledge; but the blessings of such a Government can be expected to be enjoyed no longer than while its citizens continue rirtuous, and while the majority of the people, through the advantage of a proper early education, possess sufficient knowledge to enable them to understand and pursue their best interests. This sentiment, which must meet with universal assent, was emphatically urged to his countrymen by Washington, and has been recently enforced by our present Chief

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Magistrate in his address on the necessity of supporting schools, and promoting useful knowledge through the State."

The measure commended itself so strongly, and was so entirely removed above and beyond the plane of party measures, that action was promptly and energetically taken; and on April 9, 1805, the legislature passed "An Act to incorporate the Society instituted in the City of New York, for the Establishment of a Free School for the Education of Poor Children who do not belong to, or are not pro- vided for by, any religious society." Thirty-seven incorporators were named in the bill, the head of the list being graced with the name of the mayor, De Witt Clinton -among the many other names of note appearing those of Daniel D. Tompkins and Dr. Samuel Latham Mitchill. The provisions of the act, briefly sum- marized, were: that the yearly income of the society should not exceed ten thousand dol- lars; that on the first Monday of May annually thirteen trus- tees should be elected from among the members of the so- ciety, who should also be resi- dents of the city; that the trus- tees should meet on the second Monday of every month, seven or more to constitute a quorum ; that any person contributing Daniel . Complains eight dollars might become a member of the society . that a contribution of twenty-five dollars should entitle to membership and the privilege of sending one child to any school of the society; and one of forty dollars, the privilege of membership and the sending of two children. The act at the same time constituted De Witt Clinton and the twelve gentlemen present at the original meeting at Mr. Murray's house the first board of trustees.1

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The Memorial History of the City of New York: From Its First Settlement to the Year 1892, Volume III, Part 19

Author: Wilson, James Grant, 1832-1914 Publication date: 1892 Publisher: [New York] New York History Co. Number of Pages: 723

Author: Wilson, James Grant, 1832-1914
Publication date: 1892
Publisher: [New York] New York History Co.
Number of Pages: 723