USA > Oregon > History of Oregon, Vol. I, 1834-1848 > Part 29
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5 This was the Blanche, Capt. Chepman, from Boston. McLoughlin's Private Papers, MS., 2d ser. 7; Lee and Frost's Or., 322. 6 White's Ten Years in Or., 200.
HIST. OR., VOL. I. 18.
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WHITE'S ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN AFFAIRS.
it was rumored that at the Jesuit stations the priests had been robbed of their cattle and were in fear for their lives.7 The peace at the Protestant missions was not, however, of long duration. In the spring White received information from Lapwai, Waiilatpu, and the Dalles that the natives were again threat- ening the extinction of the settlers, assigning as a reason that the white men intended to take away their lands. The Cayuses, Walla Wallas, and Nez Percés were exasperated because there were so many strangers in the country, and rumor had it that they contemplated cutting off Whitman, who was expected soon to return from the States with a party of colo- nists.8
The alarm was great and general. Almost every man had a plan of his own for averting the impending catastrophe, for should the savages combine, it was probable that the settlers would be exterminated. Several isolated families abandoned their homes and sought the settlements. Some urged the Indian agent to erect a strong fortification in the midst of the colony, and furnish guns and ammunition. Others thought it better to go with an armed force into the midst of the conspirators and bring them to reason with words, if possible, and if these failed, to use force. White himself wished the settlers to pledge them- selves, under forfeiture of a hundred dollars in case of delinquency, to keep on hand, ready for use, a good musket or rifle, and a hundred rounds of ammunition ; and to hold themselves ready to march at a moment's notice to any part of the country, not to exceed two days' travel, for the purpose of repelling the savages should they attempt to invade the settlements. But no plan could be formed upon which all would unite.
To add to the general excitement, the Indians in the Willamette Valley became unusually insolent,
" No hint of this is given by the Catholic authors, except the acknowledg- ment of having built a stockade about one of their stations. Their policy was to represent the natives as being everywhere rejoiced at their advent.
8 Hines' Or. Hist., 143-4; White's Ten Years in Or., 213-14.
275
SIGNS OF WAR.
owing to a quarrel between some Molallas and the negro George Winslow, or Winslow Anderson as he now called himself. Moreover there was hostile agita- tion among the Calapooyas because White had ordered some of them to be flogged for stealing from the missionaries.9
On the 20th of April White received a letter from Brewer urging him to come up to the Dalles without delay, and endeavor to quiet the excitement among the natives. He was under an engagement to visit them this month, and immediately began to prepare for the expedition, which involved the raising of both men and means. On all other occasions when the Americans lacked anything, they had obtained what- ever they needed at Fort Vancouver, and from the Canadians. But Spaulding's report and the Abernethy- Shortess petition had given great offence to Mc- Loughlin, who declared that henceforward he would extend no favors to the authors of that memorial, whoever that might be. Nor did McLoughlin favor White's proposal to go among the Indians with an armed force. Such a step he thought might bring on a conflict, whereas to remain quiet might soothe their excitement-an opinion which he communicated to White by letter.
The Americans, however, held different views. But when White was ready to proceed, not a Canadian could be induced to accompany him, so that when he set out only Le Breton, one Indian, and an Hawaiian servant were with him. Nor were the requisite equipments at hand, or the funds to procure them at Fort Vancouver. On arriving at the fort, where according to Hines they " found it rather squally."10 White requested provisions, ammunition, and arti-
9 Hines' Oregon Hist., 146.
10 Hines says he inquired of McLoughlin if he had refused to grant supplies to those Americans who had signed the memorial against him, when the doctor replied that he had only said that of its authors. 'Not being one of the authors, but merely a signer of the petition, I did not come under the ban of the company; consequently I obtained my outfit for the expedition.' Or Hist., 149-50.
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WHITE'S ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN AFFAIRS.
cles for presents, on an order on the United States treasury,11 which request was granted, notwithstand- ing the late affront to the company and its chief offi- cer in Oregon, and on the 29th the party proceeded by canoe to the Dalles. There White was visited by a deputation of Indians from near the mission of Lee and .Perkins. The chiefs complained that they had much difficulty in enforcing the laws, as the people resisted the whipping penalty. The chiefs, however, were in favor of continuing the code on account of the authority it gave them. As for those who had been whipped, they inquired of White what benefit the whipping system was going to be to them; they had been flogged a good many times, they said, and had received nothing for it. If this state of affairs was to continue, the law was bad and they did not want it. But if blankets, shirts, and gifts were to follow, they had no objection to its continuance. When White told them not to expect pay for being whipped if they deserved it, they laughed and dis- persed, giving their guardian plainly to understand that they did not propose to suffer the penalties of civilization for nothing.
White found on coming nearer to the seat of dis- turbance that rumor had not overstated the serious- ness of its aspect. The Indians, to justify themselves, asserted that Baptiste Dorion, while acting as White's interpreter on his first visit, had told them that the Americans designed taking away their land. The young Cayuses were in favor of raising a war party at once, surprising the Willamette settlements, and cut- ting off the colony at one blow, which by concert of
11 Of course the Hudson's Bay Company found no one in Washington to honor Dr White's bills, amounting, in all, to $6,000. By a proper represen- tation of the facts, the friends of Oregon in congress, after some years' delay, procured the passage of an act authorizing the payment of these bills. In the mean time the board of management in London passed an order, which, besides being an imperative command for the future, was a sarcastic rebuke for the past. The orders informed their traders in Oregon 'that they did not understand government securities,' and forbade them to deal in them, and for the future to 'stick to their beaver-skins.' Applegate's Views of Hist., MS., 37; White's Or. Ter , 64-6.
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COUNCIL CALLED.
action could easily have been done. But the older chiefs counselled more cautious measures, pointing out the lateness of the season, and the difficulty of cross- ing the mountains in the snow. It would be wiser in any case, they added, not to be the first to attack, but to be prepared for defence should the Americans attempt their subjugation. So impressed were they that such design was in contemplation, that they could not be induced by Geiger to prepare the ground for cultivation, as usual, early in spring, and could with difficulty be made to believe that White's small party was not the advance guard of an armed force.12 The Cayuses declared that the laws introduced by White among the Nez Percés had effected more harm than good, being made an excuse for petty tyranny to such an extent that the new code was regarded by the Indians as a device of the white people to accomplish their subjection. They were uneasy also because McKinlay and McKay had intimated their determi nation to act with the Americans, if the Indians exhibited a hostile purpose.
In their perplexity they had sent Peupeumoxmox to ask McLoughlin what course he intended to pursue in case they were attacked by the Americans. For answer McLoughlin advised them to keep quiet, assur- ing them that they had nothing to fear from either the Americans or the Hudson's Bay Company so long as they behaved themselves.
News now reached White that seven hundred Nez Percés, fully accoutred for war, were coming to the appointed rendezvous at Waiilatpu. It was thought important to prevent a conference or a quarrel between them and the Cayuses, by holding a council with the latter at once, and every endeavor was made by the whole company of the Americans, which now embraced Geiger, Perkins, and Mrs Whitman, to bring about
12 ' I actually found them, says White, 'suffering more from fears of wa: from the whites, than the whites from the Indians-each party resolving, how ever, to remain at home, and there fight to the last-though, fortunately, some 300 or 400 miles apart.' Ten Years in Or., 214.
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WHITE'S ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN AFFAIRS.
this object, but withont success; the Cayuses would not talk until they had seen Chief Ellis. When White proposed to go to Lapwai, and bring the Nez Percés at once, they were suspicious that his intention was to prevent the coming of Ellis, and objected. At length White and his aids were allowed to go, and were received with a grand parade, such as had been given to the missionaries in the Rocky Mountains in 1836, and were escorted back to Waiilatpu by several hundred of the principal men of the tribe with their families, Ellis signifying his intention of influencing the Cayuses to accept the laws adopted by the Nez Percés.
It was not until the 23d of May that the chiefs on both sides were ready for council, the meeting being opened by Tauitau. The savages were assured that the white men had not come there with the design of deceiving or injuring them. If they would be united, would cultivate the ground and obey the laws, they might become a great and happy people; but if they persisted in disorder, disobedience, and an unsettled manner of life, their condition could never be bettered.
On the laws being called for and read, Peupeumox- mox arose and inquired : " Where are these laws from ? Are they from God, or from the earth ? I would that you might say they were from God; but I think they are from the earth, because, from what I know of white men, they do not honor these laws." When told that the laws were recognized by God, and im- posed on men in all civilized countries, the chief ex- pressed himself pleased to hear that it was so, because many of his people had been angry with him when they were whipped for crimes, and had declared that he would be sent to hell for it. Therefore he was relieved to know that his conduct was pleasing to God. Here Tiloukaikt, jealous of the apparent con- sent of Tauitau to the proceedings, and thinking he might be looking forward to a high chieftainship, in- quired why the laws were read to them before they
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THE LAWS ACCEPTED.
had indicated a desire to adopt them. "We do not take the laws because Tauitau says so," said the chief, angrily. "He is a Catholic, and as a people we do not follow the Catholic worship."13 But White ex- plained that the Americans had different modes of worship, yet obeyed one law.
A Nez Percé sub-chief, called the Prince, complained that the white people had not given them cattle, but they had been compelled to pay for them. He wanted something tangible, cattle and presents, because his people had been kind to Lewis and Clarke. Illutin, also a Nez Percé, declared that he was wearied with the wickedness of the young men, and asserted that it was because they had stolen property in their pos- session that they objected to the laws. But the prince argued that the white people had long since been promising them benefits, though they passed on and left no blessing behind. If the Americans de- signed to do them good, why did they not bring pres- ents, like the British traders, who not only promised but performed. To this very pointed argument White replied that the Americans among them were mis- sionaries, and not traders. Thus the first day passed without anything definite being accomplished. After the meeting adjourned Ellis and Lawyer came pri- vately to the sub-agent to tell him that they expected pay for being chiefs. The former had counted the months he had been in office, and thought there must be enough due him to make him wealthy. It certainly was a singular civilization, this of White's, which al- lowed officials no salary, and criminals no recompense.
On the following day it was found somewhat easier to proceed with the business of the council. The
13 This was true, though the Cayuses were pretty evenly divided between Protestantism and Romanism. Of the chiefs, only Tauitau was a Catholic. His brother, Five Crows, was a Protestant; Tiloukaikt was a Protestant; andl so was Sticcas. Peupeumoxmox of the Walla Walla Cayuses was also a Protestant. Parrish calls Peupeumoxmox a magnificent man, but gives no better reason for this opinion than that he sent his son Elijah Hedding to the Methodist Mission to be ducated. Or. Anecdotes, MS., 95. He seems to have been an intelligent savage, and being rich as well, possessed great influence.
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WHITE'S ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN AFFAIRS.
Cayuses accepted the laws, and Tauitau was elected high chief, these matters being probably expedited by the prospect of the feast which followed. But on the following morning Tauitau, remembering what Tiloukaikt had said, when the natives were assembled voluntarily resigned the chieftainship, saying that it was better so, on account of the difference in religious matters between himself and the majority of the people. His brother, Five Crows, was thereupon elected in his place, the day closing with another feast of fat beef. On the 27th of May, White took leave of the Nez Perces and Cayuses, well satisfied with having averted the thunderbolt of war. Mrs Whit- man returned to the Dalles with the fur company's brigade, just down from the upper forts, and there remained till the return of her husband in the autumn.
Thus ended, more fortunately than might have been anticipated, White's second official essay for the protection of citizens of the United States in Oregon. But though he was frequently called on to interpose his authority in conflicts between the white inhabi- tants and the natives, or where the laws of the United States concerning intercourse with the natives were being violated, he was no nearer being recognized as governor of the colony than on his arrival, the mis- sionary influence being directed against him, and the number of aspirants for that office belonging to the Mission party causing the other colonists to oppose the election of such dignitary.14
During White's administration the colony adopted a provisional form of government-an action which was undoubtedly hastened by missionary jealousy of White's pretensions in connection with another matter,
14 The only one of the missionaries who seemed disposed to give White a fair indorsement was Hines, who at White's request wrote a letter to the sec- retary of war, declaring that he had discharged his duties with diffidence, but with energy and decision; for the performance of which he was entitled to the 'warmest respect of this infant and helpless colony,' and to the confi- dence of the department. White's Or. Ter., 4, 5.
281
SUPPRESSION OF DISTILLERIES.
of which I shall give the history in its proper place. In January 1844 complaints were made to the Indian agent that a distillery was in operation at Oregon City. His authority for interfering was supposed to be derived from the laws of Iowa touching the sale of liquor in the Indian territory, the colonists having adopted the Iowa code. Since the United States had not extended the laws of Iowa over Oregon, he had really no authority. But he was sustained by public sentiment, and even required by the colonists to pro- ceed in the matter. Accordingly, he seized and de- stroyed the distillery, and placed 15 the offender under bonds to the amount of three hundred dollars. Be- fore the summer was over another distillery was in operation. This also was promptly suppressed. Con- ner, who was owner in both adventures, challenged White to fight a duel, for which he was fined five hundred dollars by the circuit court and disfranchised for life, but was restored to citizenship by the legisla- ture of 1844.16
Considering that he was waging this war on whiskey with no better warrant than the sanction of those set- tlers who did not care to buy or drink it, one would think that White would at most have taken notice only of cases where the liquor was supplied directly to the natives. But this did not satisfy his zeal, which several times led him into embarrassing positions. On one occasion he boarded a vessel of which J. H. Couch was master, and attempted to search for liquors, but Couch, knowing his rights and duties better than the Indian agent, ranged his guns fore and aft along the
15 This distillery, the first attempted since 1836, was owned by James Conner, who had been in the country since 1838. It consisted of sheet-tin pipes-the tin purchased from Abernethy-joined like a worm-fence, and placed in a large wooden trough with water flowing through it, the whole being covered with boards placed in the form of a house gable. Moss' Pioneer Times, MS., 53-4.
16 This second distillery belonged to James Conner, Richard McCrary, and Hiram Straight. It consisted of a large kettle, with a wooden top, and a worm; and the whiskey, called ' blue ruin,' was distilled from shorts, wheat, and molasses. White's Or. Ter., 40; Watts' First Things, MS., 10, 11; Oregon Laws, 1843-9, 83.
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WHITE'S ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN AFFAIRS.
deck, whereupon the search was relinquished as hastily as it had been begun. Private individuals also came in for a share of his officious attention. For instance, F. W. Pettygrove, described as " a merchant of good habits," was put under bonds in the sum of one thou- sand dollars for having in his house wine and brandy for his own use. White also attempted to confiscate the whiskey-barrel of an Englishwoman named Cooper, but thought it advisable to desist when the Amazon vigorously protested "in the name of Great Britain, Ireland, and Scotland."
There was but one instance of serious trouble with the Indians in the Willamette, and that was brought about by the quarrel between the negro Winslow and the Molallas, to which I have already alluded. It appears that Winslow overreached an Indian named Cockstock in some business transaction. To right the account, the latter appropriated a horse belonging to the negro, but was compelled by White to restore it. Thereupon Cockstock, who was a bold and vicious fellow, vowed vengeance against Winslow and another negro named James D. Saules, who was in some way involved in the dispute. Saules complained to White, who offered a reward of a hundred dollars for the safe delivery of the Indian into his hands, intending to send him to the Cayuses and Nez Percés to be tried by their laws. This so enraged the turbulent Cockstock that on the 4th of March, 1844, he called together a few followers, and putting on his war-paint, rode into Oregon City with many hostile demon- strations. After creating some alarm, he crossed the river to a village in search of recruits. When shortly afterward he reappeared on the Oregon City side, his landing was opposed by a confused crowd of white men, who, without a leader, or concert of action, en- deavored to capture him, some for the reward, and others with a more deadly purpose. Fire-arıns were dis- charged on both sides simultaneously, and in the mêlée
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WHITE, RED, AND BLACK.
Cockstock was killed, and three Americans wounded, George W. Le Breton and a Mr Rogers mortally.17
The death of Le Breton, who was an active young American, and conspicuous in the early politics of the colony, was severely felt; and a public meeting was called at Champoeg to consider the subject of the outbreak, the result of which was the formation of a volunteer company of mounted riflemen under the name of Oregon Rangers, this being the first mili- tary organization in the territory.18 Resolutions were passed indorsing and supporting the measures taken by White in his official capacity, the reason for this step being that McLoughlin had censured the conduct of the Americans, alleging that the killing of Cock . stock was an assassination, a view which, however well founded in the fact that the citizens had not waited for the overt act,19 was extremely offensive to the Americans. An investigation was ordered by the executive committee, and White cited to appear before the colonial judge, O. Russell, to vindicate him- self, and remove the stigma from the fair name of the American colonists.20 Probably the trial never took
17 Boston Miss. Herald, Nov. 1844. Blanchet, in his Hist. Cath. Ch. in Or., 145-7, gives a different version, intended to make it appear that the killing of Cockstock was a deed of unprovoked brutality on the part of the Ameri- cans; but as White, in his report to the secretary of war, gives the corre- spondence and particulars, I see no reason to depart from that record. A part of Blanchet's bitterness is accounted for where he says, 'Le Breton will pay dearly for his apostasy.' Le Breton had become a convert to the Catholic faith at St Pauls in 1842, but seeing he could not get the girl he expected, he withdrew gradually from the church. Id., 141; Gray's Hist. Or., 371; Waldo's Critiques, MS., 5, 6; Bacon's Mer. Life Or., MS., 25.
18 This meeting was called by the executive committee of the colony, and was held at the house of La Chapelle, on French Prairie, March 9, 1844. W. H. Willson was chairman, and T. D. Kaiser, secretary. Grover's Or. Archives, 36-7. The men enlisted at the time were T. D. Kaiser, who was elected cap- tain; J. L. Morrison, Ist lieutenant; R. J. Cason, ensign; Charles P. Matt, Ira C. Hutchins, R. H. Ekin, Peter Brainard, Nathan Sutton, William De- lany, James R. Patterson, John Edmonds, Nineveh Ford, William J. Martin, James Martin, Webley Hauxhurst, John Anderson, Joel Turnham, J. M. Garrison, Joseph Holman, John Ford, Charles E. Pickett, John B. Kaiser, Daniel Waldo, Lindsey Applegate, and W. H. Gray. Commissions were issued to the officers April 3d, signed by D. Hill, J. Gale, and A. Beers, executive committee, and Overton Johnson, secretary. Or. Archives, MS., 10, 12.
19 Blanchet's Hist. Cath. Ch. in Or., 147-8.
20 The letter of Mr Beers of the executive committee is to be found in Or. Archires, MS., 5-7.
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WHITE'S ADMINISTRATION OF INDIAN AFFAIRS.
place, as no record of it exists. It is likely enough that when the excitement had died away, and all the circumstances were known, it became apparent that the encounter might have been avoided by the exer cise of coolness and moderation.
Not long after the affair of the 4th of March, Saules, the negro who had complained of Cockstock, was himself arrested for joining the Clackamas Indians in making threats against the life and property of Charles E. Pickett. There being no prison in which to confine him, he was permitted to go to Clatsop with his Indian wife, where he was employed about the Mission until its suspension in 1846, soon after which he was arrested on the charge of murdering his wife, but the necessary proof being wanting, he was discharged.21 The trouble occasioned by Winslow and Saules aroused a strong prejudice against persons of African blood, which was exhibited in a communi- cation sent by White to the secretary of war, inquir- ing if the emigration of negroes could not be prohibited, and in the subsequent legislation of the colonists.
As to the Indian relatives of Cockstock, they were pacified by McLoughlin paying to the widow of the chief, on White's order, some blankets and other goods,22 and there the matter ended, so far as they were concerned.
The executive committee, however, being deter- mined to oppose the policy and advice of McLough- lin, declared that "the idea should be hooted out of countenance, that they allowed Indians to be mur- dered, and paid for it with blankets." If White found it necessary to take such measures as he had taken, he should go on, and the committee would "support
21 Oregon Spectator, Dec. 24, 1846.
22 Pettygrove's Or., MS., 6, 7; Or. Archives, MS., 13. About 70 Dalles Indians, according to White, presented themselves as relatives of the dead chief, and demanded indemnity, according to their customs; but White showed them that as the Americans had lost two men, by their rule there would be due the Americans twice what they claimed, on which representa- tion they consented to accept a present for the widow. Or. Ter., 36.
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THE OREGON RANGERS.
him with thirty mounted riflemen." 23 This was easy to promise, but the riflemen themselves must have a voice in the matter. The officers of the rangers wrote to the committee demanding to know if after all there had been any cause for raising troops, or if there existed any need of their services at that moment. They were also anxious to be informed where the military stores, provisions, and pay were to come from, and concluded by remarking that if they were expected to fight at their own expense, they had enough to do to fight their own battles.24 The forma- tion of the company was in fact a mere piece of braggadocio, intended quite as much to alarm the Hudson's Bay Company as to awe the natives. The only service in which the rangers were engaged was in the pursuit now and then of a band of hungry savages who had stolen a becf. White himself ridicules the course of the committee in calling out the troops because a miserable party of natives, whose single gun was broken and unserviceable, had been tempted to kill an old ox which chanced to stray in their vicinity, and for which they were forced to pay the gun and eight horses. Several of these small affairs signalized the existence of the Oregon Rangers. The last of the kind occurred in July 1846, when a small party of natives from east of the Cascade Mountains, being encamped on the Santiam River, near Looney's place, and suspected of stealing some horses belonging to him, were surrounded and fired on without further inquiry, though, as afterward transpired, they were innocent of the theft. 25
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