History of Oregon, Vol. II, 1848-1888, Part 21

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe, 1832-1918; Victor, Mrs. Frances Auretta Fuller Barrett, 1826-1902
Publication date: 1886-88
Publisher: San Francisco : The History Co.
Number of Pages: 836


USA > Oregon > History of Oregon, Vol. II, 1848-1888 > Part 21


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Savages thronged the shore armed with bows and arrows, long knives,4 and war-clubs, and were upon them the moment they stepped ashore. T'Vault


46 On Coquille River, 12 miles below the north fork, is a tree with the name ' Dennis White, 1834,' to which some persons have attached importance. Armstrong's Or., 65.


# One of the Indians who paddled their canoes had with him 'the identi- cal gun that James H. Eagan had broken over au Indian's head at Port Or- ford in June last.' Williams' S. IF. Or., MS., 28.


48 These knives, two and two and a half feet long, were manufactured by


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THRILLING INCIDENTS.


afterward declared that the first thing he was con- scious of was being in the river, fifteen yards from shore and swimming. He glanced toward the village, and saw only a horrible confusion, and heard the yells of savage triumph mingled with the sound of blows and the shrieks of his unfortunate comrades. At the same instant he saw Brush in the water not far from him and an Indian standing in a canoe striking him on the head with a paddle, while the water around was stained with blood.


At this juncture occurred an incident such as is used to embellish romanees, when a woman or a child in the midst of savagery displays those feelings of humanity common to all men. While the two white men were struggling for their lives in the stream a canoe shot from the opposite bank. In it standing erect was an Indian lad, who on reaching the spot assisted them into the canoe, handed them the paddle, then springing into the water swam back to the shore. They succeeded in getting to land, and stripping themselves, crawled up the bank and into the thicket without once standing upright. Striking southward through the rough and briery undergrowth they hur- ried on as long as daylight lasted, and at night emerged upon the beach, reaching Cape Blanco the following morning, where the Indians received them kindly, and after taking care of them for a day conveyed them to Port Orford. T'Vault was not severely wounded, but Brush had part of his scalp taken off by one of the long knives. Both were suffering from famine and bruises, and believed themselves the only survivors.4 But in about two weeks it was ascertained that others of the party were living, namely: Williams,50


the Indians out of some band iron taken from the wreck of the Hagstaff. They were furnished with whalebone handles. Parrish's Or. Anecdotes, JIS., CO. 19 Larson's Autobiog., MS., 45-6; Portland Bulletin, March 3, 1872; S. F. Herald, Oct. 14, 1851; Ashland Tidings, July 12th and 19, 1878; Portland West Shore, May 1878.


5" The narrative of Williams is one of the most thrilling in the literature of savage warfare. When the attack was made he had just stepped ashore from the canoe. His first struggle was with two powerful savages for the


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DISCOVERY OF GOLD IN OREGON.


Davenport, and Hedden, the other five having been murdered, their companies hardly knew how.


With this signal disaster terminated the first at- tempt to reach the Rogue River Valley from Port Orford; and thus fiercely did the red inhabitants of this region welcome their white brethren. The diffi- culties with the various tribes which grew out of this and similar encounters I shall describe in the history of the wars of 1851-3.


Soon after the failure of the T'Vault expedition another company was fitted out to explore in a differ-


possession of his rifle, which being discharged in the contest, for a moment gave him relief by frightening his assailants. Amidst the yells of Indians and the cries and groans of comrades he forced his way through the infuriated crowd with the stock of his gun, being completely surrounded, fighting in a circle, and striking in all directions. Soon only the barrel of his gun remained in his hands, with which he continued to deal heavy blows as he advanced along a piece of open ground toward the forest, receiving blows as well, one of which felled him to the ground. Quickly recovering himself, with one desperate plunge the living wall was broken, and he darted for the woods. As he ran an arrow hit him between the left hip and lower ribs, penetrating the abdomen, and bringing him to a sudden stop. Finding it impossible to move, he drew out the shaft which broke off, leaving one joint of its length, with the barb, in his body. So great was his excitement that after the first sensation no pain was felt. The main party of Indians being occupied with rifling the bodies of the slain, a race for life now set in with about a dozen of the most persistent of his enemies. Though several times struck with arrows he ran down all but two who placed themselves on each side about ten feet away shooting every instant. Despairing of escape Williams turned on them, but while he chased one the other shot at him from behind. As if to leave him no chance for life the suspenders of his pantaloons gave way, and being impeded by their falling down he was forced to stop and kick them off. With his eyes and mouth filled with blood from a wound on the head, blinded and despairing he yet turned to enter the forest when he fell headlong. At this the Indians rushed upon him sure of their prey; one of them who carried a captured gun attempted to fire, but it failed. Says the narrator: 'The sick- ening sensations of the last half hour were at once dispelled when I realized that the gun had refused to fire. I was on my feet in a moment, rifle barrel in hand. Instead of running I stood firm, and the Indian with the rifle also met me with it drawn by the breech. The critical moment of the whole affair had arrived, and I knew it must be the final struggle. The first two or three blows I failed utterly, and received some severe bruises, but fortune was on my side, and a lucky blow given with unusual force fell upon my an- tagonist killing him almost instantly. I seized the gun, a sharp report fol- lowed, and I had the satisfaction of seeing my remaining pursuer stagger and fall dead.' Expecting to die of his wounds Williams entered the shadow of the woods to seek a place where he might lie down in peace. Soon afterward he fell in with Hedden, who had escaped uninjured, and who with some friendly Indians assisted him to reach the Umpqua, where they arrived after six days of intense suffering from injuries, famine, and cold, and where they found the brig Almira, Capt. Gibbs, lying, which took them to Gardiner. All


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COOS BAY AND PORT ORFORD.


ent direction for a road to the interior,51 which was compelled to return without effecting its object. Port Orford, however, received the encouragement and as- sistance of government officials, including the coast survey officers and military men,52 and throve in con- sequence. Troops were stationed there,53 and before the close of the year the work of surveying a military road was begun by Lieutenant Williamson, of the topographical engineers, with an escort of dragoons from Casey's cominand at Port Orford. Several fami- lies had also joined the settlement, about half a dozen dwelling houses having been erected for their accom- modation.54 The troops were quartered in nine log buildings half a mile from the town.55 A permanent route to the mines was not adopted, however, until late the following year.


Casey's command having returned to Benicia about the 1st of December, in January following the schooner Captain Lincoln, Naghel master, was despatched to Port Orford from San Francisco with troops and


Williams' wounds except that in the abdomen healed readily. That dis- charged for a year. In four years the arrow-head had worked itself out, but not until the seventh year did the broken shaft follow it. Davenport, like Hedden, was unhurt, but wandered starving in the mountains many days before reaching a settlement. Williams was born in Vermont, and came to the Pacific coast in 1850. He made his home at Ashland, enjoying the respect of his fellow-men, combining in his manner the peculiarities of the border with those of a thorough and competent business man. Portland West Shore, June 18, 1878.


51 Or. Statesman, Nov. 4, 1851.


52 Probably stories like the following had their effect: 'Port Orford has recently been ascertained to be one of the very best harbors on the Pacific coast, accessible to the largest class of vessels, and situated at a convenient intermediate point between the Umpqua and Rogue Rivers.' Rept. of Gen. Hitchcock, in 32d Cong., 1st Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 2, 149; S. F. Alta, July 13th and Sept. 14, 1852.


53 Lieutenant Kautz, of the rifles, with 20 men stationed at Astoria, was ordered to Port Orford in August, at the instance of Tichenor, where a post was to he established for the protection of the miners in Rogue River Valley, which was represented to be but 35 miles distant from this place. After the massacre on the Coquille, Col. Casey, of the 2d infantry, was despatched from San Francisco with portions of three dragoon companies, arriving at Port Orford on the 22d of October.


54 Saint Amant, 41-2, 144; Or. Statesman, Dec. 16, 1851.


55 33d. Cong., 2d Sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. ii. 105-6; S. F. Herald, Nov. 8, 1852.


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DISCOVERY OF GOLD IN OREGON.


stores under Lieutenant Stanton. The weather being foul she missed the harbor and went ashore on a sand spit two miles north of the entrance to Coos Bay. The passengers and cargo were safely landed on the beach, where shelter was obtained under sails stretched on booms and spars. Thus exposed, annoyed by high winds and drifting sands, and by the thiev- ing propensities of the natives, Stanton was forced to remain four months. An effort was made to explore a trail to Port Orford by means of which pack-trains could be sent to their relief. Twelve dragoons were assigned to this service, with orders to wait at Port Orford for despatches from San Francisco in answer to his own, which, as the mail steamers avoided that place after hearing of the wreck of the schooner, did not arrive until settled weather in March. Quarter- master Miller replied to Stanton by taking passage for Port Orford on the Columbia under a special ar- rangement to stop at that port. But the steamer's captain being unacquainted with the coast, and hav- ing nearly made the mistake of attempting to enter Rogue River, proceeded to the Columbia, and it was not until the 12th of April that Miller reached his destination. He brought a train of twenty mules from Port Orford, the route proving a most harass- ing one, over slippery mountain spurs, through dense forests obstructed with fallen timber, across several rivers, besides sand dunes and marshes, four days being consumed in marching fifty miles.


On reaching Camp Castaway, Miller proceeded to the Umpqua, where he found and chartered the schooner Nassou, which was brought around into C'oos Bay, being the first vessel to enter that harbor. Wagons had been shipped by the quartermaster to the Umpqua by the brig Fawn. The mules were sent to haul them down the beach by what proved to be a good road, and the stores being loaded into them were transported across two miles of sand to the west shore of the bay and placed on board the Nassau, in


203


YAQUINA BAY.


which they were taken to Port Orford,56 arriving the 20th of May.


The knowledge of the country obtained in these forced expeditions, added to the exploration of the Coquille Valley by road-hunters in the previous autumn, and by the military expedition of Casey to punish the Coquilles, of which I shall speak in an- other place, was the means of attracting attention to the advantages of this portion of Oregon for settle- ment. A chart of Coos Bay entrance was made by Naghel, which was sufficiently correct for sailing pur- poses, and the harbor was favorably reported upon by Miller.57


On the 28th of January the schooner Juliet, Cap- tain Collins, was driven ashore near Yaquina Bay, the crew and passengers being compelled to remain upon the stormy coast until by aid of an Indian mes- senger horses could be brought from the Willamette to transport them to that more hospitable region.58 While Collins was detained, which was until the latter part of March, he occupied a portion of his time in exploring Yaquina Bay, finding it navigable for ves- sels drawing from six to eight feet of water; but the entrance was a bad one. In the bay were found oysters and clams, while the adjacent land was deemed excel- lent. Thus by accident59 as well as effort the secrets of the coast country were brought to light, and


56 The Nassau was wrecked at the entrance to the Umpqua a few months later. Or. Statesman, Sept. 18, 1852. From 1850 to 1832 five vessels were lost at this place, the Bostonian, Nassau, Almira, Orchilla, and Caleb C'urtes. , 57 32d. Cong., 2dl Sess., H. S. Ex. Doc. 1, pt. ii. 103-9.


58 Dr McLoughlin, Hugh Burns, W. C. Griswold, and W. H. Barnhart responded to the appeal of the shipwrecked, and furnished the means of their rescue from suffering. Or. Statesman, March 2d and April 6, 1852.


59 Of marine disasters there seem to have been a great number in 1851-2. The most appalling was of the steam propeller General Warren, Captain Charles Thompson, which stranded on Clatsop spit, after passing out of the Columbia, Jan. 28, 1852. The steamer was found to be leaking badly, and being put about could not make the river again. She broke up almost imme- diately after striking the sands, and by daylight next morning there was only enough left of the wreck to afford standing room for her passengers and crew. A boat, the only one remaining, was despatched in charge of the bar pilot to


204


DISCOVERY OF GOLD IN OREGON.


although the immigration of 1851 was not more than a third as much as that of the previous year, there were people enough running to and fro, looking for new enterprises, to impart an interest to each fresh revelation of the resources of the territory.


Astoria for assistance. On its return nothing could be found but some float- ing fragments of the vessel. Not a life was saved of the 52 persons on board. Or. Statesman, Feb. 10th and 24, 1852; Id., March 9, 1852; Swan's N. W. Coast, 259; Portland Oregonian, Feb. 7, 1852; S. F. Alta, Feb. 16, 1852.


CHAPTER VII.


INDIAN AFFAIRS. 185I.


POLITICS-ELECTION OF A DELEGATE-EXTINGUISHMENT OF INDIAN TITLES- INDIAN SUPERINTENDENTS AND AGENTS APPOINTED-KINDNESS OF THE GREAT FATHER AT WASHINGTON -APPROPRIATIONS OF CONGRESS- FRAUDS ARISING FROM THE SYSTEM-EASY EXPENDITURE OF GOVERN- MENT MONEY-UNPOPULARITY OF HUMAN SYMPATHY-EFFICIENCY OF SUPERINTENDENT DART-THIRTEEN TREATIES EFFECTED-LANE AMONG THE ROGUE RIVER INDIANS AND IN THE MINES-DIVERS OUTRAGES AND RETALLATIONS-MILITARY AFFAIRS-ROGUE RIVER WAR-THE STRONGHOLD-BATTLE OF TABLE ROCK-DEATH OF STUART-KEARNEY'S PRISONERS.


LANE was not a skilful politician and finished orator like Thurston, though he had much natural ability,1 and had the latter been alive, notwithstanding his many misdeeds, Lane could not so easily have secured the election as delegate to congress. It was a per- sonal rather than a party matter,2 though a party spirit developed rapidly after Lane's nomination, chiefly be- cause a majority of the people were democrats,3 and


1 ' Gen. Lane is a man of a high order of original genius. He is not self- made, but God-made. He was educated nowhere. Nobody but a man of superior natural capacity, without education, could have maintained himself among men from early yonth as he did.' Grover's Pub. Life, MS., 81. We may hereby infer the idea intended to be conveyed, however ill-fitting the words.


2 Says W. W. Buck: 'Before 1851 there were no nominations made. In 1851 they organized into political parties as whigs and democrats. Before that men of prominence would think of some one, and go to him and find out if he would serve. The knowledge of the movement would spread, and the foremost candidate get elected, while others ran scattering.' Enterprises, MS., 13.


3 Jesse Applegate, who had been mentioned as suitable for the place, wrote to the Spectator March 14th: 'The people of the southern frontier, of which I am one, owe to Gov. Lane a debt of gratitude too strong for party prejudices to cancel, and too great for time to erase ... Rifle in hand he gal- ( 205 )


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INDIAN AFFAIRS.


their favorites, Thurston and Lane, were democrats, while the administration was whig and not in sym- pathy with them.


The movement for Lanc began in February, the earliest intimation of it appearing in the Spectator of March 6th, after which he was nominated in a public meeting at Lafayette. Lane himself did not appear on the ground until the last of April, and the news of Thurston's death arriving within a few days, Lane's name was immediately put forward by every journal in the territory. But he was not, for all that, with- out an opponent. The mission party nominated W. H. Willson, who from a whaling-ship cooper and lay Methodist had come to be called doctor and been given places of trust. His supporters were the de- fenders of that part of Thurston's policy which was generally condemned. There was nothing of conse- quence at issue however, and as Lane was facile of tongue+ and clap-trap, he was elected by a majority of 1,832 with 2,917 votes cast.5 As soon as the returns were all in, Lane set out again for the mines, where he was just in time to be of service to the settlers of Rogue River Valley.


Immediately upon the passage of an act by congress, extinguishing Indian titles west of the Cascade Moun- tains in 1850, the president appointed superintendent of Indian affairs, Anson Dart of Wisconsin, who ar- rived early in October, accompanied by P. C. Dart, his secretary. Three Indian agents were appointed


lantly braved the floods and storms of winter to save our property, wives, and daughters from the rapine of a lawless soldiery,' which statement, lowsoever it pictures public sentiment, smacks somewhat of the usual electioneering exaggeration.


* * He had a particularly happy faculty for what we would call domestic electioncering. He did not make speeches, but would go around and talk with families. They used to tell this story about him, and I think it is true, that what he got at one place, in the way of seeds or choice articles, he distributed at the next place. He brought these, with caudies, and always kissed the children.' Strong's Hist. Or., MS., 41.


5 Lane's Autobiography, MS., 62; Or. Spectator, July 4, 1851; Amer. Al- manac, 185.2, 223; Tribune Almanac, 1853, 51; Overland Monthly, i. 37.


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SUPERINTENDENT AND AGENTS.


at the same time, namely: A. G. Henry of Illinois, H. H. Spalding, and Elias Wampole. Dart's instruc- tions from the commissioner, under date of July 20, 1850, were in general, to govern himself by the in- structions furnished to Lane as ex-officio superintend- ent,7 to be modified according to circumstances. The number of agents and subagents appointed had been in accordance with the recommendation of Lane, and to the information contained in Lane's report he was requested to give particular attention, as well as to the suppression of the liquor traffic, and the enforce- ment of the penalties provided in the intercourse act of 1834, and also as amended in 1847, making one or two years' imprisonment a punishment for furnishing Indians with intoxicating drink.8 A feature of the


instructions, showing Thurston's hand in this matter, was the order not to purchase goods from the Hud- son's Bay Company for distribution among the Indians, but that they be purchased of American merchants, and the Indians taught that it was from the American government they received such benefits. It was also forbidden in the instructions that the company should have trading posts within the limits of United States territory,? the superintendent being required to pro- ceed with them in accordance with the terms of the act regulating intercourse with the Indians.


6 Thurston, who was much opposed to appointing men from the east, wrote to Oregon: 'Dr Henry of Illinois was appointed Indian agent, held on to it a while, drew $730 under the pretence of going to Oregon, and then resigned, leaving the government minus that sum. Upon his resigning Mr Simeon Francis was nominated, first giving assurance that he would leave for Oregon, but instead of doing so he is at home in Illinois.' Or. Spectator, April 10, 1851. 1 31st Cong., 1st Ness., S. Doc. 52, 1-7, 154-80.


8 It should be here mentioned, in justice to Thurston, that when the Indian bill was under consideration by the congressional committees, it was brought to his notice by the commissioner, that while Lane had given much information on the number and condition of the Indians, the number of agents necessary, the amount of money necessary for agency buildings, agents, expenses, and presents to the Indians, he had neglected to state what tribes should be bought out, the extent of their territory, what would be a fair price for the lands, to what place they should be removed, and whether such lands were vacant. Thurston furnished this information according to his conception of right, and had the bill framed for the extinguishment of titles in that part of Oregon, which was rapidly filling up with white settlers. See Letter of Orlando Brown, Commissioner, in Or. Spectator, Oct. 31, 1850.


9 31st C'ong., 2d Sexs., H. Ex. Doc. 1, 149.


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INDIAN AFFAIRS.


As to the attitude of government toward the Indians there was the usual political twaddle. An important object to be aimed at, the commissioner said, was the reconciling of differences between tribes. Civilized people may fight, but not savages. The Indians should be urged to engage in agricultural pursuits, to raise grain, vegetables, and stock of all kinds; and to encourage them, small premiums might be offered for the greatest quantity of produce, or number of cattle and other farm animals. With regard to missionaries among the Indians, they were to be encouraged without reference to denomination, and left free to use the best means of christianizing. The sum of twenty thousand dollars was advanced to the superintendent, of which five thousand was to be applied to the erection of houses for the accommoda- tion of himself and agents, four thousand for his own residence, and the remainder for temporary buildings to be used by the agents before becoming permanently established. The remainder was for presents and provisions.


There were further appointed for Oregon three commissioners to make treaties with the Indians, John P. Gaines, governor, Alonzo A. Skinner, and Beverly S. Allen; the last received his commission the 12th of August and arrived in Oregon in the early part of February 1851. The instructions were gen- eral, the department being ignorant of the territory, except that it extended from the 42d to the 49th parallel, and was included between the Cascade Mountains and the Pacific Ocean. The object of the government it was said was to extinguish the Indian titles, and remove the complaint of the settlers that they could acquire no perfect titles to their claims before the Indians had been quieted. They were ad- vised therefore to treat first with the Indians in the Willamette Valley, and with each tribe separately.10


10 ' The maximum price given for Indian lands has been ten cents per acre, but this has been for small quantities of great value from their contiguity to


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LAND TITLES.


They were to fix upon an amount of money to be paid, and agree upon an annuity not to exceed five per cent of the whole amount. It was also advised that money be not employed, but that articles of use should be substituted; and the natives be urged to accept such things as would assist them in becoming farmers and mechanics, and to secure medical aid and education. If any money remained after so pro- viding it might be expended for goods to be delivered annually in the Indian country. The sum of twenty thousand dollars was to be applied to these objects; fifteen thousand to be placed at the disposal of Gov- ernor Gaines, at the sub-treasury, San Francisco, and to be accounted for by vouchers; and five thousand to be invested in goods and sent round Cape Horn for distribution among the Indians. The commis- sioners were allowed mileage for themselves and secretary at the rate of ten cents a mile, together with salaries of eight dollars a day during service for each of the commissioners, and five dollars for the secretary. They were also to have as many interpret- ers and assistants as they might deem necessary, at a proper compensation, and their travelling expenses paid.11


Such was the flattering prospect under which the Indian agency business opened in Oregon. Truly, a government must have faith in its servants to place such temptations in their way. Frauds innumerable were the result; from five hundred to five thousand dollars would be paid to the politicians to secure an agency, the returns from which investment, with hundreds per cent profit, must be made by systematic peculations and pilferings, so that not one quarter of the moneys appropriated on behalf of the Indians




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