USA > Pennsylvania > Northumberland County > History of Northumberland County, Pennsylvania > Part 7
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27th, Wednesday .- Employed seventy-four at the parapet, twenty-seven with the wagon, fourteen cattle guard, ten carpenters, four sawyers, four smiths, two bakers, two gardeners, one chandler, two masons. Nothing material.
28th, Thursday .- Employed seventy at the parapet, twenty-seven with the wagon, fourteen with the cattle, fifteen carpenters, four sawyers, four smiths, two bakers, two gardeners, two masons, one chandler. Nothing material.
29th, Friday .- Employed sixty-one at the bank, twenty-seven with the wagon, fourteen cattle guard, four sawyers, four smiths, two bakers, two gardeners. two masons, one chandler. Nothing material.
30th, Saturday .- Employed sixty-two at the parapet, thirty with the wagon, four- teen cattle guard, fifteen carpenters, four sawyers, four smiths, two gardeners, two bakers, two masons, one chandler. This morning at two A. M. John Cook, of C. Davis's company, deserted from his post as sentry on the lower bastion of the palisa- does. This evening I was walking on the platforms; at twelve P. M. I heard a gun fired about two miles down the river. Ordered a general review to-morrow at four P. M. An eclipse visible of the moon at seven P. M.
Frequent visits were made by friendly Indians. Ogagradarisha, who suc- ceeded Tachnechdorus as the representative of the Six Nations upon the North Branch, held several conferences with the commanding officer, and William Sack, Indian Peter, and others are mentioned by name as visitors at the fort. On the 10th of March, 1757, five Indians "came down the North Branch in a canoe with English colors flying" to inform Major Burd that a large party would arrive in a day or two; on Sunday, the 13th, at two P. M., "the Indian fleet hove in sight with two stand of English colors flying, consisting of fif- teen canoes and three batteaux; they fired two rounds," which were answered from the upper bastion of the pickets. "There were on board upwards of ninety Indians, many of which kings and chiefs of their people." The entire party was entertained at the fort until the following Thursday, when they left in batteaux for Harris's Ferry. On the same day thirty more arrived, among whom were Monocatootha and Seneca George. They left at noon on Friday, March 18th.
Every precaution was taken to guard against hostile demonstrations. Scouting parties ranged the surrounding country on the north and west within' a radius of twenty miles; the batteau [fleet and supply trains were always accompanied by a strong escort; parties at work preparing timber, hauling materials, or herding cattle were protected by a strong detachment. Not- withstanding these measures, the enemy frequently approached on the oppo- site banks of the river and sometimes had the temerity to attack in the imme- diate vicinity of the fort. On. the 26th of February, 1757, Major Burd sent the carters "to the old house at the spring to bring in some stones," with a covering party consisting of a corporal and seven men. The sentries, three in number, were shot at by Indians, and, having heard the firing, Major Burd sent two ensigns with twenty men to their relief. As they approached the Indians gave a general huzza, to which the relief party replied; the Major thereupon sent Captain Trump with two sergeants and twenty men,
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HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY.
who pursued the enemy more than an hour but without overtaking them; they then returned with the bodies of two of the sentries. Captain Trump was immediately dispatched with Ensigns Brodhead and Allison, two sergeants, two corporals, and fifty men to pursue the attacking party; they went as far as the summit of a high mountain on the North Branch fourteen miles from the fort, but returned on the following day (Sunday, February 27th) without overtaking them. On the 9th of June, 1757, a party of Indians fired upon the sentries of the bullock guard, killing one of them, and in the skirmish that ensued sixteen shots were exchanged. Three detachments were sent out, but the bullock guard had put the enemy to flight before they arrived. Lieu- tenant Handshaw with Ensigns Brodhead and Patterson and thirty men started in pursuit at break of day on the following morning, but returned without overtaking them. At ten A. M. on the 23d of June, three parties of Indians surrounded the cattle guard, killed four men, and wounded five; two detachments were at once sent from the fort, and upon their approach the savages fled precipitately, leaving one gun, two tomahawks, and two match-coats upon the field. Their number was estimated at forty.
The only aggressive movement of importance during Major Burd's incum- bency was a second expedition to Chingleclamouse. On the evening of April 7, 1757, after dark, Captain Patterson set out with a party of ten men under instructions to proceed up the West Branch to that point, marching as close to the river as possible. When they reached their destination they found that the principal part of the town had been destroyed by fire, while the remainder had evidently been deserted for some time. Having exhausted their supply of provisions, the party descended the Susquehanna river on rafts and arrived at Fort Augusta on the 25th of January. For three days they had been obliged to subsist upon walnuts.
The terms for which many of the soldiers had enlisted expired in the spring of 1757, and much firmness was required to induce them to con- tinue in the service. Having been informed by the adjutant that some had delivered up their arms and refused to do further duty, Major Burd addressed the garrison immediately after the general review on Sunday, March 6, 1757. His opening words were as follows :-
GENTLEMEN AND FELLOW-SOLDIERS: I must first put you in mind of the cause for which we were sent hither. Was it not for to maintain the honor and just rights of our glorious sovereign and the protection of our country? Did we not all, seemingly, cheerfully embrace this opportunity of serving our king and country? Have we not taken possession of this ground, which is allowed to be a place of great importance, and have we not maintained it, and built a strong fort upon it, and have not these works been erected at a vast charge to the government, and would all this [have] been done with no further view than to make a parade to Shamokin? Surely this can't be the case; and would you, like a parcel of dastardly poltroons, abandon these works and leave the king's fort with its gates open to receive the enemies of the crown of Great Britain? Why? Merely because your times for which you were enlisted expired, and you are not obligated, you think, to do the duty you owe by nature to your gracious
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sovereign and bleeding country. For shame! Forever shame! Everlasting infamy and just reproach will attend you and all your generations after you, were you to attempt to act such a base part-a part so unbecoming the character of a Protestant Briton-a part that would give just cause to the last of your seed to curse you.
He informed them in the most positive terms of his determination not to "suffer the king's fort to be left without a garrison to defend it," and assured them upon his honor that as soon as the government should send other troops they would not be obliged to continue in the service after their terms had expired unless they should voluntarily re-enlist. With this promise, and the further assurance that should be paid until discharged, they consented to "stay and do duty."
Shortly after this (March 18, 1757) information was received that eight hundred French and Indians had arrived at the headwaters of the West Branch, and were about to make a descent upon the fort. An express was forthwith dispatched with letters conveying this intelligence and also the fact "that the garrison refused to do duty for want of pay, and that there was a scarcity of provisions and ammunition." The letters were received by the Governor and Council on the 21st of March; the supply bill was under con- sideration at the time, and the dispute between the executive and legislative branches of the government relative to the taxation of Proprietary estates was again in progress. Lord Loudoun, commander-in-chief of his Majesty's forces in America, was then at Philadelphia, and the Governor consulted him regarding Major Burd's intelligence. He advised the immediate passage of the supply bill as prepared by the Assembly, which was accordingly done, and thus the condition and needs of the garrison at Fort Augusta effected the temporary settlement of an important colonial administrative question.
With the batteau-men Major Burd was equally firm. On the 26th of May, 1757, a number of batteaux arrived under the command of Lieutenant Hand- shaw; he reported gross insubordination on the part of the batteau-men, three of whom were placed in confinement. On the following day Major Burd was told that the others were coming to him to demand the reason for this, and thereupon informed them that if they had anything to say they should send two or three of their number, but if they came in a body he would shoot the first man that approached. Two of them accordingly informed him that they were employed for the batteau service only, to which the Major replied that they were part of his command, and that he should expect them to con- form to the directions of his officers in any manner that the exigencies of the service might require. The next day (May 28th) they informed him that they would do no other duty than work their respective batteaux, and that he might continue them in the service on those terms or give them their dis- charges. He replied that he would do neither, but was fully determined to make examples of all whom he found "guilty of this piece of mutiny;" and if they imagined he found any difficulty to get batteau-men they were much
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HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY.
deceived. On the following morning they were paraded by the adjutant, acknowledged their fault, and promised to comply with the officers' orders in future.
The completion of the works, although begun by Major Burd when he assumed command, was partially suspended during the winter months. The internal arrangements of the fort were improved, however; a bakehouse, smokehouse, beef cistern, pork cistern, etc. were provided, while pickets for the outer defenses were cut in the surrounding forests to the number of more than a thousand. As soon as the condition of the ground would per- mit, the completion of the earth-works was resumed; thirty men were em- ployed "at the ditch " on the 18th of March, twenty-seven on the 19th, fifty-six on the 20th (Sunday), and fifty-five on the 21st, including "all the cooks, servants, and guard." It was not until the 10th of August that the parapet was finished; the counterscarp and ditch, "glassee," platforms, etc. next received attention, but were yet in an unfinished condition at the time Major Burd's journal closes (October 14, 1757). A fish-dam and wharf were constructed, brick making and lime burning were carried on, and a garden was cleared and inclosed.
Major Burd took his departure on the 18th of December, 1757, and, al- though he retained command of the Augusta regiment, the conduct of affairs at Fort Augusta devolved upon the subordinate officers at that post. Cap- tain Joseph Shippen succeeded to the command; on the 27th of March, 1758, he left the fort on leave of absence from Colonel Burd, and in the report for April 1st Major Thomas Lloyd appears as commandant. By a reorganiza- tion of the provincial forces the Augusta regiment had been incorporated in the second battalion of the Pennsylvania regiment, of which James Burd was lieutenant colonel and Thomas Lloyd major; subsequently the former became colonel and the latter lieutenant colonel. Nearly the whole of this battalion was attached to General Forbes's command and participated in the expedition against Fort Duquesne; Captain Trump was the only officer of his rank who remained at Fort Augusta and the command therefore devolved upon him, prior to June 2, 1758. He occupied this position until April, 1759, and doubtless later. In September of that year Major Jacob Orndt, of the First battalion, was in command. Caleb Graydon, successively ensign, lieutenant, and captain, was in charge when Colonel Burd arrived at the fort on the 15th of February, 1760. It does not appear that the Colonel remained longer than several weeks, after which Lieutenant Graydon resumed command, and was in charge when Colonel Burd again arrived in 1763.
The principal addition to the works during this period was the powder magazine. Its erection was first recommended by Harry Gordon (who styles himself "engineer and captain ") in the following terms :-
A magazine ought to be built in the south bastion, twelve by twenty feet in the
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clear, also a laboratory of the same dimensions in the east bastiou: the wall of the magazine to be two and one half feet thick, with three buttresses, two feet thick at the bottom beveling to nine inches at top, in each side; the breadth of buttresses, three and one half feet; the magazine to have an arch of two and one half brick thick, and to be underground within one and one half feet of the top of the arch; the walls, seven feet high from the level of the floor, and to have a foundation two feet below the floor; great care taken to lay the joists and to fill up between with ruble stone and gravel, rammed; the joists to be covered with plank two and one half inches thick; an air hole one foot square to be practiced in the gable end, opposite the door; the passage to the magazine to have a zig-zag, and over the arch some fine plaster laid, then covered with fine gravel and four feet of earth a-top .*
Captain Gordon's recommendation was transmitted under date of May 6, 1758. Instructions were issued to Captain Trump, the commanding offi- cer, to undertake the work, which was begun under very discouraging cir- cumstances. "I have got but few tradesmen to carry on any building," he wrote Governor Denny on the 19th of July, 1758; "one carpenter, two masons, one smith are left here. I have begun to build a powder magazine, (as there has never been any other than the common provision store, an unfit place to hold powder,) and am obliged to leave it unfinished for want of lime and stone. The limestone is to fetch six miles and it is impossible to fetch them any other way than by water; and all the batteau-men are discharged, so it is impossible for me to carry it on any further without some more assist- ance." It does not appear that the garrison was materially re-enforced, although its effective strength was probably increased by employing batteau- men, and thus the magazine was finally constructed. Of all the military works that once constituted Fort Augusta the subterranean portion of this structure alone remains. From the highway on the bank of the river it pre- sents the appearance of a small mound of earth. A narrow stone stairway descends to the interior, which is ten by twelve feet in dimensions; the walls are constructed of stone and the arched ceiling of brick, manufactured, in all probability, at the fort. Over this underground chamber a wooden building formerly stood; there is some reason to think that this was the magazine proper, for William Maclay refers to it as "this magazine, under which there is a small but complete dungeon."t It was enlarged and strengthened, and served for a brief period as the first jail of Northumberland county. The "small but complete dungeon" is all that now remains of the only fortifica- tion erected within the present limits of Northumberland county during the colonial period. }
* Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. III. pp. 388-389.
+ Pennsylvania Archives, Vol. IV. p. 463.
#" McKee's fort " is located within the present limits of the county on the map published by the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, and the editor of the Pennsylvania Archives makes the following statement concerning it (Vol. XII. p. 405): " It is believed to have been named after Thomas McKee, an Indian trader who had a plantation on the Susquehanna near the falls which still bear his name. It is said to have been situated on the east branch [bank?] of the Susquehanna in Lower Mahanoy township, Northumberland county, at or about where Georgetown now stands at those falls."
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HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY.
An Indian trading house was also built. This was done at the special request of the Indians living on the Susquehanna, who had been pacified and desired a convenient place for the exchange of peltries, etc. for clothing and supplies. The Governor and Assembly had some difficulty in agreeing upon a plan for the regulation of this trade, and the delay in establishing stores caused much dissatisfaction among the Indians. At length these differences were adjusted; on the 20th of January, 1758, Captain Shippen informed Major Burd that several parties of Delawares had arrived "with skins to trade at the store," and in the list of supplies received he mentioned "a quantity for Mr. Carson's store." On the 1st of July, 1758, Captain Trump wrote: "Agreeably to your orders to me I have begun to dig the cellar for the store house for Indian goods, but there is not carpenters' tools here suffi- cient to complete the building of the house." Temporary quarters were provided, however, regarding which he wrote on the 19th instant: "It is impossible for me to carry on the Indian store house for want of workmen and tools, and as this last draft has taken all the workmen from me save the few [I] have mentioned to your Honor; but I have for the present fitted up one of the barracks that is almost joining the present Indian store, which will hold a great quantity of skins." A trading house was eventually erected, however; it stood outside the fort, and was removed in 1763. The work of demolition was begun on the 16th of July; the materials were taken inside
A careful comparison of the evidence on the subject does not, in the opinion of the author, justify this conclusion. Thomas McKee was commissioned as a captain in the provincial service in 1756, and on the 26th of January was instructed to receive from the officer commanding the detach- ment at Hunter's mill the "arms, accouterments, blankets, tools, and stores " in his hands (Penn- sylvania Archives, Vol. II. p. 553); he was to march his company to Hunter's mill, and "either com- plete the fort already begun there or build another at such other convenient place as James Gal- braith, Esq. shall advise " (Ibid. p. 564). On the 5th of April, 1756, he wrote to Edward Shippen from the " fort at Hunter's mill," informing him that John Shikellimy had arrived there (Ibid. p. 615). In a letter to the Governor on the 19th instant Shippen wrote that he had been at "Captain McKee's fort," where he had seen John Shikellimy; Hunter's house, he said, was "five or six hun- dred feet from the fort " (Ibid. pp. 634-635). From this it is quite evident that " MeKee's fort " was the stockade generally known as Fort Hunter.
That McKee had a trading house at the site of Georgetown or in that vicinity there can be no doubt. It was there that Conrad Weiser met Shikellimy's sons in April, 1749 (Ibid. p. 23). Kishoco- quillas, the Shawane chief from whom the beautiful valley in Mifflin county derives its name, died there in 1754 (Colonial Records, Vol. VI. pp. 153-154). On the 3d of June, 1756, six scouts were sent by Colonel Clapham to ascertain the condition of the country between his camp and Shamokin; "they saw nothing till they came to MeKee's and found his honse burnt, where they discovered the tracks of an Indian moccasin." (Ibid. Vol. VII. p. 154). Flve scouts were sent out two days later (Saturday, June 5th); on the following Monday they discovered "the fresh tracks of four Indians and four horses," which they followed about six miles to no purpose, "and then turned to the left and went across the mountain toward Mr. McKee's plantation; and, having got within two miles of that place, they came upon the same tracks," which they again followed about a mile. James Lowry, the leader of the party, then "followed up the tracks till he came within seventy yards of MeKee's cleared fields, and plainly saw four Indians and as many horses hoppled In the meadows, upon which he immediately ran back a mile to acquaint his compaolons with it; and upon their coming up they all perceived five more Indians walking up from the river (with water, as they supposed) towards the place where the house had stood." While they were deliberating upon the course to be pursued they heard the reports of three guns in quick succession on their right and left, and, fearing they might be surrounded, "retired all night and came in the morning to the camp at Armstrong's " (Ibid. p. 155). This certainly affords conclusive evidence that the fort Captain MeKee was instructed to build in Jannary, 1756, was not located at his trading house near the month of Stone Valley creek.
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THE COLONIAL PERIOD.
the fort and used for other purposes. The business had been conducted under the auspices of the government, with Nathaniel Holland as resident agent several years, and during this time the coming and going of parties of friendly Indians were the principal occurrences that varied the monotony of routine garrison life.
Fort Augusta again became the scene of active military operations in 1763. A preconcerted attack had been made upon the western posts by the Indians under the direction of Pontiac and Guyasutha, and measures were at once taken to put Fort Augusta in a condition for defense. In the tem- porary absence of Lieutenant Graydon, Lieutenant Samuel Hunter was in command. On the 5th of June, 1763, he received a letter from John Harris informing him that Colonel Clapham and twelve men had been killed at Pittsburgh; on the following day he had a letter from Colonel Armstrong, stating that the post at Sandusky had been taken; he was also warned by a friendly Indian to be on his guard, as the fort was in danger of attack at any time. It was at once ordered that the reveille should beat at daybreak, when all the garrison were to proceed to the bastions under arms. Twelve men, with a sergeant and corporal, were detailed to mount guard, and a sentry was stationed in each bastion. The gates were ordered to be shut at dusk. Directions were given that all the small arms should be charged, "that each man might have two or three by him for present use." It was subsequently ordered that no soldier should have any dealings with the Indians upon any pretense whatever, or fire his piece except at the command of an officer or at an enemy; and the sentries were directed to let no "man, woman, or child go on the ramparts." On the 8th of June the entire garrison was employed "to put the fort in the best position" for immediate defense and continued at that work several weeks. Lieutenant Graydon arrived on the 15th and . Colonel Burd on the 18th instant; the latter at ouce assumed command. One week later a conference was held with more than a score of Indians, during which he took the precaution to have the garrison under arms. In order to insure a supply of water in case of siege the construction of a covered way to the river was begun on the 29th of June, when "three houses at the south end of the town" were pulled down. On the following day it was ordered, "That every one passing through either one of the barrier gates shut them after them to prevent cattle going into the covered way; also, to walk on the covered way as near the pickets as they can." On the 2d of July the " pickets in the covered way" were finished. The erection of a "new guard house over the back gate" was begun July 20th, probably with the former materials of the Indian trading house; it was completed and first occupied on the 4th of August. While these improvements were in progress a barricade was thrown up against the upper side of the redoubt and the defenses otherwise strengthened.
Although the anticipated attack did not occur, military movements of 5
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HISTORY OF NORTHUMBERLAND COUNTY.
some consequence were made on both branches of the Susquehanna. On Thursday, August 25, 1763, at twelve M., Captains Patterson and Bedford and George Allen arrived at Fort Augusta with one hundred fourteen men, and left on the same day to destroy several Indian towns sixty miles distant on the West Branch. They encountered the enemy thirty miles up the river, and in the skirmish that ensued four of their party were killed and four wounded. Captains Patterson and Bedford returned to the fort at noon on Saturday, the 27th instant; George Allen and John Wood, with the remainder of the party, arrived at five P. M. on the same day. On their retreat down the river the latter had intercepted three Indians from Bethle- hem, who, as they were suspected of carrying intelligence and supplies to the hostile Indians, were killed on the hill north of Northumberland. The entire party remained at Fort Augusta until Sunday, August 28th, when they departed for the settlements whence they had come. A second expedi- tion against the Indian rendezvous at Great Island was made in the follow- ing October under the command of Colonel John Armstrong. After destroy- ing the Indian corn fields and villages, the party retreated down the West Branch; Captains Patterson, Bedford, Sharp, Laughlin, and Crawford, with two hundred men, arrived at Fort Augusta on the 11th of October, and Captains Piper and Lindsay, with fifty men, on the following day; Colonel Armstrong had left the latter party about seven miles from the fort, " intend- ing to go the nearest way to Carlisle." On the 13th of October Major Clayton reached the fort with eighty men, en route to Wyoming; they resumed their march on the 15th, accompanied by Lieutenant Hunter and twenty-four of the garrison. On the 20th instant they returned, having destroyed what provisions and implements they found.
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