History of York County Pennsylvania, Volume I, Part 59

Author: Prowell, George R.
Publication date: 1907
Publisher: J. H. Beers
Number of Pages: 1372

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The committee appointed to in- Services terview Baron Steuben, re- Accepted. ported to Congress on the fol- lowing day. The propositions submitted by the Baron were unanimously accepted and soon afterward he proceeded to Valley Forge, where he began strict training and discipline for the campaign of 1778. When he first arrived at the encamp- ment at Valley Forge, he experienced some difficulty because of his lack of familiarity with the English language, but his future career was successful, and the cause of in- dependence owed a debt to him for his was framed in 1787. achievements in the American army.

The party conflicts of our Revolutionary leaders were caused by the antagonism be- tween two schools of political thought-the liberative and the constructive. The sole object of the former was to get rid of the British authority in America, which was' interpreted to be tyranny. The latter sought to set up in the colonies a constitu- tional system of co-ordinate legislative, ex- ecutive and judicial departments in the place of authority of the British govern- ment. The liberative school sought to en- force government through congressional committees ; the constructive through heads of departments, giving large powers to Washington as commander-in-chief, and to Franklin at the head of the American le- gation at Paris. The contest between the leaders of the conflicting schools of thought among the Fathers of our Republic was dominant while Congress sat in York and continued until the Federal constitution Samuel Adams, of Massachusetts,

When he arrived at York in February he through his dislike of executive authority was assigned to quarters in the house in any shape, became the leader of the liberative school in Congress. Through his opposition to the adoption of scientific principles either in war, in diplomacy or in finance, he came more than once near wrecking the cause which he would gladly have given his life to sustain. Even after the war, both Samuel Adams and John Hancock opposed the ratification of a na- tional constitution, but when they finally accepted it as a wise compromise, they were of the greatest public service to the new government. John Adams, during the Revolution, advocated the same policy and principles as his cousin, Samuel Adams. previously occupied by John Hancock, when he was president of Congress. The house stood on the south side of West Mar- ket Street, three doors west of Centre Square, and was owned by Colonel Michael Swope, who had commanded a regiment of York County troops at the battle of Fort Washington, where he and almost his en- tire command were captured, in Novem- ber, 1776, and were still prisoners of war in New York City and Long Island. On June 23. Continental Congress approved a bill of $104 presented by Mrs. Eva Swope, wife of Colonel Swope, for lodging and boarding

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HISTORY OF YORK COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA

When peace came, he was one of the most

Next to. Washington in this line of ardent supporters of constitutional and ex- thought was Franklin, whose mind was ecutive authority. Closely allied with these three New England statesmen of this period were Richard Henry Lee and Fran- cis Lightfoot Lee, of Virginia, men of power and influence in Congress.

In the political history of our country, these statesnien were not constructive in their tendencies. They were civilians and it is remarkable that no military man of eminence accepted the principles of gov- ernment which these men had advocated during the War for Independence.

General Washington by na- Washington a Leader. ture and training, both as a soldier and a statesman, be- came the great leader among those advocating a constructive policy. He declared that war was an instrument of con- struction of which destruction of English power was merely the preliminary incident. The object he had in view as early as 1776 was essentially different from that of the leaders of the liberative school of Revolu- tionary statesmen. Washington had not yet loomed up as the dominating person- ality of the Revolution when the Articles of Confederation were passed by Congress at York, in November, 1777. Between him- self and the supporters of the liberative school there was antagonism, until after the former had driven the British army out of New Jersey, in 1778, and achieved dis- tinction on the field of battle at Trenton, Princeton and Monmouth. These victories attracted the attention of all Europe and called forth favorable comment from Fred- erick the Great of Prussia. Washington hield that war was essential but should be conducted by trained regulars. Adams and his colleagues thought that America could fight the battles for independence with militia, because they had shown so much patriotic valor at Bunker Hill and the siege of Boston. Washington was one of the earliest who favored an alliance with France, the enemy of England. He courted the friendship of the youthful Lafayette and at once gave him high rank in the army. The diplomacy of the war was largely con- ducted by Washington as the head of the army. In this work he displayed wisdom and forethought to which the French never ceased to pay tribute.

eminently constructive, and who for years, as postmaster-general and as colonial agent in London, had acquired the largest expe- rience in American administration of any man then living. Of the same school of thought as Washington and Franklin were Robert Morris, John Lay, Gouverneur Mor- ris, Henry Laurens, Alexander Hamilton, Benjamin Harrison and Robert R. Living- ston. Their opponents argued that Rome enslaved the world by discipline; the Gauls liberated it from Rome's oppression by im- petuous zeal. It was the militia of New England, they claimed, who drove back the British regulars at Lexington and hurled back the enemy's onset at Bunker Hill. But in reply to this, Washington and his friends said that Rome succumbed to her own ener- vation, and that if the untrained farmers who drove back the invaders at Lexington and the half-armed militia who defended Bunker Hill had been fully armed and well- disciplined as soldiers, the British army at Boston would have been forced to capitu- late and the war would have been brought to an early close. But Washington still maintained that a war such as the United States then was engaged in could not be sustained by an army made up of militia or volunteers enlisted for a short term of service.

These momentous questions had been frequently taken up in Congress during the early part of 1777. They were discussed with vigor and energy soon after Congress arrived at York. This was the turning point in the political thought of that eventuful period.

The defeat of the American Antagonism army under Washington at to Brandywine and German-

Washington. town, and the success of Gates at Saratoga shortly after Congress arrived in York, intensified the feeling of the liberative school of states- men in and out of Congress and culminated in serious antagonism to Washington. The attempts to undermine Washington owed their origin to the attitude of certain mem- bers of Congress toward him as com- mander-in-chief. Had it not been for the vigorous opposition of his political ene- mies, no army rival would have ventured to push forward.

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CONTINENTAL CONGRESS AT YORK

Early in 1777, John Adams declared that the army, became unsparing in his criticism he was "sick of the Fabian system," adopted of his commander. He had served in this position for several months, but owing to some reflections made by Washington upon the management of his department, grew impetuous and resigned his position in the army and was outspoken in his strictures on the management of the campaign which and Germantown. by the head of the army. After President Laurens had issued his proclamation for the national thanksgiving in honor of the victory at Saratoga, Adams wrote from York' to his wife in Massachusetts: "One cause of it ought to be that the glory of turning the tide of arms is not immediately had resulted in the defeats at Brandywine due to the commander-in-chief. If it had, idolatry and adulation would have Dr. Benjamin Rush, of Philadelphia, who been unbounded." James Lovell, the filled the position of surgeon and physician- schoolmaster from Boston, then a delegate general of the middle district, took occa- sion to speak of Washington in the most scathing terms. He often dealt in vituper- ation in making remarks about others. He quarreled with Dr. William Shippen, surgeon-general of the army, and even went so far as to ask for the removal of the latter. This incident brought forth from Washington that the criticism made by Rush against Shippen originated in bad motives. Rush retorted by picturing the army in a woeful condition. He claimed that Washington was controlled by General Greene, a "sycophant," General Knox, the commander of artillery, and Alexander Hamilton, one of his aides, a young man of twenty-one. He further predicted that the war would never end with him as com- mander-in-chief. Two months later, Rush came to York and resigned his commission in the army. Soon afterward he wrote an anonymous letter to Patrick Henry, then governor of Virginia, containing bitter sar- casm and scathing reflections on Washing- ton's character and ability as a soldier. The letter was forwarded to Washington, who recognized the handwriting of his an- tagonist. After reading it, Washington re- marked: "We have caught the sly fox at

in Congress, asserted that "our affairs are Fabiused into a very disagreeable posture," and wrote that "depend upon it for every ten soldiers placed under the command of our Fabius, five recruits will be wanted an- nually during the war." William Williams, a member from Connecticut, agreed with Jonathan Trumbull that the time had come when "a much exalted character should make way for a general." He suggested if this was not done "voluntarily," those to whom the public looked should "see to it." Abraham Clark, a member from New Jer- sey, said, "we may talk of the enemy's cruelty as we will, but we have no greater cruelty to complain of than the manage- ment of our own army." Jonathan D. Sar- gent, noted as a jurist and later · attorney- general of Pennsylvania, asserted: "We want a general-thousands of lives and mil- lions of property are yearly sacrificed to the inefficiency of our commander-in-chief. Two battles he has lost for us by two such blunders as might have disgraced a soldier of three months' standing, and yet we are so attached to this man that I fear we shall rather sink with him than throw him off our shoulders." Richard Henry Lee, of Virginia, agreed with Mifflin that Gates last." was needed to "procure the indispensable changes in our army." Other delegates to Congress who were inimical to Washing- ton, either by openly expressed opinion or by vote, were Elbridge Gerry, Samuel

Friend. member from South Carolina, wrote : "General Washington Adams, William Ellery, Eliphalet Dyer, complains of the want of many essential Samuel Chase and F. L. Lee.

There were other men conspicuous in the affairs of the government and in the army who displayed strong opposition to Wash- ington. Thomas Mifflin, of Pennsylvania, who, at the request of Washington, had been appointed quartermaster-general of British army in Philadelphia."

Early in October, soon after

Congress assembled in York,

Laurens a Henry Laurens, a distinguished

articles for the army. He is the most to be pitied of any man I know. The essentials should have been supplied. If they had been provided some time ago, hundreds, perhaps thousands, of desertions would have been prevented and there would be no

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HISTORY OF YORK COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA

On October 16, Henry Laurens wrote to his son, then serving on the staff of General Washington : "I am writing this letter with difficulty in the hall of Congress. There is a constant buzzing and confusion about me amongst the delegates. Some of them are asking why General Washington has not demanded supplies of which he claims there is a scarcity, from the people and the Tories? why has he not prevented deser- tions and kept the British emissaries from entering his camp? The general opinion is that the difficulty arises from the want of discipline in the American army."

The State The Supreme Executive

Council and General As- Legislature. sembly of Pennsylvania, then in session at Lancaster, when they heard, in December, that Washington was about to go into winter quarters at Val- ley Forge, sent a remonstrance to Congress. Instead of being loyal to the commander- in-chief by furnishing the needed supplies for his army in the field and camp, these bodies clamored against the decimated army taking up quarters for the winter. They claimed that the withdrawal. of the jority.

American army from the vicinity of Phila- delphia would give the enemy opportunity of foraging the region of eastern Pennsyl- vania and even endangering the safety of the legislature at Lancaster and Congress at York. This would incur a loss of repu- tation to the cause of independence, prevent the enlistment of the militia for the safety of the commonwealth, affect the raising of taxes, and bring forth a multitude of other evils, civil and military, including submis- sion to the enemy. It was a wild, erratic and impetuous remonstrance unworthy of men claiming to be American patriots. They insisted on a winter campaign and further stated that the inland towns such as Lancaster and York were filled with refugees to such an extent that it was im- possible to accommodate soldiers quartered in these places.

In reply to this opposition of the Penn- sylvania Legislature, Washington said: "I can assure these gentlemen that it is much easier to draw up remonstrances by their warm firesides than to endure the rigors of winter encampment without sufficient food and clothing on the bleak hills of Valley Forge."

Again he said : "It is easy to bear the de- vices of private enemies whose ill will only arises from their common hatred to the cause we are engaged in; but I confess, I cannot help feeling the most painful sensa- tions, whenever I have reason to believe I am the object of persecution to men, who are embarked in the same general interest, and whose friendship my heart does not reproach me with ever having done any- thing to forfeit. With many, it is a suffi- cient cause to hate and wish the ruin of a man, because he has been happy enough to be the object of his country's favor.'

It is related in Dunlap's History of New York, upon the authority of Morgan Lewis, an aide on the staff of General Gates, that in January, 1778, a day had been appointed by the opponents of Washington in Con- gress for one of their members to move for the appointment of a committee to proceed to the camp at Valley Forge and report adversely to the intents of the commander- in-chief, and that the motion would have been adopted had not the opponents of Washington unexpectedly lost their ma-

At that time there were five delegates chosen to represent the state of New York in Congress. These men were James Duane, Philip Livingstone, Francis Lewis, William Duer and Gouverneur Morris. Only two of them were present, Duer and Lewis. The former was confined to his bed by sickness and it was thought he would be unable to attend the session of Congress when the vote for the appointment of the committee was to be taken. By a resolu- tion of the legislature of New York the presence of two delegates was necessary to entitle the state to a vote in Congress. Lewis was an active member of the naval board and a correspondent of Franklin, whose war policy coincided with that of Washington. He kept himself thoroughly posted in what was being done by the op- ponents of the commander-in-chief. In the event of Duer being unable to attend this important session he dispatched a letter to Gouverneur Morris, who was then on his way to York, so that two delegates from the state would be on hand. Says Julia Delafield, the granddaughter and biog- rapher of Francis Lewis :

"Morris was his intimate friend. He

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SOLDIERS' MONUMENT

JAMES SMITH'S MONUMENT

PHILIP LIVINGSTON'S MONUMENT

The Smith Monument stands in the Presbyterian churchyard on East Market Street, York. The Sol- diers' Monument and the Livingston Monument are in Prospect Hill Cemetery.

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CONTINENTAL CONGRESS AT YORK

wrote to Morris informing him of the Washington congratulated Gates upon his emergency, and begging him to come to York at once. Duer sent for his physician, Dr. Joseph Jones, one of the delegates from Virginia, and requested him to have a cot ready to take him to the Court House. Dr. Jones replied, 'If you go you will endanger your life.' 'Will I die before I reach the house ?' 'No, but you may die in conse- quence of the exertion.' 'Then I will go. If you will not assist me, somebody else must : but I prefer your aid.'

"The day appointed by the conspirators to bring forward their motion, Gates, his staff, and Gouverneur Morris arrived at York. They had all been detained on the Lancaster side of the river by the ice that obstructed the channel of the Susquehanna. Morgan Lewis and Morris repaired at once to the quarters of the New York delegates. There they found Francis Lewis with his friend Duer, the latter wrapped in blankets, disaffected toward Washington.

his cot and his bearers ready to convey him to the Hall of Congress. The arrival of Morris made it unnecessary for him to risk his life. The opponents of Washington, finding that they were outnumbered, did not bring forward their motion."

THE CONWAY CABAL.

This was the condition of affairs in Con- gress at York, and throughout the thirteen original states at war with Great Britain at the opening of the year 1778. Washington had gone into winter quarters at Valley Forge and had there commenced the erec- tion of log huts for his soldiers in the camp. Fortunately, for the commander-in-chief and the future destiny of the country, there were strong men in and out of Congress who remained loyal to their chief.

But the contending factions of Congress had brought forth

Gates' Ambition. the aspirations of General

victory, but reproved him for not comply- ing with the rules of the army by sending a direct communication to him as com- mander-in-chief. After the surrender. Gates had declined to quickly send a part of the army to the assistance of Washington, near Philadelphia. Washington sent Alexander Hamilton, one of his aides, and by that means secured the return to the main army of Morgan's Riflemen, who had distin- guished themselves at the battle of Sara- toga. Had he been re-inforced earlier by these valiant soldiers, it is claimed that Washington might have saved the forts on the Delaware and prevented the British from occupying Philadelphia during the winter. Gates took advantage of the situa- tion and entered into correspondence with General Thomas Conway, General Mifflin and other officers of the army, who were

Thomas Conway was Washing-

Conway's ton's traducer to Gates. He

Intrigues. was an Irish-French soldier of rank, who unfortunately had been made a brigadier-general in the Con- tinental army. Having made friends of the New England delegates in Congress, it was then proposed by them to advance him to the rank of major-general, which Washing- ton had opposed on the grounds that "his merit and importance exist more in his imagination than in reality." For the moment this was sufficient to prevent Con- way's promotion, and even if he had not before been opposed to his commander, he now became his bitter enemy.

Colonel James Wilkinson, an aide on the staff of Gates, had been assigned to the duty of carrying the news of the victory at Saratoga to York, and stopped on the way at Reading, Pennsylvania, where he re- mained three days. Lord Stirling, an officer in the American army, who had been wounded at Brandywine, had been taken to that town until his recovery. While in a convivial mood, after having drank too freely. Wilkinson revealed the secrets of the cabal to Major Williams, an aide on the staff of Lord Stirling. This information sent to Conway the following brief note :

Gates, the hero of Saratoga, to supplant Washington as the head of the army. Congress had invited him to York to become president of the Board of War. Prominent men believed him superior in military genius to Washington. So much applause caused his head to be turned. His vanity was only excelled by his arrogance, was communicated to Washington, who for he had neglected to inform Washington, as was his duty, of the victory at Saratoga Sir: A letter which I received last night before sending his message to Congress. contained the following paragraph :- "In a

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HISTORY OF YORK COUNTY, PENNSYLVANIA

letter from General Conway to General Gates, he says, 'Heaven has determined to save your country or a weak general and bad counsellors would have ruined it.' " I am, sir, your humble servant,

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

This brought the attention of Washing- ton and his friends to what seemed to be a conspiracy to elevate Gates to the chief command of the army. Conway did not know what answer to make to this startling note. Meantime, General Mifflin wrote to Gates that an extract from one of Conway's letters had fallen into the hands of Wash- ington, and cautioned him to be more care- ful of his correspondence in the future. The plotters now became seriously alarmed. Washington's curt letter left them in the dark.

In this letter, Washington further related how Wilkinson had babbled over his cups at Reading and revealed the secret, which had spread l consternation among the friends of the commander-in-chief. He had communicated this discovery to Conway to let that officer know that his intriguing dis- position was observed and watched. He had mentioned this to no one else but Lafayette. Washington did not know that Conway was in correspondence with Gates, and had even supposed that Wilkinson's information was given with the sanction of Gates and with friendly intent to forearm him against a secret enemy. "But in this," he wrote, in concluding this remarkable let- ter, "as in other matters of late, I have found myself mistaken."

Had it not been for the treach-

Gates replied to Mifflin: "There is Wilkinson erous letter of Gates, Wash- Blamed. ington never would have sus- pected him. Amid this dis- scarcely a man living who takes greater care of his papers than I do. I never fail to lock them up and keep the key in my comfiture, Gates had a single ray of hope. pocket." He then arrived at the conclusion It appeared that Washington thus far had no definite information except the sentence dropped in Wilkinson's conversation. Gates now attempted to make Wilkinson the scapegoat for all, and wrote again to Washington, denying his intimacy with Conway, and declared that he had received but one letter from him. He protested that this letter contained no such paragraph as that of which Washington had been in- formed. The information that Wilkinson had revealed, he declared to be a villainous slander. In a previous letter to Washing- "ton, Gates had admitted the existence of several letters which he had received from Conway. A stinging reply from Washing- ton put Gates in a very uncomfortable position, from which there was no retreat. When Colonel Wilkinson heard of this matter, his youthful blood boiled with rage. Having been selected as president that Alexander Hamilton, who had visited him at Albany, had stealthily ransacked his effects and read his private correspondence. Gates wrote to Washington stating that he understood that some of Conway's confi- dential letters to himself had fallen into Washington's hands. He then sent a copy of the letter to Congress in order that that body might assist in the discovery of the person who committed this alleged misde- meanor. The purpose of this artifice was to create, in Congress, an impression un- favorable to Washington, by making it ap- pear that he had encouraged his aides-de- camp in prying into the portfolios of other generals. Washington discerned the treacherous purpose of the letter and wrote to Gates: "Your letter came to my hånds a few days ago, and to my great sur- prise, informed me that a copy of it had been sent to Congress, for what reason, I Gates of the Board of War, General find myself unable to account; but as some end was doubtless intended to be answered York. by it, I am laid under the disagreeable ne- cessity of returning my answer through the same channel, lest any member of that honorable body should harbor an unfavor- able suspicion of my having practiced some indirect means to come at the contents of the confidential letters between you and General Conway."

at Gates resigned from his command of the northern army, then at Al- bany, and came to York, arriving here January 19. By many of the delegates in Congress he was received with great en- thusiasm. The victory which he had won at Saratoga had gained for him temporarily a brilliant reputation as a soldier. He had won the first decisive battle of the Revo- lution. The surrender of Burgoyne, which

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History of York County Pennsylvania, Volume I, Part 59

Author: Prowell, George R. Publication date: 1907 Publisher: J. H. Beers Number of Pages: 1372

Author: Prowell, George R.
Publication date: 1907
Publisher: J. H. Beers
Number of Pages: 1372