USA > Pennsylvania > Pennsylvania, colonial and federal : a history, 1608-1903, Volume Two > Part 11
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40
143
Pennsylvania Colonial and Federal
fected by, the action of the federal and State governments, and also to determine upon the best course to pursue in the de- fense of what they claimed as their rights, of which the author- ities were now attempting to deprive them. Colonel Cook was appointed chairman and Albert Gallatin secretary of the conven- tion. The proceedings soon took an animated turn and the old
Lambert Cadwalader
Commissioned colonel in American army, 1776; captured by British, 1776, and paroled; never in active service afterwards
spirit of open resistance was manifested in the utterances of the demagogic element. While the meeting was in progress the commissioners (the Pennsylvania members were Chief Justice Mckean and William Irvine) arrived, but even this event had not the effect to subdue the violent clamor or to awe into silence the agitating spirits of the occasion. The proceedings took the form of resolutions expressive of the prevailing sentiment, and which were advocated and adopted with little determined oppo- sition until the secretary, Gallatin, took the floor and warmly es-
144
Mifflin's Administration
poused the cause of order and peaceable submission to the laws of the State and nation.
Gallatin's effort was mainly directed against one of the reso- lutions offered for adoption which is characterized by Findley as "a bold attempt to form a combination hostile to the government, both of this State and the United States." In alluding to Galla- tin's speech at this critical moment, one writer says "it required no little courage to oppose the wishes of such a body." But what- ever of physical or moral courage the orator of the occasion may have displayed, his logic prevailed with the convention, and the obnoxious resolution was withdrawn by its proponent, and in its stead the convention provided for the appointment of a commit- tee of sixty, with power to call a new meeting of the people or their deputies in the disaffected region. This action met with popular approval, the element of discontent subsided into quiet and the determination was expressed to support the State laws and afford protection to the citizens.
In treating of the eventual results of the convention, Find- ley says : "This was an important step toward the restoration of order, for at that time no man thought himself safe in many places in telling his real sentiments. Threats were not only cir- culated in anonymous letters, but were contained in the mottos on liberty poles; one was erected on the morning of the meeting and within view of it; the motto of it was 'Liberty and no excise and no asylum for cowards or traitors.' Every man was es- teemed a coward or traitor by those disorganizers who dis- approved of their measures." In relation to the arrival of the commissioners at the place of the convention, the same writer says : "The commissioners came to a house near the meeting be- fore it adjourned. This rendered the situation of the friends of order more delicate. It was urged by some that the meeting should not be dissolved till they would know and decide on the terms proposed by the commissioners. With great address, however, they were prevailed on to adjourn without day. Men of dis-
2-10
145
Pennsylvania Colonial and Federal
cernment knew that nothing would bring the people to a proper sense of their duty without time for reflection, and for the present agitated state of mind to subside. They knew also that if time could be procured to disseminate knowledge among the people, everything that was necessary would be gained. Therefore, to restore quietness and gain time was the great object with Galla- tin and those who thought as he did." On the 20th of August, the twelve conferees chosen by the people visited the five commis- sioners at Pittsburg. At the first consultation all the conferees, except Bradford, agreed that the interests of the country and their duty as citizens rendered submission necessary and proper. The commissioners proposed amnesty for all offenses, that crim- inal prosecutions be dropped and civil suits take their natural course. The conditions on which these terms were offered were that the general committee, which was to meet at Redstone Old Fort, should especially disclose their determination to submit to the laws of the United States, and that they would not directly or indirectly oppose the execution of the acts for raising a reve- nue on distilled spirits and that they would recommend entire ac- quiescence.
While the commissioners were at Pittsburg a seditious paper, insulting in character and reflecting on the integrity of the com- missioners, and also reviling the militia of the lower counties and especially those of New Jersey, was posted in the market-house and also was published in the newspapers. It boasted of the in- trepidity of those who opposed the execution of the law and otherwise contained many expressions of an inflammatory char- acter ; but while it had the effect to gratify the questionable ambi- tion of its authors and their adherents, it failed to further incite the people to serious acts of violence. After the action of the conferees was known, says Findley, "many of those who stood most in need of the offered amnesty became inflamed against the conferees and circulated a report that they had received bribes; this incredible story gained ground, particularly among the Ger-
I46
Mifflin's Administration
mans, who, with a number of the most ignorant everywhere, but particularly adjacent to the Monongahela, thought that the con- ferees should have agreed to nothing less than an unconditional repeal of the excise law. They did not comprehend the differ- ence between the executive and legislative authority, nor was there time to instruct them."
On the 28th of August, the committee of sixty met at Red- stone Old Fort, the very spot where the first meeting in oppo- sition to the law was held three years before. It was felt that the decision of this committee would settle the question, and if decided in favor of the action of the conferees, then the opposi- tion would cease; if otherwise, a conflict with the national au- thorities could no longer be averted. While the sixty were col- lecting, an armed party arrived from the upper parts of Wash- ington county and made a demonstration in the public highway. When the committee was ready for business Bradford urged an immediate vote and expressed the hope that there would be no delay in the proceeding, and it was evident from his manner that notwithstanding his agreement to the terms of submission agreed upon at Pittsburg, he was now determined on having the report rejected, and that the armed party was brought there for the pur- pose of supporting him and overawing the meeting. The com- mittee endeavored to postpone action till the next day. James Edgar addressed the meeting, complimenting Bradford's strength of mind, which he took to be real, and argued in favor of time for men like himself to decide upon the wisest course to pursue. The plan succeeded, means were used to prevail upon the armed party to retire that night, and the next day the num- ber of spectators was much reduced. It was reported that Brad- ford had agreed with a number of others to support the oppo- sition by force of arms until the government would agree to their terms. Indeed, both he and his followers were now bent on cre- ating anew a revolutionary spirit if such action could be accom- plished with safety to themselves, for they were now doubtful of
147
Pennsylvania Colonial and Federal
their own strength and a little apprehensive of their hold upon the people.
The meeting was opened the next morning by an earnest ad- dress from the resolute Gallatin in favor of submission to the law. He was followed in the same vein by Brackenridge. Then Bradford spoke, for the logic of neither Gallatin nor Bracken-
Joseph Reed
President Provincial Congress, 1775; military secretary to Washington when the latter was put in command of the American forces; acting chairman Committee of Safety, 1776; brigadier- general, 1777; chief justice of Pennsylvania under the first Constitution, 1777; president Su- preme Executive Council, 1778-1781 ; attorney- general of Pennsylvania, 1810-1811
ridge had subdued his fiery zeal. He urged the propriety of set- ting up an independent government, and held forth in truly dema- gogic language upon his idea of administering the law in the new State he would establish. But the seed of dissension he aimed to sow fell upon barren soil, and even many of his former supporters wavered in their allegiance to his unholy cause.
148
Mifflin's Administration
James Edgar followed Bradford, and his words drew the re- spectful attention of his hearers, for he was a man of undoubted character, pious, upright, of easy address and possessed of good common sense. After he had closed Gallatin called for a vote, but the twelve conferees alone supported him. He then proposed an informal ballot, but that also failed. Finally a secret ballot was proposed and was accepted, and the report of the conferees was adopted by a vote of thirty-four yeas to twenty-three nays. Dismayed and completely subdued by the result of the ballot, Bradford, the agitator, fled the region and thenceforth was not a factor for evil in the early history of the State, and with his de- parture the new Commonwealth idea found no support.
The committee of sixty having adopted the report, a firm step forward had been taken. But now the sense of the people must be ascertained and more time was needed for this purpose. A new committee of twelve conferees was appointed to visit the commissioners and, if possible, secure an extension of time. This could not be long, for the authority of the commissioners them- selves would soon expire by limitation. The conferees also pro- posed that the people individually subscribe to the new terms, and accordingly a form of submission and test oath were adopted on the 2d of September and was printed as speedily as pos- sible, but as the 10th was the last day of the amnesty the time was very short for securing the submission of all the people scat- tered over such an extended country. As some of the conferees did not attend the meeting of the commissioners, large districts were left without the necessary means of information. On this point Findley say : "It could not be expected that an uninformed mass of people could make up their mind to subscribe what amounted to a new test of allegiance with so little time or com- posure for deliberation. The difficulty was much increased by the number and smallness of the districts in which they were con- vened ;" and further "the tumult that took place on the day of signing, and the heat and agitation which disclosed itself in a
149
Pennsylvania Colonial and Federal
few places, particularly among the uninformed part of the Ger- mans, for a few days after it, induced several of the judges and other persons of information to agree in opinion with Mr. Ross that it would be necessary to have an ariny sent into the coun- try ; but this opinion was also made up without time for inform- ation and consequently was soon changed. It was but a few days, in some places the very next day, after signing, that many of those who had been most riotous on the day of fighting came, some of them in tears, begging permission to sign ; in some places their signing was received with certification that it would not be admitted as a claim for amnesty; in other places they were re- fused these privileges altogether."
The attitude of the people made such an impression on the commissioners that the day after making their report President Washington issued a proclamation calling out the troops. The chief command was given to Governor Lee of Virginia, with Governor Mifflin second, Governor Howell of New Jersey third, while General Hand was appointed adjutant-general. The Penn- sylvania and New Jersey troops were to rendezvous at Carlisle, and those of Maryland and Virginia at Fort Cumberland.
On the 13th of October the army started from Carlisle, and two days afterward encamped at the foot of North Mountain. Dallas, the secretary of state, accompanied the expedition and wrote an interesting description of the scenes and events of the march, which have appeared in various publications.
On its tedious march the army met many families who were fleeing from Maryland and Virginia to Westmoreland or Ken- tucky, and on every hand destitution and distress and ague ap- peared to prevail. Yet in a way the people appeared to make the best of their surroundings and were easily pacified and put in good humor. President Washington and Hamilton joined the army at Carlisle and accompanied the expedition to Bedford. whence the chief executive returned to the capital while Hamilton went forward with the troops to visit the region lately in insur-
150
¥
Mifflin's Administration
rection. On November 9, the troops reached Parkinson's Ferry, previously the scene of disorder, but now apparent quiet reigned on every hand. However, it was determined to make some ar- rests. Hamilton was there and he was a believer in stern meth- ods; the law had been defied, and its penalties must be enforced. The night of November 13 was selected for action. At eight o'clock the work began, and before daylight about two hundred persons had been arrested and taken into custody. In several cases extreme methods were used and seeming indignities were put upon some of the offending subjects, yet the former provoca- tion had been great and the stern decrees of the law demanded a rigid enforcement of its provisions. Whatever was done was in harmony with the customs of the time, for then there was less temporizing with lawlessness than in later days of our State his- tory.
After the arrests the prisoners were taken to Pittsburg and thence were sent to Philadelphia. Twenty-two bills of indict- ment were found against them for treason, but only one convic- tion followed; and the culprit was sentenced to death, although afterward he was pardoned, even the jury joining in the petition for pardon.
Having accomplished its object, the army, except 2,500 men, returned to the east and was disbanded. Morgan's corps was kept in the district throughout the winter to prevent another uprising. Washington's action in sending the troops into the western section was the subject of much criticism, as the insur- rection was practically broken before the army started over the mountains, and the claim was made that it ought not to have been sent at all. On the other hand it was said that it was the action of the government in calling out the military which finally led the insurrectionists to realize the error into which they had fallen, but whatever may have been the correct opinion the truth remained clear that the determined action of the government had a salutary effect upon the evil-doers and speedily ended their re-
15I
Pennsylvania Colonial and Federal
bellious career. Dallas undoubtedly reasons correctly when he says: "No one can question the prudent and humane policy which actuated the president in determining to relieve the nation at once from every possible danger by a demonstration of irresist- ible strength."
Washington's Headquarters
Battle of Brandywine, 1777. Engraved for this work from a negative by D. E. Brinton
Thus ended the so-called insurrection which created such un- usual commotion in western Pennsylvania and attracted the at- tention of other States; but the latter at that time were troubled with disputes and threatened uprising within their own borders which in frequent cases called for the services of armed troops to suppress. The cost in money of the disturbance in this State was nearly $1,000,000, but a still greater cost was that resulting from lack of settlement and material improvement in the dis-
152
Mifflin's Administration
affected regions. However, after the restoration of peace a new era of general progress was begun, and in the course of a few more years the people were found to be as thrifty and prosperous as those who dwelt east of the mountains, and they increased and multiplied to an extent that elicited the commendation of the whole Commonwealth. Another event of importance which reached its culmination about this time and aided in creating a better feeling in the west, was General Wayne's decided victory over the Indians. This had far-reaching effects and threw open the navigation of the Ohio and Mississippi, enabling the western people to find a market for their products. The western forts were surrendered and there was now security against the savage. The army expenses had given an increased circulation of money, and the farmers having now the means to pay their tax made no further complaints against the excise law. Perhaps two thou- sand of the best riflemen of the western counties had left the country before the approach of the army, but their places were soon supplied by others, and thenceforth the western counties ad- vanced in population and wealth.
The eastern portion of the State, except in isolated localities and cases, was practically exempt from the serious effects of the disturbances noted on preceding pages; but before the last echoes of the insurrection had died away, the city of Philadelphia in par- ticular and the southeastern part of the State in general was vis- ited with a disaster of a far more fatal nature than that which plagued the authorities of the federal and State governments dur- ing the period of disorder just referred to. In 1793 Philadelphia and the country round about the city suffered from a serious and destroying epidemic of malignant yellow fever, such as never be- fore had been visited upon any large municipality in the country and infrequently since that time except in some of the cities of the South. It was a dreadful visitation and came like a tempest upon a city one hundred years old when its inhabitants were least prepared for the attack. Medical men of the time were without
I53
Pennsylvania Colonial and Federal
experience in treating maladies of the kind, hospital accommoda- tions were limited and there were none who knew how to control the disease or to enforce sanitary regulations in order to prevent its spreading tendencies. To add to the seriousness of the situa- tion the people themselves fell into a panic, and all who could fled from the city, frequently carrying the infection with them, while those who remained endeavored to ward off the dreaded attack by recourse to remedies and expedients which now would be regarded as ridiculous ; but then no person thought of charg- ing his neighbor with superstitious ignorance and gladly accept- ed any suggestion which even remotely promised either immu- nity or a cure.
The harrowing details of this unfortunate occurrence can have no place in these pages; the effects were awful almost be- yond description, and four thousand lives were claimed by the destroyer. For weeks all business was suspended, newspapers ceased publication, churches were closed, and municipal affairs received only such attention as the exigencies of the occasion seemed to require. At length the force of the epidemic was spent and slowly the stricken people of the affected districts gathered together their families and effects and returned to their accus- tomed pursuits. However disastrous may have been the results of this visitation, the occasion was not without its benefits in the lesson it taught in regard to the necessity for the establishment and enforcement of more strict sanitary regulations, such as Penn contemplated for the general good of the city he founded more than a century before.
Turning from the current of events as noted in preceding pages, let us inquire into the financial history and condition of the Commonwealth at the time of the adoption of the constitution of 1790. At that time the indebtedness of the State consisted of a variety of obligations, among which was a considerable amount of outstanding redeemable paper money, besides funded and militia certificates, depreciation certificates, interest certifi-
154
Mifflin's Administration
cates, debts owing for horses and army supplies, and also a bal- ance due for interest on new loan certificates. The sources of revenue at the time were less varied, consisting chiefly of mar- riage and tavern licenses, taxes on writs, fines and forfeitures, auction duties, carriage taxes, excise taxes, lands and land office fees and militia fines.
The amount contributed by the people from all sources from the beginning of the Revolution to August, 1791, in Continental money, was as follows :
Direct taxes to October, 1781 £12,380,159
After October, 1781 6,871,47 1
Other revenues to October, 1781 3,604.324
After October, 1781 2,823,505
Bills of credit-"Resolve Money' 200,000
Commonwealth money 200,000
Total in Continental money £26,079,460
The direct taxes at specie value from October, 1781, to Au- gust 1, 1791, amounted to f1,240,049; other sources of revenue before October, 1781, £84,718; from October, 1781, to August I, 1791, £980,275. The early financial reports were elaborate, and also were necessarily complicated in consequence of the existence of so many kinds of money and money equivalents and such a variety of indebtedness. These reports, however, were carefully prepared and disclose the faithfulness of the financial authorities of the State. With the new order of things established under the constitution, the financial system was reorganized and sys- tematized, and thereafter became an important element of the history of the State. This system is treated at length in another part of this work, hence further allusion to it in this place is un- necessary.
The later years of Governor Mifflin's administration were in themselves uneventful except that about the close of his last term
155
Pennsylvania Colonial and Federal
of office party lines had become strengthened and politics seemed to engage public attention more strongly than ever before. Na- tional political affairs then were in a fevered condition, and as the capital was at Philadelphia, that city was the center of polit- ical excitement, and naturally the feelings there engendered spread throughout the entire State and divided its people on all questions, whether general to the United States or confined to our own Commonwealth.
Dilworthtown
At intersection of Concord, West Chester and Wilmington roads; battle of Brandywine. En- graved for this work from a negative by D. E. Brinton
From the time of founding the colony by Penn until after the adoption of the constitution of 1790 the seat of government of the province and subsequent Commonwealth of Pennsylvania had been maintained in Philadelphia, but soon after the year men- tioned a strong feeling was aroused in favor of removal to some less populous locality, the chief argument therefor being based on the assumption that legislation would be less influenced by the interests of the great municipality. In February, 1795, the House passed a resolution providing for the location of the State build- ings and capital at Carlisle, but the measure failed in the Senate. In 1796 the subject was again under consideration and both Car- lisle and Reading put forth strong but unsuccessful claims for the coveted designation, but Lancaster was selected by the House,
156
-
Mifflin's Administration
while the Senate again failed to approve the action. In 1798 Wright's Ferry, on the Susquehanna river, was proposed, as also was Harrisburg, but an act was not passed, owing to the non- concurrence of the two branches of the legislature. In 1799 Lancaster was selected, and was the capital of the Commonwealth from the first Monday in November, 1799, to February, 1810, when the seat of government was removed to Harrisburg. In the same year in which Philadelphia ceased to be the capital of the State, the seat of the national government also was removed.
During Washington's administration national issues formed rapidly, the cabinet dividing into two wings, Hamilton and Knox forming and leading one and Jefferson and Randolph the other. As Hamilton favored the enforcement of the excise act, and the employment of troops, if necessary, for that purpose, Jefferson and Randolph urged State action solely in suppressing the rioters and enforcing the law. On other questions they differed, such as those relating to the national bank, funding and payment of the public debt, and in fact on all matters pertaining to the exercise of national power. While Washington was at the head of the government he preserved unity and enforced all national mea- sures ; on his retirement the division was distinct and final, and two parties emerged with totally different aims.
Mifflin was re-elected in 1793 and 1796 without difficulty, but in 1798 the voters of Pennsylvania re-formed on the existing lines of the national parties that had been established two years before. The old anti-Constitutionalists who were opposed to the constitu- tion of 1776 and were powerful enough to call a convention in 1789 and secure the adoption of the constitution of 1790, secured a decisive victory in the State election of 1798. Many of the Constitutionalists who favored the amendment of the constitution of 1776, but had been defeated by the censors, joined with them, and thus strengthened at last, secured an easy triumph.
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.