Pennsylvania, colonial and federal : a history, 1608-1903, Volume Two, Part 25

Author: Jenkins, Howard Malcolm, 1842-1902; Pennsylvania Historical Publishing Association. 4n
Publication date: 1903
Publisher: Philadelphia, Pa. : Pennsylvania Historical Pub. Association
Number of Pages: 650


USA > Pennsylvania > Pennsylvania, colonial and federal : a history, 1608-1903, Volume Two > Part 25


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In 1851 Johnston was nominated for a second term. His Democratic opponent was William Bigler. The campaign was unusually spirited, and was carried on from midsummer until the day of election in October. State issues were forgotten; for the larger questions of the Fugitive Slave Law and slavery in the ter- ritories were demanding universal attention. Bigler was elected by a good majority, and Johnston on retiring from office en- gaged in several business enterprises.


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CHAPTER XVI.


BIGLER'S, POLLOCK'S, AND PACKER'S ADMINISTRATIONS- 1852-1861


T HE new Governor, William Bigler, was a good representa- tive of the sturdy German element, which has furnished so many able men for positions of trust and honor in the State. He was born in Cumberland county, Pennsylvania, in October, 1813. Soon after this his parents removed to Mercer county, where the family battled against poverty, depending for their live- lihood upon the scanty returns from a small farm. William Bigler received only a common school education, after which he learned the printing trade in the office of the "Democrat," published at Bellefonte. After finishing his apprenticeship, in 1833, he re- moved to Clearfield and started a newspaper, the "Clearfield Dem- ocrat." This venture naturally led him into politics, for he was a staunch admirer of Andrew Jackson, and wrote many editorials praising his virtues. In 1836 he was married to Maria Reed, daughter of Alexander Reed, of Clearfield. Soon after this event he sold his newspaper and became a partner with his father-in- law in the lumber business. His first political venture was in 1841, when he was elected to the State Senate by a large majority. In 1844 he was re-elected for a second term, and for a while was president of that body. He entered the Senate at a distracted time, and was fearless in advocating reforms. He delivered a powerful speech on the resumption of specie payments, which called forth the remark from an older colleague: "Young man,


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that speech will make you Governor of Pennsylvania, if you be- have yourself well hereafter." This prediction came true in 1851, when he was nominated and elected on the Democratic ticket.


Bigler's administration is marked with stronger features than any one of its immediate predecessors. Once more the sale of the canals became a prominent question. Since the failure to sell the canals during Porter's administration, the State had been oper- ating them, but receiving little more than the expenditures. Each year the old story was repeated that the income was disappoint- ingly small in consequence of the freshets or other mishaps, and that the receipts next year would be much larger. The people now saw more clearly than ever that the State had plunged into canal building without any thought of the consequences. The North Branch was not yet finished ; still the Governor urged its completion as soon as funds could be obtained. It was argued that the canal was so nearly done that it ought to be completed to save what had been invested; and then, too, it was believed that the canal would be used for the transportation of vast quantities of coal and other products. The management of the canals on the part of the commissioners was not always marked with wisdom. In. 1851 a statute had been passed forbidding the creation of debts by the officers of the public works, requiring the payment of cash for all labor and material, and monthly returns of all receipts and expenditures. But the first year after this law had been enacted the Governor sadly remarked: "The administration of this law, I regret to say, has not been as efficient as it should be. Its failure was owing to some extent to a deficiency in the appropriations and to other difficulties incident to the introduction of a new sys- tem of business. This and other reforms so wisely commenced within a short period, with such additional retrenchments as expe- rience may have indicated, will doubtless be rigidly carried out in the future by the officers controlling that part of the public affairs." The next year the Governor remarked : "I need not dis- cuss the consequences of the custom of making debts on the public


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works; its errors are too palpable to need refutation by argument. In addition to the opportunity it afforded for extortion from the State, if not actual fraud upon the treasury, the idea that officers


The Chevalier de la Luzerne


Minister from France to the United States, 1779-1783; after whom Luzerne County was named. Reproduced for this work from an engraving in possession of the Wyoming His- torical and Geological Society


for the time being should be allowed to scatter the credit of the Commonwealth broadcast, to be redeemed at some future period by their successors, is a monstrosity in the economy of public affairs."


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Governor Bigler frequently urged the payment of the public debt as one of the greatest needs of the time. There was not much reduction, however, during his administration, although a surplus of one million dollars had been thus applied; for nearly as much had been expended on the North Branch Canal. In 1854 the Governor fully considered the desirability of selling the public works. For years the people had been discussing the matter ; in truth, ever since the former attempt to sell, the question had been agitated. But now the Governor's strong utterance on the subject led to a consideration by a committee, who, unbiased apparently by any interest, told far more truth than had ever come to light. The legislature now took action and voted to sell the main line for $10,000,000. But there was no purchaser at this price, and Governor Bigler retired from office with the State still in posses- sion of its public works.


During Governor Bigler's administration the evils of special legislation were set forth in all his messages. In 1849 a general law to encourage manufacturing corporations was passed; yet during the next six years not a dozen companies had organized under it. They still preferred to go to the legislature and get special charters. In the legislative sessions of 1852 and 1853 much time was consumed in the consideration of special acts to incorporate mining companies. A general law on this subject had been passed, and although it was very favorable in its terms, but a single application was made under it for mining purposes. Among other evils of legislation that had developed was the sys- tem of "log-rolling," or combining pernicious measures with good ones into a single general bill. By this means many vicious laws were passed. Governor Bigler referred to this evil in his mes- sage of 1854, as follows: "After much reflection on the magni- tude of this evil-its vexatious inroads upon private rights and its demoralizing tendency upon the interests of the people, as upon the more elevated purposes of legislation, I have determined to cooperate with the General Assembly in the application of the


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most efficient means which their wisdom may devise for its re- moval; but in the meantime, as a restraining part of the law-mak- ing power, I must beg to be indulged in claiming the privilege of considering each subject of legislation separately, and on its merits, as contemplated by the spirit of the Constitution. Hence- forth, therefore, bills containing a variety of subjects of legisla- tion, dissimilar in their character and purposes, cannot receive the sanction of the present executive." This led to an immediate reform in the character of legislation. A bill was passed requir- ing the subject-matter of each act to be fully stated in its title.


In 1854 the Pennsylvania railroad, from Harrisburg to Pitts- burg, was completed, thus forming a line of communication be- tween the East and the West, and aiding powerfully in the devel- opment of the resources of the State. About the same time, the North Branch canal was also completed, although work on it had been discontinued for more than ten years.


Governor Bigler constantly used all the influence of his admin- istration in behalf of the public schools. In 1854 a bill was pre- pared for the revision of the school laws, and when the measure was passed the Governor promptly signed it, notwithstanding the unfavorable comments of the press and the opposition of a large majority of the people.1 This new law gave the school districts corporate powers ; fixed the minimum school term at four months ; arranged a definite course of study, and created the office of county superintendent of schools. In many respects the act of 1854 was the most important of all 'school legislation since the adoption of the system in 1834. But the days of opposition were not yet ended, and it required constant vigilance to prevent ene- mies from accomplishing their work of destruction.


In 1854 Bigler was nominated for a second term, and he at once began a vigorous campaign for reelection. Opposed to him was James Pollock, a man of rare culture and ability. In the


1Wickersham's History of Education


in Pennsylvania, p. 505.


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midst of the canvas Bigler was stricken down with sickness, and thus was unable to stir up his followers by his presence and ear- nestness. Pollock had allied himself with the American, or Know- Nothing party ; while he was also an active leader in the Free Soil movement. Bigler had violently opposed the Know-Nothing


Anthony Wayne's Homestead


Near Paoli. . Still standing. Engraved especial- ly for this work from a negative by D. E. Brinton


party from the time of its first organization. His attitude towards the Kansas-Nebraska bill also cost him many votes. As a result, Pollock was elected Governor by a large majority, and the wave of Know-Nothingism swept a new body of men into power, many of whom had been but little known.


James Pollock, the new Governor, was born in Milton, North- umberland county, on September 11, 1810. He received the best


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educational training, preparing for college at the Milton Classical academy. In 1829 he entered the junior class of Princeton col- lege, graduating two years later. After graduation Mr. Pollock became a student at law in the office of Samuel Hepburn at Mil- ton. In 1833 he was admitted to the bar, and opened an office in his native town. His public career began in 1835, when he was appointed district attorney of Northumberland county. He was elected to Congress in 1844, and remained in that body until 1848. In 1850 he was appointed president-judge of the judicial district composed of Northumberland, Montour, Columbia, Lycoming and Sullivan counties. Elected Governor in 1854, he served but one term, having refused to be considered as a candidate for renomination.


Like his predecessors, Governor Pollock believed the time had long since come for the State to retire from the transportation business. In 1855 the Pennsylvania Railroad company offered to purchase the main line from Philadelphia to Pittsburg for the sum of $7,500,000, or $4,000,000 for the Philadelphia and Colum- bia railroad. But there was no authority for accepting this offer. Finally, in May, 1857, the legislature offered to sell the railroad at the above figures, and the lines were purchased by the Pennsyl- vania company. The sum of $1,500,000 was paid in cash, while interest-bearing bonds were taken for the balance. Soon after this steps were taken to dispose of the other public improvements. They had been a source of expenditure for many years, and the proceeds were devoted to the payment of the public debt, thus reducing the State taxes. Governor Pollock congratulated the people on the consummation of the sale of the public improve- ments. Referring to the subject in his message, he said: "The propriety of separating the State from the care and control of the public works is not only evident to all who have given the subject a candid and impartial consideration, but the necessity is clearly established by the history of their construction and management. They have failed to be a source of revenue to the Commonwealth,


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and if retained by the State will require an expenditure in their repair and management largely exceeding any revenue that, under the most favorable circumstances, can be derived from them."


In the summer of 1857 a financial storm swept over the coun- try, and Governor Pollock convened the legislature on October 6 for the purpose of offering some relief to the banks. Immediate action was necessary, as many of the banks had suspended specie payments and their charters were liable to forfeiture. The trouble began with the failure of the Ohio Title and Trust company, and continued until it had swept over the entire country. The oldest and most highly esteemed firms in Philadelphia and other parts of the State went down, and thousands of men and women were thrown out of employment. The banks were permitted to circu- late their discredited notes and to pay dividends as though noth- ing had happened. On the other hand, the public were to blame to a certain extent. If the people had been more cautious and taken fewer bank notes, they would have suffered less. So long as they desired bank credit and were willing to pay for it, the banks accommodated them. Had they borrowed less, neither they nor the banks would have been overwhelmed in a common fate. The Governor reviewed the trouble in a message, in which he said : "Unlimited credits by corporations or individuals have and ever will be an unmitigated evil. They contribute to rash specu- lation, extravagant living and excessive over-trading, always sure to be followed by ruinous revulsions. The remedy, to be perma- nent and effectual, must accord with the natural and necessary laws of trade. The currency of a country forms no exception to those laws." The Governor then recommended a system of free banking. based on undoubted public securities and coin in such proportion to circulation and deposits as might be deemed suffi- cient to secure their conversion into specie on demand. This system had been introduced in New York, and was proving a great advance on any other. Thus far banking had been a con- fused sea of experiment from which the people had learned hardly


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anything. But relief was not far off. In the midst of the Civil war the national banking system was evolved, containing many of the best features of the free banking plans. Thus, responsible banking finally took the place of irresponsible credit, after many years filled with sad experiences in finance.


A learned man himself, Governor Pollock held broad and lib- eral views on education. He devoted much space in his messages to a defense of the free school system. During his administra- tion an independent school department was organized, and the State normal schools were established. Soon after his inaugura- tion he declared himself in favor of the county superintendency, an office just created in the law of 1854. In all his messages the Governor referred to the necessity of normal schools for the train- ing of teachers. Finally, in 1857, an act was passed "to provide for the due training of teachers for the common schools of the State." The Governor signed this act on May 20, and immedi- ately a normal school was organized at Millersville, and, in 1859, was officially recognized. In referring to the progress of educa- tion, the Governor spoke as follows in his message of 1857: "Our educational system is slowly but surely conquering the prejudices and gaining the confidence of the people. Under the fostering care of liberal and enlightened legislation, its ultimate triumph is certain. When the system was first introduced it was supposed that it could be perfected and forced into general and vigorous operation by the mere will of the Legislature. Experience has proved that in this, as in every other great social and moral re- form, time and that consent which arises from a radical change in the public mind were required. This slow process of the acclima- tion of the new system to our social and moral atmosphere has been in operation for nearly twenty years, and it is now evident that the period for another effective interposition of legislative aid and authority in favor of our noble system of common schools has arrived." After 1852, the State began to show a miore liberal spirit towards higher education. In 1854 the foundations of the


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present State college were laid by the establishment of a school for farmers, known as the Farmer's High school. The next year the charter of the institution was amended and the purposes of the school were set forth as follows: "The education of youth in the various branches of science, learning and practical agricul- ture, as they are connected with each other." Several gifts of land were offered to the State; but that of General James Irwin of 200 acres in Centre county was accepted. As much more was soon pur- chased, and the State began this new educational enter- prise. To provide funds for erecting and equipping the buildings, the State Agricul- tural society gave $11,865 ; the trustees raised $25,000 by subscription, and in 1857 the legislature appropriated $25,- 000, and as much more on con- dition that a similar amount should be contributed by indi- Anthony Wayne's Monument viduals. This amount was raised, and on Feb. 20, 1859, In historic St. David's Episcopal church yard, near Radnor, where Wayne's bones were in- terred after their removal from the first grave at Erie. Reproduced for this work from a neg- ative by D. E. Brinton the institution was opened. This school has grown into the flourishing "Pennsylvania State College" of our day, a name which it acquired in 1874.


Having declined to be a candidate for renomination, Governor Pollock retired at the end of his term to his native town and resumed the practice of law. The campaign for the governorship in 1857 was remarkably active, as there were three prominent


2-23


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candidates in the field. The Democrats nominated William F. Packer ; the Republicans placed in the field Hon. David Wilmot, of "Proviso" fame; while the Native Americans named Hon. Isaac Hazlehurst. After a spirited campaign, Mr. Packer was elected by a majority of fourteen thousand votes over both the other candidates. The new Governor was a native of Centre coun- ty, born on April 2, 1807. After attending the country schools until the age of thirteen, he entered the office of the "Public Inquirer," at Sunbury, to learn the art of printing. He finished his apprenticeship in the office of the "Bellefonte Patriot," and in 1825 secured a clerkship in the office of the recorder of Lycoming county. The same winter he accepted a position as journeyman printer on the "Pennsylvania Intelligencer" at Harrisburg. Here he labored two years, after which, in 1827, he became a law stu- dent in the office of Joseph B. Anthony at Williamsport. Mr. Packer was never admitted to the bar, but turned his attention to journalism, purchasing an interest in the "Lycoming Gazette," Williamsport, which he held until 1836. He then founded, in connection with Messrs. Barrett and Parke, the "Keystone," a Democratic newspaper, at Harrisburg, continuing as a member of the firm until 1841. In 1842 Governor Porter appointed Mr. Packer to the office of auditor-general, which he held until the end of the term. In 1847 he was elected to the legislature and was chosen speaker of the House of Representatives. He was promoted to the State Senate in 1849, and in the Senate and House alike he took a prominent part in legislative work.


Mr. Packer was an ardent friend of James Buchanan, and labored zealously to secure his nomination for the Presidency. Mr. Buchanan was inaugurated about the time of Packer's nomi- nation for Governor. The clouds were rapidly forming in Kan- sas, and the slave-holders were making a desperate effort to con- trol the State and thus extend their sway. Buchanan had been in Washington only a few days when he received a letter from Packer, which, in view of his prophetic utterances, as well as hon-


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est advice, is worthy of a place here : "Our people," he says, "con- fidently expect that your administration will see that equal and exact justice shall be done to all parties-the free-State as well as the pro-slavery men-and they will be satisfied with nothing short of that. We approve of the Kansas bill; but, in God's name, let its provisions be honestly carried out ; let the law be faithfully ex- ecuted. Let the conduct of the public agents in Kansas not only be right, but let it appear to be right. . If slavery should be insti- tuted by, or under, a slave-holding executive, and Kansas should claim admission as a slave State, it does not require a prophet to foretell the consequences north of Mason & Dixon's line. The Democratic party, which has stood by the Constitution and the rights of the South with such unflinching fidelity, would be stricken down in the few remaining States where it is yet in the ascend- ency ; the balance of power would be lost; and black Republicans would rule this nation, or civil war and disunion would inevitably follow. What, then, is to be done? Will you permit me to make a suggestion ? The post of honor and renown, if successfully and satisfactorily filled, at this moment in the gift of the President, is the Governorship of Kansas. Send one of the first men of the nation there-some gentleman who enjoys the confidence of the North and the South-and let him cover himself with glory by a fearless and a faithful discharge of the duties of his station. Sus- tain him, then, with the whole power of the government, and fol- low with swift vengeance any party that dares to raise a hand against the law or its prompt and faithful execution. The time for trifling is past. Bold, efficient action is required. To waver or to vacillate is to fail. Who, then, should be appointed? If General Scott would accept of the position, and if the duties are compatible with those of the military station he now holds, I answer, appoint General Winfield Scott. He has the confidence of the nation. He is acceptable to the South, having been born and reared in Virginia; and he is not unacceptable to the North, inasmuch as he now resides there. If requested by the President,


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in view of the importance of the mission, I do not think that he would decline. However, let some such man be appointed-some man well known to the American people, and in whom they con- fide, and the result will be the same. All will be well. Other- wise, I tremble for the result."


A strong partisan, yet intent on doing right, Governor Packer sought to follow in the way of his predecessors, and lift the State out of the difficulties caused by its unwise undertakings in the transportation business and experiences in banking. He referred to this subject in his message of 1859, as follows: "The ruinous losses which have fallen upon the people during the financial pres- sure of the past eighteen months suggest the necessity of prevent- ing their recurrence. Although many causes may have combined to produce these disasters, it is too plain to admit of doubt that our banking system has been one of the most prominent. The value of the precious metals and the wages of labor are always affected by the abundance or scarcity of the paper medium re- ceived as a substitute for gold and silver coin. The power of the State to authorize a paper currency through the agency of the banks has been so long exercised and acknowledged throughout the Union that it is no longer an open question. But it must be acknowledged that the power has been greatly abused. The dele- gation of this attribute of sovereignty to a number of irrespon- sible corporations without proper checks to limit its exercise, and without providing any security whatever for the redemption of the issues thus authorized, has been attended with evils of the most alarming character. These corporations are practically made the exclusive judges of the amount of paper currency to be fur- nished to the people, and have the exclusive power to contract or expand their circulation at pleasure. Depositors and other ordi- nary creditors of banks need legislation for their protection. Every one who has direct dealings with these institutions, either as depositor or otherwise, enters into such engagements voluntarily for his own advantage, and may be safely left to his own vigilance


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and the ordinary remedies of the law for his protection. But the millions of people engaged in industrious pursuits, the farmer, the mechanic, the merchant and the laboring man, are under an imperious necessity to receive for their merchandise and their




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