Pennsylvania, colonial and federal : a history, 1608-1903, Volume Two, Part 14

Author: Jenkins, Howard Malcolm, 1842-1902; Pennsylvania Historical Publishing Association. 4n
Publication date: 1903
Publisher: Philadelphia, Pa. : Pennsylvania Historical Pub. Association
Number of Pages: 650


USA > Pennsylvania > Pennsylvania, colonial and federal : a history, 1608-1903, Volume Two > Part 14


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It was during Governor Mckean's term that Pennsylvania became by force of circumstances the pivotal State in the politcial history of the nation, although several years previous to that par- ticular time the seat of the federal government had been removed beyond its limits. For many years the State in general and its metropolitan city of Philadelphia in particular, had been regarded as the center of political events, and nearly all the great measures affecting the country at large were originated and pro- mulgated in that municipality. In 1803 the Democratic party (which then included the lesser Republican party following) was in the ascendency, and its principles and doctrines controlled the policy of the democracy throughout the land. Its leaders and champions were among the foremost men in public life, and whatever they did was regarded as the fundamental law of the party in the country, and it was studiously followed and adopted in other States. It was at this time, and in the year mentioned, that Pennsylvania became known as the "Keystone State," and that, by reason of its peculiar and important relation to our national political history. In an address published and issued by the Democratic committee in 1803 for the guidance of the party at large there appeared these words: "As Pennsylvania is the Keystone of the democratic arch, every engine will be used to sever it from its place." This is believed to have been the first instance in which Pennsylvania was compared with the "key- stone of an arch," and from the expression used on that occasion this Commonwealth has since been frequently referred to as the "Keystone State."


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CHAPTER IX.


SNYDER'S ADMINISTRATION-1808-1817


T HOUGH Snyder was defeated in the gubernatorial contest in 1805, his election was not long delayed. Duane and Leib reluctantly supported his earlier candidacy, and now were more lukewarm in advocating his election, as both well knew that Bemis was preferred to them in Snyder's esteem, and would be more potent in guiding his course; but the current of popular senti- ment was too strong for these veteran leaders to attempt to over- come, and they therefore determined to drift with the tide and leave the expression of their dissatisfaction for some later occa- sion. Humiliating as was such a course, the alternative would have been still more embarrassing. Only six counties gave a majority for Ross, the Federalist candidate (Delaware, Chester, Bucks, Lancaster, Luzerne and Adams), and Snyder was elected by a majority of 28,400 votes.


He was born in Lancaster, November 5, 1759, the son of a mechanic who emigrated to America from Oppenheim, Germany, and settled in Pennsylvania. Simon learned the business of tan- ner and currier at York, and acquired his early education at the night school of John Jones, a Friend. In 1784 he removed to Selinsgrove, then in Northumberland county, where he opened a store and also became the owner of a mill. For twelve years he served as a justice of the peace, and so greatly respected were his decisions that no appeal was ever taken from any of them to a higher court. He was a member of the convention that framed


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the new State constitution. In 1797 he was elected to the House of Representatives ; three years afterward was chosen Speaker, and he served in that capacity for six years, until his election to the governorship.


After Snyder's election, Dr. Leib at once became an aspirant for the secretaryship of the Commonwealth, for which position he was well equipped by reason of his previous public service ; and, as a strong Republican, he had always cared for the welfare of his political friends. But N. B. Boileau, a representative from Montgomery county, and a close friend of Snyder's, received the appointment, although he was bitterly opposed in certain quarters.


Snyder's mode of procedure in appointing Boileau secretary is proof that he was not a novice in politics. After the place was offered to Boileau, he was told to preserve silence and to offer himself for the speakership. By this movement Dr. Leib was so gracefully removed from the political foreground that he and all other Republicans voted for Boileau. In fact, the latter received every vote except four of the Assembly, for at this time the entire strength of the Federalists in the House was reduced to that num- ber. Having obtained almost the entire endorsement of the Assembly, he was appointed secretary, and resigned his legislative office, leaving his bitterest opponents to contemplate with what- ever serenity they could their first rebuff at the hands of the Governor.


One of the first events in Snyder's administration was his action in Olmsted's case, of which an account has been given; his capture of the British ship "Active," and its seizure and reten- tion as a prize by an American vessel. Congress sustained Olmsted's claim, but the State court of Pennsylvania would not acquiesce. The vessel was sold and the proceeds paid over to the treasurer of the State. The fund was in the form of loan-office certificates, which, on the death of the treasurer, passed into the possession of his representatives. A process was brought against


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Washington


٧ ٥ ٩ ٠١٣٢/ ١ ٢ ٢ ٢ ١


٢٫٠


Snyder's Administration


the latter by Olmsted, by virtue of a decree of a federal court, to recover the funds. At this juncture Governor Snyder took action in the matter, and called upon the militia to prevent the United States marshal from collecting the claim. The marshal attempted, but General Bright, who was in command of the State militia, would not suffer him to act. Bright and eight others were indicted and tried before Judges Washington and Peters. They were convicted of the offense charged against them, and were sentenced to imprisonment and fine, but were at once par- doned by President Madison. On the trial of the case, which attracted much attention in court circles, on account of the juris- dictional questions involved, there was no dispute concerning the facts, but the controversy turned upon the relative rights of the federal and State governments. In the end, Olmsted's claim was vindicated, but the main question of State rights as against the federal authority remained unsettled for many years afterwards. In itself this affair was of little consequence in the history of the State, yet in another sense it became more important by reason of the conflict of authority between the national and State governments.


In 18II Snyder was re-elected by a substantial majority, though the Federalists made large gains in the legislature and in local officers. For Governor, their vote was divided between William Tilghman, Richard Folwell and others. Snyder had proved a good Governor, and by his honest, firm course had won the respect of many persons who at first were inclined to oppose him. Bemis remained one of his chief advisers, which naturally aroused the jealousy of those who were envious of his good fortune, and who could not consent that another should invade the ground that had been so long held as their own.


At this time, although political events engaged the attention of those who sought profit thereby, the people of the State were considerably aroused over the strained relations of the United States with Great Britain, and the lesser excitements of local


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strifes and contentions for personal advantage were for the occa- sion laid aside. Indeed, the events leading to the second war with the mother country dated back of Governor Snyder's time and had their beginning during the term of office of his predeces- sor; and while the countries were nominally at peace, each was quietly making preparations for the struggle which was sure to follow. During all this time there was a constant and increasing ferment regarding war and politics; the growing dissatisfaction of the government and a majority of the people of the United States with the government of Great Britain, on account of her disregard of neutral rights in the contest with Napoleon, had at length reached the verge of war, and the denunciations of that power in Congress, in State legislatures, in the press and in public meetings were constantly becoming more bitter. While this was the sentiment of the ruling party (that is, the Democratic or Republican, for it went by both names), the Federalists, who con- stituted a large and influential minority, opposed a war with Eng- land, asked for further negotiations, and met the Democratic denunciations of that country with still more bitter attacks on Napoleon, whom they accused the Republicans with favoring.


For several years the aggressive acts of the British had been a subject of anxiety and regret, and each succeeding season disclosed some insulting action which intensified the feeling of animosity on this side of the Atlantic. As a matter of fact, the United States had maintained a strict neutrality during the prog- ress of the Napoleonic war with Great Britain, but our rights as a neutral nation were invariably disregarded. The embargo laid by Congress upon the shipping in American ports was so inju- rious to commercial interests that it was repealed, and a non- intercourse act was passed in its stead. In April, 1809, the Eng- lish ambassador in Washington opened negotiations for the adjustment of existing difficulties, and consented to a withdrawal of the obnoxious "orders in council," so far as they affected the United States, on condition that the non-intercourse act with


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Great Britain be repealed. This was agreed to, and the President issued a proclamation announcing that after the Ioth of June trade with Great Britain might be resumed ; but when the news of this action reached England that government refused to ratify the proceedings, and the minister was recalled. The President's proclamation was thereupon revoked, and the previous relations


Bell used by Washington at Valley Forge


Now in Independence Hall. Philadelphia


of the countries were resumed, although the feelings were more tense than before and an open rupture was regarded as inevitable.


In addition to other injuries and insults to Americans, Eng- land claimed the right to search their vessels, seize all who were suspected of being British subjects and force them into the British service. In the enforcement of this "right of search" grievous outrages were perpetrated, which called loudly for re- dress. On June 12, President Madison sent a confidential mes- sage to Congress, in which he recapitulated the long list of British


2-13


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aggressions, and declared it to be the duty of the House to con- sider, as was its constitutional right to decide, whether the Amer- icans should longer remain passive under the accumulated wrongs. At the same time he cautioned Congress to avoid entanglements in the "contests and views of other powers" (meaning France).


War was formally declared on the 19th of June, but the meas- ure was not generally sustained, especially in New York and New England, where shipping and commercial interests had been seri- ously affected by the enforcement of the embargo and non-inter- course acts of Congress. The antagonistic element was embraced in the Federal party, its chief ground of opposition being the alleged fact that the country was not prepared for war. In Penn- sylvania, especially in the region bordering on its navigable waters, commercial interests suffered, as did those in the eastern States, but the interior localities were less injuriously affected, although "war talk" was the uppermost topic of discussion in the press and in the assemblages of the people. Almost every town had its little contingent of Federalists, who, for the occasion, termed themselves the "peace party," and they were loud in their denunciation of their opponents, whom they called "screaming war hawks."


At the time of which we write Pennsylvania was represented in the lower House of the legislature by twenty-two members, of whom all save one voted in approval of the declaration of war. Two members of the Senate also seem to have allied themselves to the Federal cause and opposed the war measure. Then the only Federalist in Congress from Pennsylvania was John Gloninger, who had been elected by a majority of three hundred votes to represent the counties of Lancaster, Dauphin and Lebanon. Having voted against the war tax bill, he resigned, and Edward Crouch, who belonged to the war and administration party, was elected by a majority of seventeen hundred votes.


The people of Pennsylvania were strongly in favor of the war, for most of them believed that Great Britain had wantonly


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trampled on their rights. Others resented just as strongly the conduct of Great Britain, but believed that she could be brought to terms by a less severe method. For several years the adminis- tration had been attempting to compose all difficulties with Great Britain, but matters had grown worse, and the people had become decidedly impatient.


In May, 1812, Governor Snyder issued an order drafting fourteen thousand men as the quota of Pennsylvania for the gen- eral defense. In his order, which burned with feeling, he reviewed the invasion of American rights and the efforts that had been made to establish them by peaceful methods. After stating that for nearly thirty years we had been at peace with all the nations of the earth, while the storm of war had been desolating many countries of the civilized world, all the means which wis- dom and patience could devise had been in vain resorted to in the hope of preserving peace. "The cup of patience, of humiliation and long suffering," declared the Governor, "had been filled to overflowing; and the indignant arm of an injured people must be raised to dash it to the earth and grasp the avenging sword. If ever a nation had justifiable cause of war, that nation is the United States. If ever a people had motives to fight, we are that people. It would give the governor inexpressible satisfaction if Pennsylvania would volunteer her quota."


At the outbreak of the war the militia forces of the State com- prised ninety-nine thousand four hundred and fourteen able- bodied men. The fourteen thousand men who were then called into service were organized by Adjutant-General William Reed into two divisions, four brigades and twenty-two regiments. The first or Philadelphia division was commanded by Major-General Isaac Morrell, and the second, from Pittsburg and its vicinity, by Major-General Adamson Tannehill. So generous was the response to the call for troops that the quota of the State was more than filled without even so much as a suggestion of a draft. In fact, three times as many men as were required offered them-


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selves for the service of their country. The total number of men required was four thousand, of which two thousand were rendez- voused at Meadville, and the others at Pittsburg. The work of organizing, officering, arming and providing for the two brigades was effected with as much celerity as the militia law and system would permit. Although the State had been trying to establish a militia system under the provisions of the act of 1802, there was little real efficiency in the organization, and such arms and equip- ment as were then on hand were of ancient patterns, while the men themselves were without experience or training in the arts of war.


In his message to the legislature in December, 1812, the Gov- ernor discussed at length the condition of the military organiza- tion of the State and the real lack of proper equipment, yet the chief executive well knew that brave soldiers carried the old time- worn muskets, and that in case of need every man would do honor to the State and the cause he was called upon to defend; and, knowing these things, it was with every confidence that the Gov- ernor said : "The sword of the nation, which for thirty years has been rusting in its scabbard, has been drawn to maintain that independence which it had gloriously achieved. In the war of the Revolution our fathers went forth, as it were, with a sling and with a stone and smote the enemy! Since that period our coun- try has been abundantly blessed, and its resources are greatly multiplied. Millions of her sons have grown to manhood, and, inheriting the principles of their fathers, are determined to pre- serve the precious heritage which was purchased by their blood and won by their valor."


Throughout the period of the war no enemy set foot on Penn- sylvania soil, although close to the northern border of the State there were many severe contests, in some of which the militia sent from here took an active part. In the western part of New York several battles were fought, and in nearly all of them the brave Pennsylvanians performed their duty and maintained the honor of


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the State. The two thousand troops rendezvoused at Meadville were ordered to Buffalo, where General Dearborn commanded, and in August, 1812, Governor Snyder ordered that officer not to hold his men in service there for more than three months, as there was reason to believe their presence within this State would be required. In fact, the northern and western frontiers were


Washington's Headquarters, Valley Forge


1777-1778; the office was in the room to the left in which the windows are raised. Engraved for this work from a negative by D. E. Brinton


frequently threatened during the summer and fall of the year mentioned, and General Kelso's division was constantly on duty in the vicinity of Erie, where an invasion was threatened. How- ever, the year passed without more than alarm spreading among the people, and in the meantime the troops were put in condition for either aggressive or defensive service. In the Eastern part of the State the year was uneventful, except that preparations were made for warlike operations both on land and sea. Philadelphia


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was the scene of busy events, for there was reason to expect an attack upon the city by the British navy; and to resist the prob- able assault, several gunboats were built and armed and manned according to the resources of the war department. Privateers also were fitted out for their peculiar, yet effective service in running down and making prizes of British merchant vessels. Fort Mifflin, too, was put in condition for defense, and otherwise the Delaware river on both sides was so provided with defenses that a hostile fleet would meet with a truly American war reception.


Having thus noted some of the preparations made for the general defense of the State during the early part of the war, it is proper that there also be made some brief allusion to the compo- sition and disposition of the various troops organized for service about the same time. Early in 1813 one thousand men were sta- tioned at Erie to protect the vessels of war which were in course of construction, and which were soon to form a part of Perry's famous fleet. Another thousand men, comprised chiefly of volun- teer and independent companies, commanded by General Bloom- field, was ordered to the defense of Philadelphia, and a camp was established at Shell Pot, north of Wilmington. Captain Lewis Rush, who for several years had commanded a volunteer com- pany called the "Philadelphia Blues," was elected lieutenant- colonel of the troops, and Lieutenant Henry Myers was promoted captain of the Blues, or "Bucktails," as they were more generally called. The term of service was four months.


In the summer of 1814 Governor Snyder ordered out troops to serve for the protection and defense of the lower part of the State of Delaware and the Elk river. A camp was established for the first brigade in the neighborhood of Wilmington, called Camp Dupont, and was under the command of General Thomas Cadwalader. The infantry regiment was commanded by Clement C. Biddle, and there also was a battalion of artillery with a well- appointed battery under the command of Colonel Prevost.


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In the same year a camp was formed, called Camp Gaines, back of Marcus Hook, composed of parts of the several regiments of the volunteers and militia of the second brigade, first division. This brigade was under the command of General Snyder, with Colonel Thompson at the head of the full regiment. In this camp there was also a force under General Spering, and another under General Shutz. Colonel Sparks had command of a battalion in this division, and Dr. J. B. Sutherland another. The entire divi- sion was under the command of Major-General Morrell, while this, as well as the lower camp, was under the command of Major-Gen- eral Gaines of the United States army. Colonel William Duane and Major Hunter, both of the United States army, had the care of Camp Gaines and superintended its discipline. In addition to these forces were two squadrons of cavalry, one of which was the First, or old "City Troop," commanded by Captain Charles Ross. It had been organized in 1774, had served in the campaigns of 1776 and 1777 and participated in the battles of Trenton and Princeton.


The people of Philadelphia, on learning of the capture of Washington, were deeply stirred. Soon afterward a town meet- ing was held in Independence Square, over which the venerable ex-Governor Mckean presided. Patriotic resolutions were adopted, and it was decided to take measures for the defense of the city. A proclamation was issued by the committee calling on the citizens to aid by their personal labor in erecting the required defenses. To this call the inhabitants heartily responded ; old and young, rich and poor, Federalists and Democrats, the brawny mechanic and the sturdy day laborer, alike obeyed the summons. The sites for the earth batteries were at Hamiltonville, now known as West Philadelphia, and the heights at Fairmount, now occupied as the basin. Every morning an immense number of enthusiastic people assembled to give aid to the work of defense.


The most notable events in Pennsylvania history in connection with the war of 1812 were the blockade of the Delaware river in


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March, 1813, by the British fleet under Commodore Sir John P. Berresford, and the naval battle on Lake Erie in September of the same year. The operations of the British on the Delaware and the possible bombardment of the city of Philadelphia had been feared from the beginning of the war, and every effort had been made to resist such an attack. However, the blockade itself, when finally accomplished, was without more serious results than the temporary stoppage of all commerce on the river and the capture of several small craft. Frequent attempts were made to effect capture of vessels of considerable size, but as often were the British repulsed by the militia forces stationed along the river. During the maintenance of the blockade Philadelphia suffered much loss to business interests, besides which large sums of money were expended in preparations for defense, but we have not the record of any loss of life in connection with this disturb- ing event.


Commodore Perry's naval victory on Lake Erie was an affair of national rather than State character, yet it always has been regarded and treated as a part of Pennsylvania's achievements in the war of 1812. Perry's fleet of vessels was largely built and fitted out at Erie, in the northern part of the State, but several of them were fitted out at points within what now is Erie county, New York. During the previous winter the government had purchased a number of merchant vessels for the purpose of con- verting them into men-of-war, and the construction of a number of new ones had been begun.


Erie, in Pennsylvania, from its comparatively secure harbor. was wisely selected as the naval headquarters, but five of the ves- sels had been fitted out in Scajaquade creek in New York, and for several months Perry flitted back and forth between the two places, urging on the work with all the energy of his nature.


Late in February, 1813, while all was quiet among the land forces, a young man of twenty-six, with curling locks, bold, hand- some features and gallant bearing, wearing the uniform of a cap-


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tain in the United States navy, arrived in Buffalo from the east, and after a brief stay went forward to Erie. His manly appear- ance was well calculated to make a favorable impression, yet to many thoughtful men and older land and sea fighters he seemed too young and possibly too gay for the arduous and responsible position to which he had been appointed; but a few months were


Benedict Arnold House, Fairmount Park, Philadelphia


Photographed for this work from an old water color in Historical Society of Pennsylvania


to demonstrate that for once, at least, the government had made an admirable selection, for the stranger was Oliver Hazard Perry, then on his way to superintend the naval work at Erie.




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