USA > Pennsylvania > Pennsylvania, colonial and federal : a history, 1608-1903, Volume Two > Part 19
Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).
Part 1 | Part 2 | Part 3 | Part 4 | Part 5 | Part 6 | Part 7 | Part 8 | Part 9 | Part 10 | Part 11 | Part 12 | Part 13 | Part 14 | Part 15 | Part 16 | Part 17 | Part 18 | Part 19 | Part 20 | Part 21 | Part 22 | Part 23 | Part 24 | Part 25 | Part 26 | Part 27 | Part 28 | Part 29 | Part 30 | Part 31 | Part 32 | Part 33 | Part 34 | Part 35 | Part 36 | Part 37 | Part 38 | Part 39 | Part 40
On the 6th of May the Lewistown convention met and nom- inated Henry A. Muhlenberg, and also passed a resolution in favor of Van Buren for president. In the meantime, the Whig and anti-Masonic parties nominated Joseph Ritner ; so three can- didates were now in the field. The split in the Democratic party seemed to be hopeless, and many efforts were made to induce Wolf and Muhlenberg to withdraw; for all could see clearly that unless they did unite defeat would be inevitable. Of course, the friends of Ritner were jubilant. For six years they had been fighting, and though the principle inscribed on their banner, if containing some virtue, did not have enough to keep men long united. But it had united them thus far, and, stimulated by the . division of their enemies, they went into the contest with renewed heart. Doubtless there were many leaders who saw the situa- tion more clearly even than outsiders, but could do nothing. They could simply let the ship drive before the storm and be grounded, believing that then all on board would go to work with a new heart to put her afloat once more, and having learned the lesson, would remember it for a season.
The condition of the office-holding class is worthy of notice. Devoted to Wolf so long as he was devoted to them, believing that his political death was near, they deserted him and put forth every effort to elect Ritner. By this course they hoped to retain their places, while illustrating, as they certainly did, their regard for their chief and loyalty to their party. The cohesive power of the party lost its virtue, and the gray-grown veteran managers looked on in disgusted despair.
The result, therefore, was inevitable. Ritner received 94,023 votes, Wolf 65,801, and Muhlenberg 40,586. Thus the party which, with the single exception of Hiester's three years of office,
259
Pennsylvania Colonial and Federal
had been in control thirty-three years, was obliged to retire. It is true that it was not to remain out long, but the defeat was bitter because it had been caused largely by selfish division. No party can permanently maintain itself on this basis, no government, no people. Something of the element of disinterestedness must exist, some regard for others, some patriotism, some self-sacrifice, otherwise the dissonance will untimately jar the structure to pieces. This is the history of every government and every party in the world. Again had the old lesson been told for the more thoughtful to remember. The vote cast showed if the Democrats
Lebulon Butler
Signature of Colonel Zebulon Butler, of the Revolutionary army
had been united their candidate would have been elected, as the combined votes of Wolf and Muhlenberg exceeded Ritner's by 12,364.
The split extended to many members of the legislature, and the anti-Masons and Whigs elected seventy-one members of the House. Six of the eight Senators elected were of the same po- litical belief, but the Democrats had enough holding over to give them a majority of nine. The opposition, therefore had a large majority on joint ballot, but there was nothing to do that session requiring joint action of the two Houses. The Senate was organized by a combination of the victorious party and the Muhlenbergs, effected by a division of the spoils, and were able to cast nineteen votes. The friends of Wolf were very indignant over such shameful conduct of their late party friends, but there is no reason for supposing that their own virtue was of a superior durable quality, and would not have yielded as readily to the seductive power of public office and personal gain. Doubtless they felt the slight of Ritner's party in not attempting to unite
260
Ritner's Administration
with them, for notwithstanding their severe castigation of him and all his works, they were doubtless quite as ready to unite on such a solid basis as actual office, salary and incidentals, and fill them and extract all the profits in sight or that might with dili- gence be discovered, as the members of any other party. Their indignation, therefore, was not especially noteworthy; for their union three years afterward shows that, after all, it was merely a ripple on the surface and not a ground swell coming from afar and heard long after breaking on the shore.
At this point in our narrative the newly-elected Governor, Joseph Ritner, deserves some personal notice. His father, John Ritner, emigrated from Alsace in the eighteenth century and settled in Berks county, Pennsylvania. Here Joseph Ritner was born on March 25, 1780. His only school advantages were lim- ited to one term of six months. Most of his early life was spent upon his father's farm, and at the age of sixteen he removed to Cumberland county. In 1800 he married Susan Alter of Cum- berland county. A few years later he settled with his family upon the farm of his wife's uncle, David Alter, in Washington county. Mr. Alter owned a valuable library and to Mr. Ritner this was a rare mine of wealth. By means of this collection of books, he removed many of the defects of his early education. His abilities were soon recognized, and in 1820 he was elected to the legislature from Washington county, in which body he served for six years.
Mr. Ritner led the anti-Masonic forces in his section of the State and in 1829 that party nominated him for Governor. He received a respectable vote, but was defeated. He was a candi- date again in 1832, and, although defeated, made considerable gain over his former vote. His election in 1835 gives evidence of great popularity as a party leader.
The meeting of the legislature under the new administration was attended with many interesting problems. Soon after the organization of the Senate, the question of continuing and com-
261
Pennsylvania Colonial and Federal
pleting the internal improvements was considered. Governor Wolf, in his final message, after describing the completion of the original scheme, cut out a large quantity of improvements. These were a canal from western Pennsylvania to Lake Erie, the exten- sion of the canal up the Susquehanna to the Elmira canal and Ithaca railroad, and a third from some place on the west branch of the Susquehanna to connect with the French creek division and to the harbor of Lake Erie. The legislature that assembled in December, 1835, took very kindly to Governor Wolf's recom- mendations, though the majority of the House differed with him politically. Early in the session a bill was presented having three distinct objects : the first, to repeal the State tax on real and personal property; the second, to continue and extend the im- provements of the State by railroads and canals, and the third, to charter a State bank. The capital was to be $35,000,000 and for the charter a bonus of $3,000,000 was to be paid ; a permanent loan to the State of $6,000,000 at four per cent. interest was to be made, and other loans when required at the rate of $1,000,000 " annually. The money was to be spent in completing the rail- roads, canals, turnpike roads and providing for a general system of education.
This measure created intense interest and excitement. Jack- son was now urging war on the United States bank. The State had favored internal improvements and had issued bank charters and thus fostered the speculative spirit. It is true that Governor Wolf had vigorously denounced speculation and incorporation in general and banks in particular ; but the legislature was Demo- cratic in both branches and had granted numerous charters. He and others like himself, thoughtful and observing men, knew that a day of reckoning was not far off. Petitions for and against the bank were sent to the legislature and meetings were held in all parts of the State. The bank tried to manufacture sentiment in its favor and the opponents strived to end its work. The Democrats to some extent sought to array their party against
262
Ritner's Administration
the bank, but the influence in its favor was so strong that they did not make much headway.
The measure passed the House by a large majority. The en- tire Ritner-Muhlenberg party, except three, and many Democrats voted for it. It was thought that the members who represented strong Democratic counties would oppose the bill, if for no other reason than to make capital for themselves, as it was evident that all who voted for the bill immolated themselves upon the altar of party fealty. The capital was filled with adroit and skillful ad- vocates of the bank, who understood the science of influencing members quite as well as the modern experts, and they succeeded in inducing members to vote for the bill against their better judg- ment. under the plea that the bonus given to the State was so liberal that it would become immensely popular with the masses, just as soon as the matter was properly understood, and secure a succession to the party then in power.
The admonition of the mass of the Democrats to the leaders of their party was, "Look to the Senate." Looking to that body, however, had not the desired effect, for it soon became evident that the friends of the bank were wielding a potent charm on that body. On the 15th of February, 1836, the bank bill passed in the Senate finally, by a vote of twenty yeas to twelve nays. Eight Democrats voted in its favor and among these were some of the most prominent members.
Their desertion of orthodox Democratic principles met with the severest condemnation, their motives were impugned and by some they were openly denounced as bank-bought traitors. To sustain this assertion the Democratic papers republished ferocious anti-bank speeches made by two of them, Penrose and Dickey, and called attention to the fact that another, Cunning- ham of Mercer, had presided at the Democratic State convention on the 8th of January, only a little more than a month before, while Fore, Penrose, Irvin and Dickey had also been delegates to the convention and all of them voted in favor of strong reso-
263
Pennsylvania Colonial and Federal
lutions denouncing any attempt to give a charter to the United States bank .. None of them, except Penrose, ever went before the people for office again, and he only after a lapse of seventeen years and then as a member of the opposition party. Neither did any of them, in their obscurity, after they retired from office, ever act again with the Democrats.
Soon after the assembling of the members, December 19, 1835, a committee, on motion of Thaddeus Stevens, was ap- pointed "to investigate the evils of-Free Masonry," with power to send for persons and papers. Many spectators attended the meetings, expecting to hear extraordinary revelations, while others went to witness the culmination of what they regarded as an "unholy inquisition." Many of the most prominent men in the State were summoned to appear and testify, among others ex-Governor Wolf, Francis R. Shunk, Chief Justice Gibson. On the 12th of January, 1836, Mr. Stevens reported to the house that the committee had summoned Governor Wolf, John Neilson and Charles Shaler to appear before them, and that they had denied the right of the committee or the House to serve and enforce such process on them and consequently refused to appear. The "insult" was not to be borne, so Mr. Stevens said, and he moved that attachments be issued to compel the attendance of Governor Wolf and other delinquent witnesses. For two days this motion was earnestly discussed. It was finally adopted by fifty-nine yeas and twenty-nine nays. An attachment was issued against Gov- ernor Wolf, who appeared before the committee, but declined to be sworn and read his protest. Attachments against others were issued and they all refused to answer or be sworn, threw them- selves upon the "bill of rights" and protested against the right of the House to investigate Free Masonary. The most eloquent and cutting of these protests was made by the Rev. W. T. Sprole. Francis R. Shunk appeared before the committee on the 13th of January and read his protest, which was a powerful, scathing document. The excitement was now at fever heat. When the
264
Ritner's Administration
old man had finished, the applause from the crowded room was long and loud. Stevens, enraged over it, gave notice that if there was another display of it the authors would be arrested. The investigation continued for nearly a month and ended in nothing. The man whom the committee tried to impale would not testify ;
COURT-HOUSE. YORK, PA.
The Building in which the American Con. gress sat during the gloomiest pe- riod of the Revolution.
Occupied by the Continental Congress, 1777- 1778. Reproduced especially for this work from a rare old print
those who did were pretended renouncers of Masonry. Con- cerning the real motive of Stevens public opinion was divided.
Stevens feared nothing; that was his motive, and he would have resorted to strong measures to compel witnesses to testify if he had not seen that the tide of public opinion was beginning to set in against the inquiry. The Whigs of Philadelphia, a strong element in the opposition ranks, threatened secession. To preserve appearances a lengthy report was submitted and adopted.
265
Pennsylvania Colonial and Federal
The legislature closed with fixing a time for electing delegates to amend the constitution, and apportioning the State into legis- lative and senatorial districts. The latter act was manifestly unfair, a gerrymander which gave the Democrats great offense, since it involved their success in both branches of the legislature in 1836-37 in considerable doubt. The basis of representation was three thousand, and the bill gave the city, which was now in opposition with 18,449 taxables, seven representatives, and the county, which was Democratic, with 31,398 taxables, only eight representatives, while the former should have six and the latter ten.
When Ritner was chosen Governor it was a period of great speculation and adventure. President Jackson had been waging war on the United States bank and had succeeded in effecting the removal of the national deposits ; and every one knew that he was intent on destroying the institution. President Biddle had kept it out of politics and that was too much for Jackson. Had Biddle yielded and the President filled up its offices with his followers he would have been content and suffered it to live. The institution did, indeed, procure a new charter from the State, but it was not the same bank; its national deposits were gone, which had been a great source of profit. Their removal caused a terrible shock to trade, but this was not the worst. New banking enterprises were organized everywhere, which sought to be incorporated. The Girard bank desired an extension of capital, and its charter was amended by the Assembly. Governor Ritner, however, smote it down with a veto, in which he mixed up some most wholesome truths with some strangely misleading fancies and erroneous pre- dictions. "All changes," he said, "in the circulating medium, no matter how wisely planned or what amount of good may be ex- pected to flow from them, are in themselves as changes dangerous, and if possible to be avoided. To the man in really useful and active business, who regards money as the means, not the subject of trade; to the capitalist whose whole fortune is invested in such a manner as to yield its annual profits to himself and afford facili-
266
Ritner's Administration
ties to his more active but needy neighbor ; to the poor man whose whole riches, his weekly or monthly pay, are comprised in a cer- tain amount of the most usual and convenient currency ; to these, every change of a currency, depending as it necessarily must on mutual credit and confidence, is a matter fraught with incon- venience and danger. But to the vampires of the body politic, to those who reduce the healthy circulation of the system to a state of torpid stagnation, or drug it into fevered excitement, that they may fatten on the heart's blood of the public prosperity ; to the stock-jobber, the usurer, the shaver and the legal extortioner, changes in the currency are at all times welcome, and are by them ever promoted."
Though declining to extend the charter of that bank, he had signed the charter for the United States bank, justifying himself that by so doing he would preserve the circulation and less seriously disturb the finances and business of the country. Had its life not been continued as a State institution the government would have been obliged, so Governor Ritner thought, to charter other banks, to sustain the agricultural, commercial, manufacturing and mining interests of the State. He then proceeded to describe what would have been the consequences of doing so, and these are curious indeed in view of what did actually happen. "The amount would most probably have been distributed amongst a considerable num- ber of small banks in different parts of the State. The stock of those banks, by the numberless arts whose true character none but those who practice them can fully comprehend, would have risen far above par or even real value. In the unholy thirst for profit from the mere act of creating paper-money, the real object of its creation, viz. : public convenience and safety, would have been entirely forgotten. A few fortunes would have been realized to the ruin of thousands. The banks themselves, when in operation, all commencing in the midst of this confusion, greatly increased by the winding up of the United States bank, many of them under inexperienced direction and all anxious for business, would, as a
267
Pennsylvania Colonial and Federal
matter of course, force into circulation the whole amount of their notes at once and without delay. To accomplish this in the midst of the existing rivalry, security which in ordinary times would have been refused would be taken. Money would at once become plenty, speculation increase, property rise in value and contracts for the future payment of sums be made, in the hope that no cloud would ever overshadow the golden prospect. All would appear to be well. But in the midst of this agreeable delusion, and the very next moment after the banks had infused the whole of their 'trash' into the vitals of the Commonwealth, they would inevitably commence the to them necessary, but to the community ruinous, operations of saving themselves. They would begin rapidly to call in their debts and demand further security. Their debtors would fail, the banks themselves become embarrassed and most probably break, property fall, business stagnate. In one word, we should have to pass through the same gloomy times that fol- lowed the litter of banks of 1814. To pay a bond given for paper- money, which had depreciated into its constituent rags, the farmer must coin his acres of land into hard dollars, the manufacturer his mill, and the merchant his store. These would be still really worth as much as ever they were, but the bond, the pound of flesh, must be paid, no matter at what sacrifice."
The Governor then proceeded to describe the good effects of chartering that bank by furnishing the people with a currency of unquestioned soundness. "To have checked a circulation then healthy, to have changed a medium then general, or to have de- prived ourselves of benefits so manifest, would have been the very height of madness."
Speculation, as we have said, had now set in very strongly. Bank stock was one of the most popular speculative materials. So Ritner remarked, and truly, "The more you increase bank stock, the greater will be the number of stock-jobbers, the more wild will be stock speculation, and the greater will be the amount of bank facilities in the hands of those 'operators' on the best
268
John Peter Gabriel Muhlenberg
Clergyman; colonel, brigadier-general, major- general in Revolutionary war; vice-president of Supreme Executive Council, 1787-1788 ; member of Congresses, 1789-1791, 1793-1795 and 1799. 1801. Reproduced especially for this work from a can- vas in Independence Hall, Philadelphia
7
Ritner's Administration
interests of the community. It is futile to attempt to choke with increase of food a throat which seems, like that of the boa con- strictor, to stretch to the size of any victim; or to satiate an appe- tite that grows faster than the supply."
In his message for 1836 the Governor dwelt elaborately on the speculation then prevalent. He declared that it was the great malady of the times, "that desire which is now so ravenous, of acquiring wealth without labor. Submission to the old demo- cratic spirit of the State yet restrains the open avowal of the doctrine that money is power, and keeps up the appearance of respect for useful labor, which has always characterized hard- working and economical Pennsylvania. But, in reality, we are far departed from the manly principles and vigorous morals of our fathers. A gambling spirit of speculation is abroad. The basis of it is a desire to obtain wealth at the expense of others, and without equivalent.
"The speculations of the present day, whether in stock, in coal lands, or town lots, are in reality nothing but the sale of a mere hope of greater success and profit than the seller had real- ized at the time of sale. If the eye be kept upon one of these transactions from the commencement of the excitement till the final prostration of the concern, it will be found to be a regular series of deceptions, disappointment and distress. No adequate value in labor or productiveness being generally transmitted from dupe to dupe, he in whose hands the gilded deception finally rests must prove its emptiness, and pay the whole amount of all pre- vious profits. It is thus that with a regularity which might al- most be graduated to mathematical exactness, the various stages of speculation are passed through till the final depression arrives with unavoidable and hopeless ruin. The great secret of the game is for each to hold the ball just long enough to enable him to strike his neighbor with the greatest possible severity, and not so long as to incur upon himself the forfeit. The spirit cannot all be checked even by the wisest measure of government. Part
27I
Pennsylvania Colonial and Federal
of it proceeds from principles and weaknesses inherent in human nature. But much of it is caused by, and of course is within the control of, legislation. The great number and variety of corpo- rations created within a few years have increased and given food to this depraved appetite." The governor thought "a due regard for the public welfare demands that no new corporate bodies should be created except upon the most certain proof of their necessity, and of the accomplishment of the proposed object being beyond the power of individual enterprise."
Foreigners who visited our country remarked on this rampant spirit that was everywhere prevalent. One of these writers de- scribed Philadelphia as a "bank-bound city of speculators, a gang of foul spirits, a city of merchants, whose counting-houses are their churches, whose money is their god and whose ledgers are their Bibles."
This speculative spirit was fed by the banks to an extraordinary degree. There was money to be made in organizing and selling the stock, money in issuing notes and lending them, and the spirit became very general and led to most disastrous consequences. It is true that the bank note circulation at the time Ritner began his administration seemed to be sound, but it was a delusive sound- ness, as all were soon to learn. Nevertheless, the Governor merely sought to prohibit the issue of any note below $10. This would have been a most important check to reckless issuing if it could have been carried. There were too many in circulation for their basis of support. But the banks desired no such change and they were strong enough to have their way.
The subject of the abolition of slavery was now claiming special attention. All the Governors had rejoiced in the abolition of slavery in Pennsylvania and had been active in executing the law. But while they were honest and effective in doing this, they did not regard with favor the disturbing of slavery in other States. But the extension of slavery into unoccupied territory was another question. On the 19th of December, 1819, the legislature re-
272
Ritner's Administration
solved "that the senators and representatives of this State in the congress of the United States be and they are hereby requested to vote against the admission of any territory as a State into the
John Sullivan
Born 1740; died 1795; member Continental Congress from New Hampshire, 1774; appoint- ed brigadier-general, 1775; active about Boston, in the movements against Canada and in the Long Island campaigns; led 4,000 troops against the Indians from the Delaware river through the mountains and valleys of Pennsylvania to Tioga Point, thence into New York State, where he completed the work of subjugating the savages, 1779; in later years active in Congress and New Hampshire State public affairs. By courtesy Wyoming Valley Historieal and Geo- logical Society
Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.