History of Dakota Territory, volume I, Part 141

Author: Kingsbury, George Washington, 1837-; Smith, George Martin, 1847-1920
Publication date: 1915
Publisher: Chicago, Ill. : S.J. Clarke Publishing Company
Number of Pages: 1198

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PRESIDENT ARTHUR'S VIEW OF INDIAN POLICY

In his first message to Congress. December, 1881. Pres. Chester .\. Arthur presents the question of Indian affairs in a very intelligent, candid and prac- tical manner, and in doing so highly commends the peace policy which had then been pursued for about ten years with favorable restilts. As Dakota was then the important fieldl in which the Government was engaged with its industrial policy, the suggestions and comments of the President will be locally interesting. The President said :

Prominent among the matters which challenge the attention of Congress at the present session is the management of our Indian affairs. While this question has been the cause of trouble and embarrassment from the infancy of the Republic. it is but recently that any efforts have been made for its solution, at once serious, determined. consistent and promis ing of success. It has been easier to resort to convenient makeshifts for tiding over the temporary difficulties than to grapple with the great permanent problem, and accordingly the easier course has almost invariably been pursued. It was natural, at a time when the national territory seemed almost illimitable, and contained many millions of acres beyond the bounds of civilized settlement, that a policy should have been initiated which, more than aught else, has been the fruitful source of our Indian complications. 1 refer, of course. to the policy of dealing with the various tribes as separate nationalities; of regulating them by treaty stipulations to the occupancy of immense reservations in the West, and of encourag- ing them to live undisturbed by any earnest and well directed effort to bring them under the influence of civilization. The unsatisfactory results which have sprung from this policy are apparent to all. As the white settlements have crowded the borders of the reservations. the Indians, sometimes contentedly and sometimes against their will, have been transferred to other hunting grounds, from which they have again been dislodged whenever their nes found homes have been desired by the adventurous settlers. These removals and the fron tier settlements by which they have been succeeded, have led to frequent and disastr us conflicts between the races. It is not proper to discuss here which of them has been chiefly responsible for the disturbances, whose recital occupies so large a space on the pages . i our history. We have to deal with the appalling fact that thousands of lives have te n sacrificed and hundreds of millions of dollars expended in the attempts to solve the 'Inlen problem."

It had until the past few years seemed scarcely nearer a solution than it was Illa century ago; but the Government has of late years been cautiously and steadily felice way toward the adoption of a policy which has already produced gratifying remte au ! Vol. 1 12

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which, in my judgment, is likely, if Congress and the Executive accord in its support, to relieve the reservations from the difficulties which have hitherto beset us. For the success of the efforts now making to introduce among the Indians the customs and pursuits of civilized life, and gradually to absorb them into the mass of our citizens, sharing their rights and holding to their responsibilities, there is imperative need of legislative action. My suggestion in that respect will be chiefly such as have already been called to the atten- tion of Congress, and which have received, to some extent, its consideration.

First. I recommend the passage of an act making the laws of the various states and territories applicable to the Indian reservations within their borders, and extending the laws of the State of Arkansas to that portion of the Indian Territory not occupied by the five civilized tribes. The Indians should receive the protection of the law. They should be allowed to maintain in court their rights of person and property. The Indian has repeatedly begged for this privilege and its exercise would be very valuable to him in his progress toward civilization.

Second, and of even greater importance is the measure which has frequently been recommended by my predecessors in office, and for the furtherance of which several bills have, from time to time, been introduced in both houses of Congress: The enactment of a general law permitting the allotment in severalty to such Indians at least as desire it, of a reasonable quantity of land secured to them by patent, and for their own protection made inalienable for a period of twenty or twenty-five years, is demanded for their present welfare and their permanent advancement. In return for such considerate action on the part of the Government, there is reason to believe the Indians in large numbers would be persuaded to sever their tribal relations and to engage at once in agricultural pursuits. They would soon learn that their hunting days were over, and that it is now for their best interests to conform their manner of life to the new order of things. By no greater inducement than the assurance of permanent title to the soil can they be led to engage in the occupation of tilling it. The well attested reports of their increasing interest in hus- bandry, justifies the hope and belief that the enactment of such a statute as I recommend would at once be attended with gratifying results.

A resort to the allotment system would have a direct and powerful influence in dis- solving the tribal band which is a prominent feature of savage life, and which tends so strongly to perpetuate them. I advise a liberal appropriation for the support of Indian schools, because of my confident belief that such a course is consistent with the wisest economy. Even among the most uncultured. Indian tribes there is reported to be a general desire on the part of the chiefs and older members, for the education of their children. It it unfortunate, in view of this fact, that during the past years the schools which have been at the command of the interior department for the purpose of Indian instruction, have proved to be utterly inadequate.

The success of the schools which are in operation at Hampton, Carlisle, and Forest Grove, should not only encourage a more generous provision for the support of these insti- tutions, hut should prompt the establishment of others of similar character. They are doubtless much more potent for good than the day schools upon the reservations, as the pupils are altogether separated from the surroundings of rough life, and brought into con- stant contact with civilization.

General Miles spent the summer of 1879 in the north watching Sitting Bull. His supply depot was at Fort Peck and his camp near Bear Paw Mountain.

EARLY MILITARY MOVEMENTS

While at Fort Keogh, in June. 1880, General Miles was ordered by General Sherman, at the request of General Terry, to organize a strong column and move north across the Missouri River, to the country south of the International boundary line, and attack, arrest or drive back the hostile Sioux supposed to be hunting buffalo on American soil, and occasionally attacking whites. This move was expected to be a matter of international interest inasmuch as Sitting Bull and his people were at the time considered to be British subjects, and it was held at Washington that they were invaders.

The army officers campaigning in Western Dakota in 1878 were of the opinion that Sitting Bull could not remain long in British America owing to the scarcity of buffalo in that country, and his people would be compelled to return into the United States to procure meat. The buffalo, always an important factor in considering the Indian question, had now assumed a new importance. General Cook, quite famous in the Indian wars of those years, believed that the decrease of the buffalo had been so rapid that the Indians would have to find some other means of subsistence, and this condition would compel them still more to rely upon the Government. It was estimated that over 100,000 buffalo

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had been slaughtered every year for the past ten years, and the natural increase had been very much less. The largest proportion of the buffalo killed were cows, and this ratio of decrease in the numbers of the female, pointed to the early extinction, practically, of the animal. Careful estimates regarding the buffalo were made by General Crook, based on the large number of buffalo hides shipped from the various trading posts down the Missouri River. This number was found to be fully 60,000 a year, for several years, and it was known that thou- sands of buffalo were killed at a season when their hides are worthless for com- mercial purposes, and were not shipped.

The Indians relied upon pemmican for subsistence when engaged in hos- tilities and when on the hunt. It was the mainstay of the Indian family ; but it could not be prepared by them without buffalo; thus by its disappearance the hostile savage was brought to face a problem of subsistence in a new light. The reader will observe the coincidence of peace, substantially, with the Indian tribes, and the gradual fading away of the buffalo.

It became apparent to the military authorities at the various forts and mili- tary camps in the northwest portion of Dakota and Montana, then under com- mand of Gen. Nelson A. Miles, that the recalcitrant and heretofore incorrigible Sioux Indians, who had been associated with Sitting Bull and self-exiled in British America practically since the Custer massacre in 1876, were becoming homesick, and hungry, and were inclined to get back to the Great Father's bountiful table. The evidences of this desire to return were made so plain and authoritative, that the President directed that the Indians should be permitted to return unmolested, and shoukl surrender to the military authorities as prisoners of war; their arms and ponies taken from them, and they sent to such agencies on the Missouri River as the secretary of the interior should designate. It was then intended to sell the ponies and arms, the proceeds to be used to feed and clothe the repentant rebels; there would be probably many thousands of the ponies, but whether such disposition was made of the entire property cannot be here stated on authority. There were reports of the sale of large numbers of the ponies, and the reader has probably observed that in later years a claim was made against the Government by Indians at Pine Ridge and Chevenne and Standing Rock, for several thousand confiscated ponies that, it was alleged, the Government had wrongfully taken from the Indians and sold. In the interest of maintaining peace it is probable that these claims were amicably adjusted. The action of the Government in taking the animals from the Indians, at the time, was to be commended. It had for three years maintained an army in that country, for the purpose of keeping these Indians from raiding and warring upon the ranches, the emigrant trains, the military camps, and raiding the work - ing parties engaged in building the Northern Pacific Railroad. The expense of maintaining this army and erecting posts for their accommodation and the keep- ing of supplies had been enormous, and the military duty arduous. By permit- ting the surrender of the hostile people and taking from them their ponies and arms, the frontier was at once freed from these predatory and warlike bands and there was nothing whatever to be gained by refusing to take them back. During the year, from two thousand to two thousand five hundred, counted as hostile, made their way in large numbers to Fort Keogh, Fort Buford and the Milk River Post, gave up their arms and ponies and as a rule were sent to the agencies where their tribes were located. In August there were 600 who made their way to Fort Keogh on the Yellowstone. At that time Secretary of the Interior Schurz, who was touring the West, was apprised of the surrender and gave orders from his residence in the Yellowstone Park designating the points to which the Indians were to be escorted.

TO MAKE SITTING BULL AND MEN PRISONERS OF WAR

General Miles, who had charge of military operations north of the Mini River to the Canadian border, paid Washington an official visit in the inus

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1880, for the purpose of consulting with the secretary of war concerning Sitting Bull and his hostile Indians, who had been making their abode in British Amer- ica since the Custer massacre, but who had now found it necessary, in order to provide themselves with subsistence, to invade the Territory of Dakota, and were then within our domain. And because their frequent inroads made it neces- sary to maintain a large military force in the country, and military posts, it was esteemed best to adopt a policy that would look to compelling the Canadian government to prevent their crossing into the territory of the United States, or of excluding them altogether and leaving their treatment and government solely with the United States. General Miles submitted his ideas of the best policy to pursue to Secretary of War Ramsey, who had it referred to the attorney-general.

Miles, in a letter, stated in substance, that three years' experience had demon- strated to him that the Sitting Bull Indians could not subsist during the winter season without crossing the border line into this country, where, as an invariable sequence, they commit wholesale depredations upon the settlers. The general stated that a portion of the Indians desired to surrender, and these, the general recommended, should be received as prisoners of war, and held until such time as they could safely be turned over to the interior department, the remainder to be treated as outlaws. He held that they should not be harbored by the Canadian authorities, immediately upon our borders, where they were a constant menace to peace on our side.

The state department was inclined to take the ground that Sitting Bull and his Indians were British subjects, and that the Canadian government must be held responsible for them. But this view had its impracticable features. The plan recommended by Miles of taking charge of them while they were in a peaceful mood and holding them until the interior department could handle them with safety. appeared to meet with most favor. It was a new departure in the Indian policy, but the confidence felt in the wisdom and prudence of the general, and the utter absence of any other practical method of handling the problem, settled the administration upon the Miles' policy, the general returned to his district north of the Missouri, and it was not long after his arrival that Indians from Sitting Bull's camp began to apply for leave to surrender. The policy was not only a practical one, but was wise, humane and had a permanently beneficial effect.

Adopting the plan proposed by General Miles, the war department through General Sherman, instructed Miles to receive the surrender of the hostiles in any numbers, the surrender to be without conditions, the Government to use its discretion in the treatment of the prisoners after they gave themselves up. In May about one thousand of the hostiles belonging to Sitting Bull's forces, that chief not being present, assembled near the Poplar River Agency above Milk River, and held a council to consider the question of a surrender, and to learn the terms under which their surrender would be received. At that time it was understood that Sitting Bull would interpose no obstacles to the surrender of such of his people as preferred that course, but for himself he had determined that he would remain in Canada, and never surrender. Gall, a chief, ranking very high in the hostile bands, was one of the leading men at Poplar River, and the council determined to send a messenger from their bands in to Fort Buford, then commanded by General Hazen, and learn from him the terms upon which their surrender would be received, the Indians as yet having had no authentic advices that they would be taken back until their warlike spirit was thoroughly subdued by chastisement and deprivation. The ambassage was sent to General IJazen, the spokesman of the party being a young Uncpapa warrior. One morn- ing in May, he presented himself to the general at Fort Buford. His name was Young Bull, an adopted son of the redonbtable hero of the battle at Little Big Horn, who delivered his message to the commanding officer, as follows :

My people sent me here, having for a long time heard of the chief at Buford. Having been at war ten years they don't want to fight longer. We have never struck the first blow.

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When there has been riches and gold in our country you have driven us away from it. Ilere is my message from Sitting Bull: "My father, Sitting Bull's father, was a chief. but they cast me out and left me on the prairie. I have been driven a long way beyond my country to the last point I can be driven to, and I want to know who is doing it. I want to know what you will do with us if we will surrender. If it is good, I will come. If not, I won't. I will wait until the young man goes back. I want to know if you will build me a trading store for myself. You have driven me to the last point and I don't want to give up my country forever without some place and some pay for it. li what you say is true and good, then send me four prisoners now at Fort Keogh, and I will come and surrender."

The message the young Indian had delivered was in the words Sitting Bull had given him to speak. General Hazen gave the young ambassador the infor- mation he desired, which was simply that the Government would give them no terms, but would accept their unconditional surrender, and they would be re- quired to give up all their arms and ponies. The young man represented that nearly all the Indians who were engaged in the Custer battle were at Poplar River waiting for his return and for General Hazen's answer. He was gen- erously treated at the fort, supplied with subsistence, and allowed to return to his people on a steamboat which opportunely came along bound for Benton.

While the Indians professed to be somewhat indignant at the humiliating terms the Government had imposed, they had concluded that anything was prefer- able to starvation, and it was not many weeks before small bands began to put in an appearance at Buford, prepared to surrender but demanded a modification of the terms. The military people were inexorable, and in fact they had no dis- cretion. The Indians were compelled to surrender arms and ponies, which would leave them nothing to fight with, and then they would be placed under the direction of the army. In this business the Indian bureau had no part, the army had complete jurisdiction, and held it so far as a large portion of these ex-hostiles were concerned, for a number of years.

The surrender policy recommended by Gen. Nelson A. Miles became the fixed policy of the Government, and proved a panacea for all the serious Indian troubles. When the Indians were made aware of the fact that they could sur- render they began to come in to the forts and give themselves up. By the 20th of August about eight hundred had made their appearance at Miles' headquarters at Fort Keogh, on the Yellowstone, had been disarmed and dismounted. Their arms and their ponies were to be sold and the proceeds used to purchase sup- plies for their subsistence. In their future career it was determined that they would have no use whatever for arms and very little for their animals, for after being subjected to a process of taming at the old agencies from whence they had gone to fight with Sitting Bull, they would enter the ranks of good Indians and be placed in line for the work of civilization under the industrial policy that was then being wisely and energetically enforced.

The Indians generally understood that they were in the future expected to work for their living, that they coukl in no other way provide food and clothing for themselves and families, and while the Great Father stood ready to provide temporary support in cases of merit and necessity, he did not propose to longer sustain his red children in idleness. These prisoner Indians. for they were held as prisoners of war, woukl be kept for some time under the supervision of the army, and when their condition and conduct would recommend it, they would be turned over to the civil authorities represented by the interior department, and returned to the agencies, rejoining their old tribe. The surren- der of these people must have been known to and approved by Sitting Bull, who saw that there was no other course open to them unless they were prepared to starve, and the wily leader had it also in mind probably to follow in the path his people had made to the forts where the surrenders were accepted, when lie could show a reasonable pretext for yielding.

It is not probable that Sitting Bull expected to be shown any favors not ac corded to the others who surrendered, for there was much less friendliness felt for him than for the others, but he was a very proud Indian, and may have felt

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that it would accord better with his dignity and reputation if he would exhibit a reluctant spirit and demand concessions, which being denied, he could, with a show of much sacrifice, yield to overwhelming numbers and military necessity, and then take his place with the common people who had given themselves up, and were already enjoying the bounties of the Great Father's well supplied table. At this time, a more tranquil condition prevailed throughout all the Dakota frontiers. The war clouds had been drifting away and disappearing. Gen. Nelson A. Miles had been in active command of military operations and by an aggressive policy never surpassed in the annals of Indian warfare, had broken the spirit of hostility among the hostiles and they were suing for peace. Sitting Bull had remained in British America, and had quite a large force under his direction. His Indians had been able to subsist on the game which the country afforded; but before in the winter of 1879-80, they suffered for food, and Miles forbade them coming across the line to hunt.

Early in 1880 Sitting Bull submitted a proposition to surrender himself and band, which was now reduced to comparatively a small number, on the terms proposed by the President, provided he should be allowed to come to Fort Keogh without military escort, or be subject to interference by Indian agents. His application was sent forward to the l'resident; but it was not expected there would be any modification of the terms of surrender in the case of the notorious leader. And there was no attention paid to it more than to inform him, unoffi- cially, that no exception would be made in his case, that he would be required to surrender unconditionally, with his guns and ponies, just as the other Indians had done.

Following this, within a few weeks, the notorious medicine chief came into Fort Buford, with 200 of his people, his immediate family and retainers, the last of the incorrigible element, on the 20th of July, 1881, and voluntarily sur- rendered to Major Brotherton, the commander. Fort Buford was the post situated nearly opposite the mouth of the Yellowstone.

Sitting Bull wanted to surrender, but he was averse to an unconditional giv- ing up to the Government and wanted certain privileges coupled with the event, which included a separate reservation and other impracticable factors to show that he had been accorded consideration due to his importance as a chieftain of rank and influence ; but General Hazen, who was in command at Fort Buford, simply informed him that the terms of his surrender required the giving up of all arms and ponies belonging to himself and his followers. The eminent chief- tain was highly indignant, and disposed to remonstrate, but he and his people that were with him, were very hungry and growing hungrier. An Indian prizes highly his ponies and his gun, but he realizes that he cannot eat them, and finding the officer unyielding, submitted to the terms, and were humanely treated during the interval that elapsed before the steamboat came and bore them away to Standing Rock, where Sitting Bull and his people were to be kept under military surveillance.

The Sitting Bull cavalcade consisted of six army wagons loaded with squaws and children, followed by thirty Red River wagons well filled with baggage; Sit- ting Bull and his chiefs and ex-warriors rode their ponies. At this time there was no ceremony of welcome. The commander of the post simply took them in, gave them blankets and food, provided them comfortable accommodations, and (lirected them to the place where they would remain until the steamboat General Sherman called for them, when they would be transported to Fort Yates where about three thousand five hundred of the repentant Sioux had already been gath- ered and were awaiting to be assigned to their future homes. Sitting Bull was among the last to give in. He had been urged to the step by the trader at Poplar River, and by the physical necessities of his people, who had been leaving hin all through the warm season and seeking an asylum under the Great Father's protection. from which they had been absent for full five years, except as many of them, had surreptitiously visited the agencies. Sitting Bull made no demon-

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History of Dakota Territory, volume I, Part 141

Author: Kingsbury, George Washington, 1837-; Smith, George Martin, 1847-1920 Publication date: 1915 Publisher: Chicago, Ill. : S.J. Clarke Publishing Company Number of Pages: 1198

Author: Kingsbury, George Washington, 1837-; Smith, George Martin, 1847-1920
Publication date: 1915
Publisher: Chicago, Ill. : S.J. Clarke Publishing Company
Number of Pages: 1198