A history of the valley of Virginia, 1st ed, Part 13

Author: Kercheval, Samuel, 1786-1845?; Faulkner, Charles James, 1806-1884; Jacob, John J., 1758?-1839
Publication date: 1833
Publisher: Winchester : Samuel H. Davis
Number of Pages: 966


USA > Virginia > A history of the valley of Virginia, 1st ed > Part 13


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'The number of Indians engaged in the battle of the Point was never ascertained, nor yet the amount of their loss. On the morning after the engagement, twenty- one were found on the battle ground, and twelve more were afterwards found in different places where they had been concealed. A great number of their dead were said to have been thrown into the river during the engagement. Considering that the whole number of our men engaged in this conflict were riflemen, and from habit sharp-shooters of the first order, it is pre- sumable that the loss on the side of the Indians was at least equal to ours.


'The Indians during the battle were commanded by the Cornstalk warrior, the king of the Shawnees. This son of the forest, in his plans of attack and retreat, and in all his maneuvers throughout the engagement, dis- played the skill and bravery of the most consummate


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general. During the whole of the day, he was heard from our lines, vociferating, with the voice of a Stentor, " Be strong ! be strong !" It is even said that he killed one of his men with his own hand for cowardice.


The day following the battle, after burying the dead, entrenchments were thrown up round the camp, and a competent guard was appointed for the care and protec- tection of the sick and wounded. On the succeeding day Gen. Lewis commenced his march for the Shaw- nee towns on the Scioto. This march was made through a trackless desert, and attended with almost insuperable difficulties and privations.


In the mean time the earl of Dunmore, having col- lected a force and provided boats at Fort Pitt, descend- ed the river to Wheeling, where the army halted for a few days, and then proceeded down the river in about one hundred canocs, a few keel boats and perouges, to to the mouth of Hockhocking, and from thence over land until the army had got within eight miles of the Shawnee town Chilicothe, on the Scioto. Here the ar- my halted, and made a breastwork of fallen trees and intrenchments of such extent as to include about twelve acres of ground, with an inclosure in the center con- taining about one acre, surrounded by intrenchments. This was the citadel which contained the markees of the carl and his superior officers.


Before the army had reached that place, the Indian chiefs had sent several messengers to the earl, asking peace .. With this request he soon determined to com- ply, and therefore sent an express to Gen. Lewis with an order for his immediate retreat. This order Gen. Lewis disregarded, and continued his march until his lori ship in person visited his camp, was formally intro- duced to his officers, and gave the order in person. The army of Gen. Lewis then commenced their retreat.


It was with the greatest reluctance and chagrin that the troops of Gen. Lewis returned from the enterprise in which they were engaged. The massacres of their relatives and friends at the Big Levels and Muddy creek,


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and above all, their recent loss at the battle of the Point, hadinspired these "Big-knives," as the Indians called the Virginians, with an inveterate thirst for revenge, the gra- tification of which they supposed was shortly to take place, in the total destruction of the Indians and their towns along the Scioto and Sandusky rivers. The or- der of Dunmore was obeyed, but with every expression of regret and disappointment.


The earl with his officers having returned to his camp, a treaty with the Indians was opened the follow- ing day-


In this treaty, every precaution was used on the part of our people to prevent the Indians from ending a trea- ty in the tragedy of a massacre. Only eighteen Indians, with their chiefs, were permitted to pass the outer gate of their fortified encampment, after having deposited their arms with the guard at the gate.


The treaty was opened by Cornstalk, the war chief of the Shawnees, in a lengthy speech, in which he boldly charged the white people with having been the authors of the commencement of the war, in the mas- sacres of the Indians at. Captina and Yellow creek. This speech he delivered in so loud a tone of voice, that he was heard all over the camp. The terms of the treaty were soon settled and the prisoners delivered up.


Logan, the Cayuga chief, assented to the treaty ; but still indignant at the murder of his family, he refused to attend with the other chiefs at the camp of Dunmore. According to the Indian mode in such cases, he sent his speech in a belt of wampum by an interpreter, to be read at the treaty.


Supposing that this work may fall into the hands of some readers who have not seen the speech of Logan, the author thinks it not amiss to insert this celebrated morsel of Indian cloquence in this place, with the ob- servation that the authenticity of the speech is no longer a subject of doubt. 'The speech is as follows :


".I appeal to any white man to say, if ever he entered Logan's cabin hungry, and he gave him not meat : if


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ever he came cold and naked, and he clothed him .not. During the course of the last long and bloody war, LO- gan remained idle in his cabin, an advocate for peace. Such was my love for the whites, that my countrymen pointed as they passed, and said, "Logan is the friend of the white men.' I had even thought to have lived with you, but for the injuries of one man. Col. Cresap, the last spring, in cold blood, and unprovoked, murder- ed all the relations of Logan, not even sparing my wo- men and children. There runs not a drop of my blood in the veins of any living creature. This called on me for revenge. I have sought it : I have killed many: I have fully glutted my vengeance : for my country I re- joice at the beams of peace. But do not harbor a thought that mine is the joy of fear. Logan never felt fear. He will not turn on his heel to save his life. Who is there to mourn for Logan ?- Not one."


Thus ended, at the treaty of Camp Charlotte, in the month of November 1774, the disastrous war of Dun- more. It began in the wanton and unprovoked mur- ders of the Indians at Captina and Yellow creek, and ended with an awful sacrifice of life and property to the demon of revenge. On our part we obtained at the treaty a cessation of hostilities and a surrender of pri- soners, and nothing more.


The plan of operations adopted by the Indians in the war of Dunmore, shews very clearly that their chiefs were by no means deficient in the foresight and skill necessary for making the most prudent military arrange- ments for obtaining success and victory in their mode of warfare. At an early period they obtained intelli- gence of the plan of the campaign against them, con- certed between the earl of Dunmore and Gen. Lewis. With a view, therefore, to attack the forces of these com- manders separately, they speedily collected their warri- ors, and by forced marches reached the Point before the expected arrival of the troops under Dunmore. Such was the privacy with which they conducted their march to Point Pleasant, that Gen. Lewis knew nothing of the


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approach of the Indian army until a few minutes before the commencement of the battle, and it is every way probable, that if Cornstalk, the Indian commander, had had a little larger force at the battle of the Point, the whole army of Gen. Lewis would have been cut off, as the wary savage had left them no chance of retreat. Had the army of Lewis been defeated, the army of Dun- more, consisting of little more than one thousand men, would have shared the fate of those armies, which at different periods have suffered defeats in consequence of venturing too far into the Indian country, in numbers too small, and with munitions of war inadequate to sus- tain a contest with the united forces of a number of In- dian nations.


It was the general belief among the officers of our army, at the time, that the earl of . Dunmore, while at Wheeling, received advice from his government of the probability of the approaching war between England and the colonies, and that afterwards, all his measures, with regard to the Indians, had for their ultimate object an all'ance with those ferocious warriors for the aid of the mother country in their contest with us. This sup- position accounts for his not formning a junction with the army of Lewis at Point Pleasant. This deviation from the original plan of the campaign jeopardized the army of Lewis, and wellnigh occasioned its total de- struction. The conduct of the earl at the treaty, shews a good understanding between him and the Indian chiefs. He did not suffer the army of Lewis to form a junction with his own, but sent them back before the treaty was concluded, thus risking the safety of his own forces; for at the time of the treaty, the Indian warri- ors were about his camp in force sufficient to have inter- epted his retreat and destroyed his whole army.


Rev. Mr. Jacob's account of Dunmore's war.


At this period. to wit, in the commencement of the year 177 1, there existed between our people and the In- dians, a kind of doubtful, precarious and suspicions


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peace. In the year 1773, they killed a certain John Martin and Guy Meeks, (Indian traders, ) on the Hock- hocking, and robbed them of about £200 worth of goods.


They were much irritated with our people, who were about this time beginning to settle Kentucky, and with them they waged an unceasing and destructive preda- tory war; and whoever saw an Indian in Kentucky, saw an enemy ; no questions were asked on either side but from the muzzles of their rifles. Many other cir- cumstances at this period combined to show that our peace with the Indians rested upon such dubious and uncertain ground, that it must soon be dispersed by a whirlwind of carnage and war. And as I consider this an all-important point in the thread of our history, and an interesting link in the chain of causes combining to produce Dunniore's war, I will present the reader with another fact directly in point. It is extracted from the journal of a 'squire M.Connel, in my possession. The writer says that about the 3d day of March, 1774, while himself and six other men, who were in company with him, were asleep in their camp in the night, they were awakened by the fierce barking of their dogs, and thought they saw something like men creeping towards them. Alarmed at this, they sprang up, seized their rifles, and flow to trees. By this time one Indian had reached their fire ; but hearing them cock their guns, he drew back, stumbled and fell. The whole party now came up, and appearing friendly, he ordered his men not to fire, and shook hands with his new guests. They tarried all night, and appearing so friendly, prevailed with him and one of his men to go with them to their town, at no great distance from their camp ; but when they arrived he was taken with his companion to their council, or war house, a war dance performed around them, the war club shook at or over them, and they de- tained close prisoners and narrowly guarded for two or three days. A council was then hell over them, and it. was decreed that they should be threatened severely


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and discharged, provided they would give their women some flour and salt. Being dismissed, they set out on . their journey to the camp, but met on their way about twenty-five warriors and some boys. A second council was held over them, and it was decreed that they should not be killed, but robbed, which was accordingly done; and all their flour, salt, powder and lead, and all their rifles that were good, were taken from them; and being further threatened, the Indians left them, as already nc- ticed. This party consisted of seven men, viz. 'squire M.Connel, Andrew M'Connel, Lawrence Darnel, Wil- liam Ganet, Matthew Riddle, John Laferty, and Thos. Canady.


We have also in reserve some more material facts, that go to show the aspect of affairs at this period, and that may be considered as evident precursors to an im- pending war. And it is certainly not a trifling item in the catalogue of these events, that early in the spring of 1774, whether precedent or subsequent to Connoly's fa- mous circular letter I am not prepared to say, having no positive data ; but it was, however, about this time that the Indians killed two men in a canoe belonging to a Mr. Butler, of Pittsburg, and robbed the canoe of the


property therein. This was about the first of May, 1774, and took place near the mouth of Little Beaver, a small creek that empties into the Ohio between Pitts- burg and Wheeling ; and this fact is so certain and well established, that Benj. Tomlinson, Esq. who is now living (1826), and who assisted in burying the dead, can and will bear testimony to its truth. And it is pre- sumed it was this circumstance which produced that prompt and terrible vengeance taken on the Indians at Yellow creek immediately afterwards, to wit, on the 3d day of May, which gave rise to, and furnished matter for, the pretended lying speech of Logan, which I shall hereafter prove a counterfeit, and if it was genuine, yet a genuine fabrication of lies.


Thus we find, from an examination into the state of affairs in the west, that there was a predisposition to war


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at least on the part of the Indians. But may we not suspect that other latent causes, working behind the scenes and in the dark, were silently marching to the . same result ?


Be it remembered, then, that this Indian war was but as the portico to our revolutionary war, the fuel for which was then preparing, and which burst into a flame the ensuing year ..


- Neither let us forget that the earl of Dunmore was at this time governor of Virginia ; and that he was ac- quainted with the views and designs of the British ca- binet, can scarcely be doubted. What then, suppose ye, would be the conduct of a man, possessing his means, filling a high official station, attached to the British government, and master of consummate diplo- matic skill?


Dunmore's penetrating cye could not but see, and he no doubt did see, two all-important objects, that, if ac- complished, would go to subserve and promote the grand object of the British cabinet, namely, the establishment of an unbo inded and unrestrained authority over our North American continent.


These two objects were, first, setting the new settlers on the west side of the Allegany by the ears ; and se- condly, embroiling the western people in a war with the Indians. These two objects accomplished, would put it in his power to direct the storm to any and every point · conducive to the grand object he had in view. But as in the nature of the thing he could not, and policy for- bidding that he should, always appear personally in pro- moting and effectuating these objects. it was necessary he should obtain a confidential agent attached to his persch and to the British government, and one that would promote bis view's either publicly or covertly, as circumstances required.


'The materials for his first object were abundant, and already prepared. The emigrants to the western coun- try were almost all from the three states of Virginia. Maryland and Pennsylvania. The line between th . .


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two states of Virginia and Pennsylvania was unsettled, and both these states claimed the whole of the western · country. This motley mixture of men from different states did not harmonize. The Virginians and Mary- landers disliked the Pennsylvania laws, nor did the Pennsylvanians relish those of Virginia. Thus many disputes, much warm blood, broils, and sometimes bat- tles, called fisticuffs, followed.


The earl of Dunmore, with becoming zeal for the honor of the "ancient dominion," seized upon this state of things so propitious to his views ; and having found Dr. John Connoly, a Pennsylvanian, with whom I think he could not have had much previous acquaintance, by the art of hocus-pocus or some other art, converted him into a stanch Virginian, and appointed him vice-gov- ernor and commandant of Pittsburg and its dependen- cies, that is to say, of all the western country. "Affairs on that side of the mountain now began to wear a seri- ous aspect ; attempts were made by both states to en- force their laws; and the strong arm of power and coer- cion was let loose by Virginia. Some magistrates acting under the authority of Pennsylvania were arrested, sent · to Virginia, and imprisoned.


But that the reader may be well assured that the hand of Dunmore was in all this, I present him with a copy of his proclamation. It is however deficient as to date :


" Whereas I have reason to apprehend that the gov- ernment of Pennsylvania, in prosecution of their claims to Pittsburg and its dependencies, will endeavor to ob- struct his majesty's government thereof, under -iny ad- ministration, by illegal and unwarrantable commitment of the officers I have appointed for that purpose, and that settlement is in some danger of annoyance from the In- dians also: and it being necessary to support the dignity of his majesty's government and protect his subjects in the quiet and peaceable enjoyment of their rights ; I have therefore thought proper, by and with the consent and advice of his majesty's council, by this proclama- tion in his majesty's name, to order and require the offi-


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cers of the militia in that district to embody a sufficient number of men to repel any insult whatsoever ; and all" his majesty's liege subjects within this colony are here- by strictly required to be aiding and assisting therein, or they shall answer the contrary at their peril ; and I fur- ther enjoin and require the several inhabitants of the ter- ritories aforesaid to pay his majesty's quitrents and pub- lic dues to such officers as are or shall be appointed to collect the same within this dominion, until his majes- ty's pleasure therein shall be known."


It is much to be regretted that my copy of this pro- clamation is without date. There can, however, be no doubt it was issued either in 1774 or carly in 1775, and I am inclined to think it was issued in 1774; but it would be satisfactory to know precisely the day, because chronology is the soul of history.


But this state of things in the west, it seems from subsequent events, was not the mere effervescence of a transient or momentary excitement, but continued a long season. The seeds of discord had fallen unhappily on ground too naturally productive, and were also too well cultivated by the earl of Dunmore, Connoly, and the Pennsylvania officers, to evaporate in an instant.


We find by recurring to the history of our revolution- ary war, that that awful tornado, if it had not the effect to sweep away all disputes about state rights and local interests, yet it had the effect to silence and suspend every thing of that nature pending our dubious and ar- duous struggle for national existence : but yet we find, in fact, that whatever conciliatory effect this state of things had upon other sections of the country, and upon the nation at large, it was not sufficient to extinguish this fire in the west. For in the latter end of the year 1776, or in the year 1777, we find these people petition- ing congress to interpose their authority, and redress their grievances. I have this petition before me, but it is too long to copy : I therefore only give a short abstract.


It begins with stating, that whereas Virginia and Pennsylvania both set up claims to the western coun-


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try, it was productive of the most serious and distressing consequences: that as each state pertinaciously sup- ported their respective pretensions, the result was, as described by themselves, "frauds, impositions, violences, depredations, animosities," &c. &c.


These evils they ascribe (as indeed the fact was) to the conflicting claims of the two states; and so warm were the partisans on each side, as in some cases to pro- duce battles and shedding of blood: But they superadd another reason for this ill humor, namely, the proceed- ings of Dunmore's warrant officers, in laying land war- rants on land claimed by others, and many other claims for land granted by the crown of England to individu- als, companies, &c., covering a vast extent of country, and including most of the lands already settled and occupied by the greatest part of the inhabitants of the western country ; and they finally pray congress to erect them into a separate state, and admit them into the union as a fourteenth state.


As this petition recites the treaty of Pittsburg, in Oc- tober 1775, it is probable we may fix its date (for it has none,) to the latter part of 1776 or 1777. I rather think the latter, not only from my own recollection of the circumstances of that period, but especially from the re- quest in the petition to be erected into a new state, which certainly would not have been thought of before the de- claration of independence.


But the unhappy state of the western country will · appear still more evident, when we advert to another important document which I have also before me. It is a proclamation issued by the delegates in congress from the states of Pennsylvania and Virginia, and bears date Philadelphia, July 25, 1775.


But the heat of fire, and inflexible obstinacy of the parties engaged in this controversy, will appear in colors still stronger, when we see the unavailing efforts made by the delegates in congress from the two states of Vir- ginia and Pennsylvania in the year 1775. These gen- tlemen, it was obvious, under the influence of the best


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of motives, and certainly with a view to the best inte- rests, peace, and happiness of the western people, sent them a proclamation, couched in terms directly calcu- lated to restore tranquillity and harmony among them : but the little effect produced by this proclamation, their subsequent petition just recited, and sent the next year or year after to congress, fully demonstrates.


But as I consider this proclamation an important do- cument, and as it is nowhere recorded, I give it to the reader entire :


" To the inhabitants of Pennsylvania and Virginia,


on the west side of the Laurel hill.


" Friends and countrymen : It gives us much con- cern to find that disturbances have arisen, and still con- tinue among you, concerning the boundaries of our col- onies. In the character in which we now address you, it is unnecessary to inquire into the origin of those un- happy disputes, and it would be improper for us to ex- press our approbation or censure on either side ; but as representatives of two of the colonics, united among many others for the defense of the liberties of America, we think it our duty to remove, as far as lies in our pow- cr, every obstacle that may prevent her sons from co- operating as vigorously as they would wish to do towards


· the attainment of this great and important end. Influ- enced solely by this motive, our joint and earnest request to you is, that all animosities, which have heretofore sub- sisted among you, as inhabitants of distinct colonies, may now give place to generous and concurring efforts for the preservation of every thing that can make our common country dear to us.


"We are fully persuaded that you, as well as we, wish to see your differences terminate in this happy issue. For this desirable purpose we recommend it to you that all bodies of armed men, kept under either province, be dismissed; that all those on either side, who are in confinement, or under bail for taking a part in the con- test, be discharged; and that until the dispute be deci- ded, every person be permitted to retain his possessions unmolested ..


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"By observing these directions, the public tranquillity will be secured without injury to the titles on either side. The period, we flatter ourselves, will soon arrive, when this unfortunate dispute, which has produced much mis- chief, and as far as we can learn no good, will be peace- ably and constitutionally determined.


" We are your friends and countrymen,


" P. Henry, Richard Henry Lee, Benjamin Harrison, Th. Jefferson, John Dickinson, Geo. Ross, B. Franklin, James Wilson, Charles Humphreys.


"Philadelphia, July 25, 1775."


But to conclude this part of our subject, I think the reader cannot but sce from Dunmore's proclamation, the violent measures of his lieutenant Connoly and tho Virginia officers, and from the complexion of the times, and the subsequent conduct of both Dunmore and Cel- noly, as we shall see hereafter; that this unhappy state of things, if not actually produced, was certainly im- . proved by Dunmore to subserve the views of the Brit- ish court.


We now proceed to examine the question, how far facts and circumstances justify us in supposing the carl of Dunmore himself instrumental in producing the In- dian war of 177.1.


It has been already remarked that this Indian war was but the precursor to our revolutionary war of 1175 --- that Dunmore, the then governor of Virginia, was ons of the most inveterate and determined enemies to the revolution -- that he was a man of high talents, especial- ly for intrigue and diplomatic skill-that occupying the etation of commander in chief of the large and respec- table state of Virginia, he possessed means and power to do much to serve the views of Great Britain. And wo have seen, from the preceding pages, how effectually he played his part among the inhabitants of the western country. I was present myself when a Pennsylvania magistrate, of the name of Scott, was taken into custo- dy, and brought before Dunmore. at Prestone old fort ;




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