USA > Virginia > A history of the valley of Virginia, 1st ed > Part 15
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But it is a perfect original and anomaly in the epis- tolary line; and contains in itself internal marks of gen- uine authenticity.
The first thing in this letter that calls for our attention
* During the government of Connoly in this place, he .changed the name from Pitt to Danmore; but subsequent events have blotted out Dunmore's namuć.
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is the language he uses towards the people he calls "mi- litia deserters:" That they may be dealt with, he says, as their crimes merit. Now I pray you who were those people ? Doubtless the respectable farmers and others in the vicinity of Pittsburg. And what does this Mogul of the west intend to do with them? Why hang them, to be sure; for this is military law. But the true state of this case doubtless is, that these militia considered themselves free men ; that they were not well pleased either with Connoly or garrison duty ; that viewing their country in danger, and their wives and children exposed to savage barbarity, they preferred more active service, and joined the standard of Capt. Cresap. And is this a new thing, or reprehensible ? How often do our militia enter into the regular army, and whoever dream- ed of hanging them for so doing ?
But, secondly, we say it is possible Capt. Cresap did not know from whence these men came ; and if he did, he deserves no censure for receiving them ; and as to the charge of inveigling away the militia from the gar- rison, we know this must be positively false, because he was not in Pittsburg in the year 1774, either personally or by proxy.
As to the general charge against Capt. Cresap, of at- tacking the Indians, and the great injury he had done them, I need only say that this charge is refuted again and again in the course of this history, and its unparal- leled impudence especially, or the date of this letter, merits the deepest contempt. But the most extraordina- ry feature in this most extraordinary letter is couched in these words, namely: "That the Indians relied upon the expressions of friendship he made them, and de- ported themselves accordingly."
Be astonished, O ye nations of the earth. and all ye kindreds of people at this !. For be it remembered this is the 1-4th day of July 1774, when Connoly has the un- blushing impudence to assert that the Indians relied up- on his expressions of friendship, and deported them -- selves accordingly, when at this very time we were en-
. .
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OF DUNMORE'S WAR.
gaged in the hottest part of Dunmore's war; when Dun- more himself was raising an army and personally on his way to take the command; when Lewis was on his march from Augusta county, Virginia, to the Ohio; when Cornstalk, with his Indian army, was in inotion to meet Lewis; and when Capt. Cresap was actually raising a company to join Dunmore when he arrived. And it was while engaged in this business, that he re- ceived this letter from Connoly ..
Now if any man can account for this strange and ex- traordinary letter upon rational principles, let him do so if he can : he has more ingenuity and a more acute dis- cernment than I have.
. Soon after receiving this letter, Capt. Cresap left his company on the west side of the mountain and rode home, where he met the carl of Dunmore at his house, and where he (the earl) remained a few days in habits of friendship and cordiality with the family. One day while the carl was at his house, Capt. Cresap, finding him alone, introduced the subject of Connoly's ill treatment, · with a view. I suppose, of obtaining redress, or of ex- posing the character of a man he knew to be high in the estimation and confidence of the earl. But what effect, suppose ye, had this remonstrance on the earl ! I'll tell you ; it lulled him into a profound sleep. Aye, aye, thinks I to myself (young as I then was), this will not do, captain ; there are wheels within wheels, dark things behind the curtain between this noble carl and his sub-satellite.
C'apt. Cresap was himself open, candid and unsuspi- cious, and I do not know what he thought, but I well remember my own thoughts upon this occasion.
But-let us, as nearly as possible, finish our business with Connoly, although we must thereby get a little ahead of our history: yet, as already remarked, we think it less perplexing to the reader, than to give him here a little and there a little of this extraordinary cha- racter .-
We find, then, that in the year 1775, Connoly, dis-
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covering that his sheep-skin could not cover him much longer, threw off' the mask and fled to his friend Dun- more, who also, about the same time, was obliged to take sanctuary on board a British ship of war in the Chesapeake bay. From this place, i. e. Portsmouth in Virginia, Connoly wrote the following letter to Col. Jolin Gibson, who, no doubt, he supposed possessed sen- timents somewhat congenial to his own. . It happened, however, that he was mistaken in his man; for Gibson exposed him, and put his letter into the hands of the commissioners who were holding a treaty with the In- dians.
But let us see this letter : it is dated Portsmouth, Au- gust 9, 1775.
" Dear Sir: I have safely arrived here, and am happy in the greatest degree at having so fortunately escaped the narrow inspection of my enemies, the enemies to their country's good order and government. I should esteem myself defective in point of friendship towards you, should I neglect to caution you to avoid an over zealous exertion of what is now ridiculously called pa- triotic spirit, but on the contrary to deport yourself with that moderation for which you have always been so re- markable, and which must in this instance tend to your honor and advantage. You may rest assured from me, sir, that the greatest unanimity now prevails at home, and the innovating spirit among us here is looked upon as ungenerous and undutiful, and that the utmost ex- ertions of the powers in government (if necessary) will be used to convince the infatuated people of their folly.
"I would, I assure you, sir, give you such convincing proofs of what I assert, and from which every reasona- ble person may conclude the effects, that nothing but madness could operate upon a man so far as to overlook his duty to the present constitution, and to form unwar- rantable associations with enthusiasts, whose ill-timed folly must draw down upon them inevitable destruction. His lordship desires you to present his hand to Captain White-eyes, [a Delaware Indian chief;] and to assure.
1.
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him he is sorry he had not the pleasure of seeing him at the treaty, [a treaty held by Connoly in his name,] or that the situation of affairs prevented him from coming down.
,"Believe me, dear sir, that I have no motive in wri- ting my sentiments thus to you, further than to endca- vor to steer you clear of the misfortunes which I am . confident must involve but unhappily too many. I have sent you an address from the people of Great Britain to the people of America, and desire you to consider it at -. tentively, which will ] flatter myself convince you of the idleness of many determinations and the absurdity of an intended slavery.
"Give my love to George, [his brother, afterwards a ' colonel in the revolutionary war,] and tell him he shall hear from me, and I hope to his advantage. Interpret the inclosed speech to Capt. White-eyes from his lord- ship. Be prevailed upon to shun the popular error, and judge for yourself, as a good subject, and expect the re- wards due to your services. I am, &c. .
" JOHN CONNOLY."
The inclosed speech to White-eyes we shall see in its proper place, after we have finished our business with Connoly .. It seems, then, that either a mistaken notion of his own influence, or greatly deceived by his calcu- lations on the support of Col. Gibson, his brother and friends, or in obedience to the solicitations of his friend Dunmore, he undertakes (incog.) a hazardous journey from the Chesapeake bay to Pittsburg, in company, if I recollect right, with a certain Doct. Smith; but our Dutch republicans of Fredericktown, Maryland, smelt a rat, seized, and imprisoned him, from whence he was removed to the Philadelphia jail, where we will leave him awhile to cool.
But let us now look at these two characters ; Conno- ly uses every effort to destroy us and subvert our liber- ties, and Cresap marches to Boston with a company of riflemen to defend his country. If then men's actions afford us the true and best criterion to judge of their
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merit or demerit, we can be at no loss to decide on this occasion. Nor can there be any doubt that this man, so full of tender sensibility and sympathy for the sufferings of the Indians, when arrested with his colleague (Smith) in Frederick, had a Pandora's box full of fire-brands, arrows and death, to scatter among the inhabitants of the west.
But it is probable the reader, as well as the writer, is weary of such company: we therefore bid him adieu, and once more attend his excellency the governor of Virginia, whom we left, I think, on board a British sloop of war, in the Chesapeake bay.
The reader has not forgotten, we presume, that we long since stated it as our opinion, that it was probable, and that we had strong reasons to believe, that Dunmore himself, from political motives, though acting behind the scenes, was in reality at the bottom of the Indian war of 1774.
We have already alluded to several circumstances previous to and during that war; but we have in re- serve several more evincive of the same fact subsequent to the war.
It may be remembered, that at the treaty of Chilico- the, it was remarked that some points were referred for future discussion at Pittsburg, in the ensuing fall; and it appears that a treaty was actually held by Connoly, in Dunmore's name, with the chiefs of the Delaware, and some Mingo tribes in the sunnner ensuing. This is historically a fact. and matter of record, which I ex- tract from the minutes of a treaty, held in the autumn of the same year, with several tribes of Indians, by com- missioners from the congress of the United States and from Virginia .*
But to understand this perfectly, the reader must be informed, that, previous to this treaty, C'apt. Jas. Wood, afterwards governor of Virginia, was sent by that state
* The original minutes of this treaty are in my possession. They were presented to me by my friend John Madison. secretary to the commissioners, with I think this remark, that they were of no use to theme, but might be of some to cic.
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as the herald of peace, with the olive branch in his hand, to invite all the Indian tribes bordering on the Ohio and its waters, to a treaty at Pittsburg, on the 10th day of September following. Capt. Wood kept a jour- nal, which is incorporated in the proceedings of the treaty, from which journal I copy as follows : "July the 9th, I arrived (says he) at Fort Pitt, where I received information that the chiefs of the Delawares and a few of the Mingos had lately been treating with Maj. Connoly agreeably to instructions from lord Dunmore, and that the Shawnees had not come to the treaty," &c.
Capt. Wood however acknowledges, in a letter he wrote to the convention of Virginia from this place, that this treaty held by Connoly was in the most open and candid manner, that it was held in the presence of the committee, and that he laid the governor sinstruc- tions before them. Very good. But why these re- marks respecting Connoly and Dunmore ? Does not this language imply jealousy and suspicion, which Capt. Wood, who certainly was deceived, was anxious to re- move ? But to procced. He says :
"July 10. White-eyes came with an interpreter to my lodging. He informed me he was desirous of go- ing to Williamsburg with Mr. Connoly to see lord Dun- more, who had promised him his interest in procuring a grant from the king for the lands claimed by the Del- awares ; that they were all desirous of living as the white people do, and under their laws and protection ; · that lord Dunmore had engaged to make him some satisfaction for his trouble in going several times to the Shawnee towns, and serving with him on the cam- paign, &c. &c. He told me he hoped I would advise him whether it was proper for him to go or not. I was. then under the necessity of acquainting him with the disputes subsisting between lord Dunmore and the peo- ple of Virginia, and engaged, whenever the assembly met, that I would go with him to Williamsburg, &c. &c. He was very thankful, and appeared satisfied."
The reader must observe this is July the 10th, 1775,
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and he will please to refer to page 180, where he will see from Connolv's letter of Aug. 9th, how much reliance was to be placed on his candor and sincerity, as stated by Capt. Wood to the convention on the 9th day of July. Thus we find that about thirty days after C'apt. Wood's testimony in his favor, Connoly threw away the mask, and presented himself in his true character ; and from his own confession and the tenor of liis letter to Gibson, it is plain that the current of suspicion ran so strongly against him that he declared himself "most happy in escaping the vigilance of his enemies."
We owe the reader an apology for introducing this man again; but the fact is, that Dunmore and Connoly are so identified in all the political movements of this pe- riod, that we can seldom see one without the other; and Connoly is the more prominent character, especially in the affairs of the west.
But we now proceed with Capt. Wood's journal. He tells us that on the 20th July, he met Gerrit Pendergrass- about 9 o'clock ; that he had just left the Delaware towns; that two days before, the Delawares had just returned from the Wyandot towns, where they had been at a grand council with a French and English officer, and the Wyandots; that Monsieur Baubee and the En- glish officer told them to be on their guard, that the white people intended to strike them very soon, &c. &c.
July 21. At 1 o'clock, arriving at the Moravian In- dian town, examined the minister (a Dutchman), con- cerning the council lately helt with the Indians, &c. who confirmed the account before stated.
July 22. About 10 o'clock, arrived at Coshocton, (a chief town of the Delawares, ) and delivered to their co incil a speech, which they answered on the 23d. Atter expressing their thankfulness for the speech and willingness to attend the proposed treaty at Pittsburg, they delivered to C'apt. Wood a belt and string they said was sent to them by an Englishman and Frenchman from Detroit, accompanied with a message that the peo- ple of Virginia were determined to strike them; that
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they would come upon them two different ways, the one by the way of the lakes, and the other by way of the Ohio, and that the Virginians were determined to drive them off, and to take their lands; that they must be constantly on their guard, and not to give any credit to whatever you said, as you were a people not to be de- pended upon ; that the Virginians would invite them to a treaty, but that they must not go at any rate, and to take particular notice of the advice they gave, which proceeded from motives of real friendship.
Now by comparing and collating this with the speech sent from Dunmore, enclosed in Connoly's letter, it will furnish us with a squinting at the game that was play- ing with the Indians by the earl of Dunmore and other British officers; to be convinced of which, read the fol- lowing speech from Dunmore, which was enclosed in a letter to Gibson :
"Brother Capt. White-eyes, I am glad to hear your good speeches as sent to me by Maj. Connoly, and you may be assured I shall put one end of the belt you have sent me into the hands of our great king, who will be glad to hear from his brothers the Delawares, and will take strong hold of it. You may rest satisfied that our foolish young men shall never be permitted to have your lands ; but on the contrary the great king will protect you, and preserve you in the possession of then.
"Our young people in this country have been very foolish, and done many imprudent things, for which they must soon be sorry, and of which I make no doubt they have acquainted you ; but must desire you not to listen to them, as they would be willing you should act foolishly with themselves ; but rather let what you hear pass in at one ear and out of the other, so that it may make no impression on your heart. until you hear from me fully, which shall be as soon as I can give further information.
"Capt. White-eyes will please acquaint the Cornstalk with these my sentiments, as well as the chiefs of the Mingos, and other six nations.
(Signed ) "DUNMORE."
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It is scarcely necessary to remark here, that the flight of Dunmore from Williamsburg, of Connoly from Pitts- burg, this speech of Dunmore's, and the speech of the Delawares to Capt. Wood, are all nearly cotemporane- ous, and point the reader pretty clearly to the aspect of our affairs with the Indians at this period. Dunmore's speech, as you have it above, although pretty explicit, is yet guarded, as it had to pass through an equivocal me- dium ; but he tells Capt. White-eyes he shall hear from him hereafter, and this hereafter speech was no doubt in Connoly's portmanteau when he was arrested in Fre- derick.
But to conclude this tedious chapter, nothing more . now seems necessary than to call the attention of the reader to those inferences that the facts and circumstan- ces detailed in the foregoing pages seem to warrant.
The first circumstance in the order of events seems to be the extraordinary and contradictory conduct of Dunmore and Connoly respecting Capt. Cresap. They certainly understood each other, and had one ultimate end in view; yet we find on all occasions Dunmore treats Cresap with the utmost confidence and cordiality, and that Connoly's conduct was continually the reverse, even outrageously insulting him, while under the im- mediate orders of Dunmore himself.
Secondly, we find Dunmore acting with duplicity and deception with Col. Lewis and his brigade, from Augusta county. So says Doddridge.
. Thirdly, we find Capt. Cresap's name foisted into Lo- gan's pretended speech, when it is evident, as we shall hereafter prove, that no names at all were mentioned in the original speech made for Logan.
Fourthly, it appears pretty plainly that much pains were taken by Dunmore, at the treaty of Chilicothe, to attach the Indian chief's to his person, as appears from facts that afterwards appeared.
Fifthly, the last sprech from Dunmore to Capt. White- eyes and the other Indian chiefs, sent in Connoly's let- ter to Gibson; to all which we may add, his lordship's
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nap of sleep while Cresap was stating his complaints against Connoly, and all Connoly's strange and unac- countable letters to Cresap.
I say, from all which it will appear that Dunmore had his views, and those views hostile to the liberties of A- merica, in his proceedings with the Indians in the war of 1774, and the circumstances of the times, in connec- tion with his equivocal conduct, lead us almost natural- ly to infer that he knew pretty well what he was about, and among other things, that he knew a war with the Indians at this time would materially subserve the views and interest of Great Britain, and consequently he per- haps might feel it a duty to promote said war, and if not, why betray such extreme solicitude to single out some conspicuous character, and make him the scape-goat, to - bear all the blame of this war, that he and his friend Connoly might escape?
CHAPTER XI.
War of the Revolution .-
It is not within the plan of this work, to go into a gen- eral detail of the war of the revolution. The author will only give an account of it so far as it is connected with the immediate history of the valley.
At the beginning of the war the late Daniel Morgan was appointed a captain, and very soon raised a compa- ny of brave and active young men, with whom he marched to join Gen. Washington at. Boston. John Humphreys was Morgan's first lieutenant. Morgan was soon promoted to the rank of major, and Humphreys was made his captain. It is believed this was one of the first regular companies raised in Virginia, which march- ed to the north. Morgan with his company was order-
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ed to join Gen. Montgomery, and march to the attack on Quebec ; in which attack Montgomery was killed, and Morgan, after performing prodigies of valor, com- pelled to surrender himself and his brave troops prison- ers of war. - Capt. Humphreys was killed in the as- sault. The reverend Mr. Peter Muhlenburg, a clergy- man of the Lutheran profession, in the county of She- nandoah, laid off his gown and took up the sword. He was appointed a colonel, and soon raised a regiment, call- ed the Sth, consisting chiefly of young men of German extraction. Abraham Bowman was appointed to a majority in it, as was also Peter Helphinstine, of Win- chester. It was frequently called the "German regi- ment." Muhlenburg was ordered to the south in 1776, and the unhealthiness of the climate proved fatal to ma- ny of his men.
James Wood, of Winchester, was also appointed a colonel. He soon raised another regiment, marched to the north, and joined Gen. Washington's main army.
Maj. Morgan, after several months' captivity, was ex- changed together with his troops, promoted to the rank of colonel, and again joined his country's standard in the northern army. Mublenburg returned from his southern campaign, and in 1777 also joined the north- ern army. He was promoted to the rank of brigadier- general, and Abraham Bowman to the rank of colonel. Helphinstine contracted a lingering disease in the south, returned home on furlow, and died in Winchester in the autumn of 1776. Col. Morgan, with a picked regiment of riflemen, was ordered to join Gen. Gates, to meet and oppose Gen. Burgoyne. It is universally admitted that Morgan, with his brave and expert rifle regiment, con- tributed much towards achieving the victory which fol- lowed.
After the capture of Burgoyne and his army, (17th Oct. 1777,) Morgan, for his great personal bravery, and superior military talents displayed on all occasions, was promoted to the rank of brigadier general. He joined the standard of Washington, and soon distinguished
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himself in harassing the British army in the neighbor- hood of Philadelphia.
Numerous calls for the aid of the militia were made from time to time to assist our country in the defense of its rights and liberties; which calls were generally promptly obeyed. 'The spirit of patriotism and love of country was the prevailing passion of a vast majority of the people of the valley; and with one exception, which will be noticed hereafter, our character was not tarnish- ed by any thing like a tory insurrection. The author most devoutly wishes, for the honor of his native coun- try, that this exception could be blotted out of our histo- ry, and consigned to eternal oblivion.
Our valley, at the commencement of the war, was comparatively thinly populated. The first officialreturn, for the county of Frederick, of the effective militia, to the executive of Virginia, amounted only to 923; the whole number of people in Winchester was 800, proba- bly a small fraction over. This return and enumera- tion was made in the year 1777 .*
In 1777 Gen. Sullivan "gained possession of some re- cords and papers, belonging to the Quakers, which, with a letter, were forwarded to congress, and referred to a committee." On the 28th of August, the committee reported, " That the several testimonies which have been published since the commencement of the present contest betwixt Great Britain and America, and the uni- form tenor of the conduct and conversation of a num- ber of persons of considerable wealth, who profess them- selves to belong to the society of people commonly call- ed Quakers, render it certain and notorious that those persons are with much rancor and bitterness disaffected to the American cause ; that as those persons will have it in their power, so there is no doubt it will be their in- clination, to communicate intelligence to the enemy, and in various other ways to injure the councils and arms of America ; that when the enemy, in the month of December 1776, were bending their progress towards
*Gen. John Smithı,
12
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the city of Philadelphia, a certain seditious publication, addressed "To our friends and brethren in religious pro- fession; in these and the adjacent provinces,' signed John Pemberton, 'in and on behalf of the meeting of suffer- ers, held at Philadelphia, for Pennsylvania and New- Jersey, the 26th of the 12th month, 1776,' was pub- lished, and as your conimittee is credibly informed, cir- culated amongst many members of the society called Quakers, throughout the different states ; that the se- ditious paper aforesaid originated in Philadelphia, and as the persons' names who are under mentioned, have uniformly manifested a disposition highly inimical to the cause of America ; therefore, Resolved, that it be earnestly recommended to the supreme executive coun- cil of the state of Pennsylvania; forthwith to apprehend and secure the persons of Joshua Fisher, Abel. James, James Pemberton, Henry Drinker, Israel Pemberton, John Pemberton, John James, Samuel Pleasants, Tho- mas Wharton, sen., Thomas Fisher son of Joshua, and Samuel Fisher son of Joshua, together with all such papers in their possession as may be of a political nature. "And whereas there is strong reason to apprehend that these persons maintain a correspondence and con- nection highly prejudicial to the public safety, not only in this state, but in the several states of America ; Re- solved, that it be recommended to the executive powers of the respective states, forthwith to apprehend and se- cure all persons, as well among the Quakers as others, who have in their general conduct and conversation evinced a disposition inimical to the cause of America ; and that the persons so seized be confined in such [ la- ces, and treated in such manner, as shall be consistent w th their respective characters and security of their per- sons: that the records and papers of the meetings of snf- ferings in the respective states, be forthwith secured and carefully examined, and that such parts of them as may be of a political nature, be forthwith transmitted to con- gress."
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