USA > Vermont > Records of the Governor and Council of the State of Vermont, Vol. V > Part 54
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JONAS GALUSIIA.
James Fisk, Titus Hutchinson, and Charles Rich were appointed to draft an answer to the foregoing speech. They were all in sympathy with the governor politically, and responded accordingly .- See printed Assembly Journal of 1809, p. 37.
SPEECHI OF GOV. GALUSHA-1810. 1
Gentlemen of the Council and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, -It has been the pleasure of my fellow citizens once more, by their free suffrages, to proffer me the important trust of chief magistrate of this State. I cannot but feel the highest sense of gratitude for this repeated manifestation of their respect & confidence; but while I view the im- portant duties attached to the office and the high responsibility upon me to discharge those official duties to the honor and best interests of the State, and having at the same time a just sense of my inadequate talents, and the few advantages I have possessed to qualify me for pub- lic employment, and especially to act in the capacity of chief magistrate
1 From the corrected printed copy.
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of this Commonwealth, it is with the greatest diffidence I appear before you, and take upon me the solemn obligation duly to discharge the duties assigned me; but relying on the candor and forbearance of a vir- tuous people, on your wisdom to direct in all the important concerns of the state, and hoping for the guidance and blessing of that indulgent Providence, which has so often been displayed in the defense and pros- perity of this rising state, I have accepted my appointment, and shall endeavor as far as my abilities will admit, to discharge the duties de- volving on me, with impartiality and upright intentions.
We had, gentlemen, a right to expect that principles of Justice and national honor would, long before this time, have caused Great Britain and France to have revoked their unjust and oppressive decrees, restore freedom to commerce, and left the United States in the full enjoyment of all those rights and privileges, to which by the laws and customs of nations, we, as neutral, are entitled-that our impressed seamen might have been permitted to embrace the bosom of their native country, and the ships and property of our merchants detained in foreign ports, re- stored to the possession of the rightful owners. But unhappily for the
world, the two great rival powers of Europe are still bent on the destruc- tion of each other; and neither being able to encounter his opponent in his own element, with hopes of success, they have adopted a mode of warfare which essentially affects all neutral rights, and every commer- cial state has felt the bitter effects of their unrighteous policy.
All the nations of Europe, by intrigue, subsidies, and flatteries on one hand, and terrors and the sword on the other, have been drawn or driven, to coalesce with the one or the other of the contending parties, and enter the vortex of the unhappy war. And what has been their fate ? not only the destruction of property, the loss of territory, their former independence, and the sacrifice of innumerable lives, but in the event, they have added immense strength to those two terrific powers, who menace all nations. and threaten destruction to the liberties of mankind. Great Britain in the course of the war has augmented her ma- rine force by the addition of a great portion of all the ships of war in Eu- rope, and claims the dominion of the seas. France has been no less active. By her policy, and the unrivalled prowess of her arms, she has combined almost all the whole strength of continental Europe under her banner. In this state of affairs, was it not for the superintending and disposing power of Divine Providence, perpetual wars must be the lot of Europe. With what gratitude, gentlemen, ought we to contemplate the situation of our blessed country! and with what exertions should we endeavor to support every measure of the general government. calculated to pre- serve it from the disasters that shake the powers of Europe, and drench their fields with blood.
France and Great Britain have, each in their turns, exerted the ut- most stretch of their policy to induce the United States to depart from their neutral position, and involve them in their destructive wars. But such has been the wisdom of the measures adopted and pursued by our general government, although we have to regret, that, for the want of unanimity among ourselves, they, in some measure, have failed of their desired effect; yet they have hitherto preserved the inestimable bless- ings of peace, and prevented ensnaring alliances with either of the bel- ligerents.
Situated as the United States are, at such a local distance from the powers at war, I see nothing dark or portentous in our affairs but divis- ion among ourselves. Union is the vital strength of every nation, but especially of all Republics.
Permit me, gentlemen, to recommend to you to pursue such salu-
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tary measures, and exercise that prudence, which, in your judgment, will have the greatest tendency to assimilate the feelings and unite the citizens of this state, promote friendship with our sister states, and a firm attachment to the government of the union. Was every American heart barred against foreign influence, and suitably attach- ed to the government and interest of his own country, we might put the powers of Europe at defiance. We have the means of wealth and improvement within our own territory ; and were we to turn our attention to our internal resources, and foster our infant manu- factures, the belligerent nations of Europe would soon seek our friend- ship, court our trade, and render just retribution for the injuries they have done us. But notwithstanding all the privations by foreign powers, and the unhappy divisions among ourselves, we have yet these pleasing reflections: our civil and religious liberties bestowed on us by the God of nature, and guaranteed by the republican institutions of our country, remain unimpaired. The hand of industry is not slackened, and the poor have not wanted for that employment which has yielded them a comfortable support. The farmers and mechanics are, by their improved economy, now discharging those debts they contracted when commeree was in the most flourishing state, and we are daily becoming more truly independent. The manufactures, in various parts of the country, are increasing with a rapidity unparalleled; and the pride of Americans begins to be gratified with a dress of our own manufactur- ing. And I trust the time is not far distant, when the citizens of these United States, instead of relying on foreign countries for their clothing, will be able not only to supply their own wants, but to export every kind of cotton if not woolen goods, and restore to the union that por- tion of specie, which has been drawn from us by the exclusive use of foreign manufactured goods.
If any further legislative aid should be deemed necessary for the en- couragement of domestic manufactures, I doubt not but that they will receive from you all that support which the circumstances of the state will admit.
We have recent intelligence that the Emperor of France has revoked his Berlin and Milan decrees; and although this is not officially announ- ced, yet we have little reason to doubt but that it is correct. If so, we may indulge the pleasing hope that the British orders, and all paper blockades, will likewise be revoked, and the commerce of the United States become free and unshackled-our flag unfurled in every sea, and our merchants importing wealth from every clime; and should this happy event ensue, may we not learn wisdom from past experience ? No people can profit by commerce, when the balance of trade is against them. And have we not been too profuse in the use of foreign articles of merchandize, which has caused the specie, that was flowing to Amer- ica, to depart our shores for England and the Indies, and left us with a paper medium, limited in its circulation, and extremely embarrassing to internal commerce ? But this is not the extent of the evil. Were our farmers and mechanics to examine past settlements with their mer- chants, would they not, in too many instances, find, notwithstanding the high price of labor and produce. that their accounts were closed by notes on interest, which are gnawing like a worm at the root of their capital, or lying as a mortgage on their future labors ..
The Militia, gentlemen, claim an honorable rank among the objects of your attention. They are the guardians of our rights, the repository of our liberties, and the bulwark of our independence. Mercenary troops may be led to destroy the fair temple of liberty, to trample on the rights of freemen, and trifle with the rights of their countrymen; but
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the militia, having a common interest with their fellow citizens. their property, their wives, their children, and their all, equally depending on the laws and the fate of their common country, can never be made to surrender the blessings of freedom and the rights of independence to any foreign or domestic usurper.
The improvement of the militia, in that part of the state where I am most conversant, in equipments and military discipline, has exceeded my highest expectations; and I doubt not but similar exertions have been made in every part of the state.
The provision made at the last session of the General Assembly, for procuring Field-Pieces for the several companies of Artillery, although every proper exertion has been made, has failed of its desired object; for the reasons of which, I must refer you to the communications of the Commissary of Military stores.
The subject of the University of Vermont was before the General Assembly at their last session, and remains with the unfinished business of the House. It will undoubtedly receive, at the present session, all that attention which the utility and importance of the institution merit. Of such moment is education, that it claims not only the patronage of all legislatures, but of every friend to the happiness of mankind. It is the suppressor of vice, and the handmaid of virtue. In a republic like ours, it is one of the grand pillars which support the structure of inde- pendence. Trace the annals of the world, and you will find, wherever ignorance has prevailed, the people have been soon crushed by the power of despotism, and have become the sport of tyrants.
Your attention, gentlemen, ought not to be wholly confined to the higher institutions of literature; neither should the means of knowledge be restricted to one class of the people, but liberally imparted to all. Every citizen ought to be so far instructed in the sciences as to be able to participate in the blessings of society, comprehend the nature of gov- ernment, and the benediction of liberty. A people thus enlightened, and possessing a knowledge of their rights, will not be defrauded of them by any specious impostor, or surrender them but with their lives.
All the official communications made to me, during the recess of the Legislature, for your consideration, will be seasonably laid before you.
I shall, gentlemen, at all times cordially unite my endeavors with yours, to promote the best interests of the state, hoping, that under Divine Protection, we may enjoy a prosperous session.
JONAS GALUSHA.
Aaron Leland, Titus Hutchinson, and William A. Griswold, all polit- ical friends of the governor, were appointed to draft an answer, which agreed in sentiment with the speech .- See printed Assembly Journal of 1810, p. 88.
SPEECH OF GOV. GALUSHA-1811. 1
Gentlemen of the Council, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives, -Being elected by the independent freemen of this State, their chief magistrate for the ensuing year, with the highest sense of gratitude, I tender them my sincere thanks for so approbating my past conduct, as again to honor me with their confidence. I feel to acknowledge, as for- merly on similar occasions, that the magnitude of the office and the im-
1 Printed Assembly Journal of 1811, p. 19.
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portance of its duties are far above the sphere of my talents; and at a period so momentous as the present, I should shrink from this arduous undertaking, did I not, under the auspices of a benign Providence, con- fide in your wisdom, firmness and virtue, not only for support in those duties which devolve upon me, but to transact all the important duties of legislation. With these impressions, while inspired with the love of my country, and prompted by the voice of my constituents, which I ever hear with reverence, I resume the important station. When we realize the greatness of the trust reposed in us by so many thousands of our fellow citizens to direct, as their faithful representatives, the affairs of a State in which the happiness of each individual claims equal re- gard, and the rights of all demand the same protection and support, wc shall feel it our indispensable duty to lay aside all party prejudices and suffer ourselves to be actuated by no other motives than those which coincide with individual justice and the greatest general good, and dili- gently pursue such measures as will be productive of public and private virtue, without which the inestimable blessings of a free government cannot long subsist.
We are, gentlemen, convened at a time by no means the least event- ful, although we have heretofore suffered much by the unjust policy of the belligerent powers of Europe; yet no period since the commence- ment of our differences has appeared to me so portentous as the pres- ent. Great Britain seems not inclined to relinquish her offensive orders in council, surrender up our impressed seamen, or permit us to enjoy the common and legal rights of a neutral nation-but assumes the atti- tude of a threatening invader, although France has mitigated the rigour of her hostile measures, and so modified her Berlin and Milan decrees that they have ceased to operate against the United States. But as it is not our province to decide on the subject of peace or war, that being by the constitution of the United States confined to the general govern- ment, of which this state is a component part, and has an equal voice in her council, it is not my intention to advance any opinion on the sub- ject, or suggest any idea which may tend to excite the passions of my fellow citizens against any foreign nation whatever; and it would much less become me, while negociations for an adjustment are still progress- ing, which I pray God may terminate in an amicable settlement of all our difficulties, and that war may never be the unhappy fate of our be- loved country. As thic President has, for some cause, thought fit to con- vene Congress prior to the usual time of their convention, we may then expect to have a more extensive aud perspicuous view of our national affairs. Let us, in the mean time, as far as possible, be prepared for any event which may occur. To be united is indispensably necessary to be prepared cither for a state of. war or for the full enjoyment of peace. The political divisions in the United States are productive of the most unhappy consequences: They not only tend to defeat every honorable attempt to terminate our differences with foreign powers by amicable treaty, but also to embolden the aggressors to persist in their unrighteous depredations on our property and add new insults to former injuries. A people well agreed in the principles of their social compact and firmly united in the support of their government, can surmount almost any obstacle which may oppose their prosperity and Indepen- dence. But when divided or torn asunder by faction, all domestic tran- quility and enjoyment are at an end, and the greatest nation thus sev- ered, may fall an easy prey to a foreign invader, or their liberties be destroyed by a domestic usurper.
Suffer me, gentlemen, on all occasions, to recommend to you in the
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most pressing manner, to keep in view the union of citizens and states, for on this point turns the happiness and independence of our country.
It was not my purpose, if my abilities and information would admit, to enter into a particular detail and indication of the measures of the national administration, but only to excite you to a candid and dispas- sionate examination for yourselves. It will, I believe, be acknowledged by all, that the measures adopted by Congress restrictive of commerce, were intended to protect us against foreign aggressions, or cause them to be removed. Whether they were the best possible measures to effect those purposes or not, cannot for certainty be known, since they have been tried and others untried. But I can conceive of no measures that would have been more likely to succeed against the determined policy of the two great belligerent nations, while attended with that party op- position at home, which is manifest on all occasions. I wish not to pro- hibit a strict scrutiny of the conduct of the officers of government, or a careful attention to our liberties and national safety, but to prevent the dangerous evils arising from unreasonable and unfounded jealousies. Have not equal encouragements, with impartiality, been extended to both Great Britain and France, with an honest intention to procure a repeal or suitable modification of their unjust orders and decrees ? And have not all political parties occasionally acknowledged and applauded the talents and virtue, the firmness and moderation of the President of the United States ? Or has any one act of his life, either in his public or private capacity, manifested a design to change our government from its republican purity ? What, then, should induce him, while possessed of the highest honors which his country can confer upon him, to sacri- fice her dearest rights and Independence to the will of a foreign mon- arch ? From what source then proceeds the continual charge of partial- ity and French influence ? Have we not reason to suspect that it orig- inates in a vehement party spirit, or a different foreign influence, ope- rating upon some disappointed or ambitious individuals ?
The confidence, gentlemen, which I have already expressed in your wisdom and integrity, supercedes the necessity of a particular detail of the business of the session. You being selected from the various parts of the state, are possessed of a knowledge of the wants and wishes of your constituents. There are some objects, however, which ought not to escape our notice. The militia, on which depends our safety in peace and our defence in war, is ever worthy of consideration. But, under the present unsettled state of our national affairs, more than ordinary atten- tion may be requisite. The militia, if well equipt and disciplined, im- pelled, as they are, by motives of interest, and inspired by the love of liberty, are, I trust, sufficient to protect our rights, and repel any inva- sion of our territory. I consider it highly expedient, that a suitable supply of arms should be provided, either by this or the United States, for the use of our militia in cases of urgency. But whether the present state of our finances will admit of an appropriation for that purpose or not, I shall submit to your sound discretion.
The manufacturing interest received considerable encouragement at our last session; but I trust that an object so beneficial in the system of economy, and so favorable to our real independence, will be ever kept in view, and fostered by every prudent Legislature.
One of the great benefits of a system of jurisprudence is the perma- nency of those laws under which we enjoy our personal security and the protection of our private property. The frequent changes in our gen- eral statutes, render them perplexing to magistrates and jurors, tend to increase litigation, or promote what is by some styled "the glorious un- certainty of the law," and frequently subjects the honest citizen to ex-
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pense and loss before the laws are fully promulgated, or their operation rightly understood. I should therefore recommend alterations in those cases only where experience has discovered a material defect.
I have received a resolution of the Senate and House of Representa- tives of the United States, proposing an amendment of the constitution of the United States, which, with other communications from the execu- tives of individual states, I shall cause seasonably to be laid before you.
That economy which has ever characterized the Legislature of Ver- mont, I trust will stimulate you to make all that despatch in public business of the session of which a free and candid investigation will ad- mit. I shall, gentlemen, readily concur with you in the adoption of such measures as may conduce to the best good of our constituents, and I ardently implore the Supreme Being, who Irath all hearts in his hands, so to direct our deliberations that they may terminate in the true inter- est of the State and nation.
JONAS GALUSIIA.
Charles Rich, William A. Palmer, and John Peck, all being Jefferso- nian Republicans, were the committee to draft an answer to the gover- nor. Their report expresses the views of the party to which they be- longed, and was not acceptable to their opponents, in whose behalf Rev. Asa Lyon moved a substitute, which, after debate, was rejected by a vote of 122 to 75, and the address of the committee was then adopted, 121 to 76 .- See printed Assembly Journal of 1811, pp. 83, 103-106.
SPEECH OF GOV. GALUSHA-1812. 1
Gentlemen of the Council, and Gentlemen of the House of Representa- tires,-The continued confidence of my fellow citizens has once more called me to acknowledge, with gratitude, their repeated favors and my renewed obligation. The contest in which we are involved causes me to feel the deepest sensibility of the necessity of your support and the benefit of your united wisdom, and also an entire reliance upon that Supreme Being, who hath hitherto been our support and defence, and who bestows wisdom on all who sincerely ask it.
It is the highest interest of every government, but especially of repub- lics, on just and honorable grounds, to cherish peace and a good under- standing with all nations; and I sincerely believe it to have been the unremitted endeavor of our National Government, by every mean in their power, to maintain the blessings of peace-remove the encroach- ments on our lawful commerce and the infringements on our national rights and independence, without resorting to the last and most dread- ful remedy of repelling aggression by force. But Great Britain, from her superior naval force, has claimed the dominion of the seas, and put at defiance the rights of nations and individuals. Such has been her conduct towards the United States that we had no alternative but to submit to her arbitrary edicts and abandon our real independence, or with manly fortitude contend for our sacred rights at the expence and hazard of a war with that formidable nation, which in the exercise of power is regardless of right. When all honorable negociation was ex- hausted without effect, and restrictive measures, for want of union and support among ourselves, had failed to produce the desired object, every
1 Printed Assembly Journal of 1812, p. 14.
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hope of accommodation having perished, and the cup of our sufferings full, Congress, relying on the justice of their cause, the firm support of the patriotic sons of liberty and the aid of the God of armies, resorted to the last remedy of injured nations-an appeal to arms. The particu- lar causes thereof are fully exhibited in the President's Message to both houses of Congress, of the 1st of June, 1812, and the report of the com- mittee of foreign relations thereon.
Although some doubt the propriety of the measures adopted, yet war being declared by the constituted authorities of our country, it ought no longer to remain a question of policy, but it has become the duty of the state governments, and of every individual, with prompitude to espouse the sacred cause of our injured country, second the measures of our general government, provide for the defence and safety of our citizens, and with zeal pursue such measures as will tend to procure an acknowledgment of our national rights, a release of our impressed sea- men, remove the encroachments on the great highway of nations, put a final period to the calamities of war, and establish a permanent and honorable peace. At so important and interesting a crisis as the pres- ent, it is expedient that we lay aside all party prejudices and unite in one common cause to maintain our independence, and transmit to pos- terity those invaluable rights which were sealed to us by the blood of our heroes, and by our example invite every citizen and friend of liberty to divest himself of all selfish and local policy, and with patriotic zeal embrace the cause of our common country, a country abounding with every necessary of life and in the full tide of civil and religious liberty. Is it possible to conceive that any citizens, living under such a mild and equal government, can be so destitute of a principle of patriotism, and so lost to their own true interest, as through a fond passion for a foreign power, the violence of party zeal or the sordid passion of avarice, to betray the just cause of their suffering country, prolong the horrors of war, in- voke the vengeance of heaven, and be guilty of the blood of thousands, by devoting their talents and yielding their support to a nation whose pledged faith has been so often violated, and whose tender mercies by experience have been proved to consist in cruelty? Rather let a sense of common danger and a love of country cement our hearts, conciliate our affections and disappoint the sanguine hope of the enemy to profit by our divisions.
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