USA > Vermont > Records of the Governor and Council of the State of Vermont, Vol. V > Part 63
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United States, notwithstanding the wrongs sustained by them, ceased not to observe the laws of peace and neutrality toward Great Britain, and in the midst of amicable professions and negociations on the part of the British government, through its publick minister here, a secret agent of that government was employed in certain states, more especially at the seat of government in Massachusetts, in fomenting disaffection to the constituted authorities of the nation, and in intrigues with the dis- affected, for the purpose of bringing about resistance to the laws, and, eventually, in concert with a British force, of destroying the Union and forming the eastern part thereof into a political connection with Great Britain.
In addition to the effect which the discovery of such a procedure ought to have on the public councils, it will not fail to render more dear to the hearts of all good citizens, that happy union of these states, which, under Divine Providence, is the guaranty of their liberties, their safety, their tranquillity, and their prosperity. JAMES MADISON.
[DOCUMENTS COMMUNICATED. ] A. PHILADELPHIA, Feb. 20. 1812.
[COPY.]
Sir,-Much observation and experience have convinced me, that the injuries and insults with which the United States have been so long and so frequently visited, and which cause their preseut embarrassment, have been owing to an opinion entertained by foreign states,-" That in any measure tending to wound their pride, or provoke their hostility, the government of this country could never induce a great majority of its citi- zens to concur." And, as many of the evils which flow from the influ- ence of this opinion on the policy of foreign nations, may be removed by any act that can produce unanimity among all parties in America, I voluntarily tender to you, sir, such means as I possess towards promot- ing so desirable and important an object; which, if accomplished, can-
land were complimented but not rewarded by the British government; and indignant at this injustice, he revealed the correspondence to President Madison, and received therefor the sum of fifty thousand dollars. Of this sum it has been supposed that he gave forty-nine thousand to Count de Crillon for an estate in France, for which country, with the other thou- sand, Henry sailed in March 1812. The count was a scamp, and Henry doubtless lost his money. It was reported, probably not on good au- thority, that Henry was appointed High Sheriff of the district of Quebec in April 1812 .- Lossing's Pictorial Field-Book of the war of 1812, pp. 219, 222; Northern Centinel [Burlington] of March 26, April 2, 16, and 23, 1812; and Benton's Abridgement of Debates of Congress, Vol. IV, pp. 517, 525. The editor has been informed by the Hon. Daniel Baldwin that Henry was conspicuous in organizing Washington Benevolent Societies.
Vermont occupied a small space in this matter, nevertheless the facts that this was but a renewal, for New England, of the policy of the Brit- ish Government as to Vermont from 1779 to 1783, as shown in the IIal- dimand correspondence, for which see Vol. II, pp. 396 to 479, and was one of the causes of the war of 1812, justify a reproduction here of the entire correspondence.
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not fail to extinguish, perhaps forever, those expectations abroad, which may protract indefinitely, an accommodation of existing differences, and check the progress of industry and prosperity in this rising empire.
I have the honor to transmit herewith the documents and correspond- ence relating to an important mission, in which I was employed by Sir James Craig, the late governor general of the British provinces in North America, in the winter of the year 1809.
The publication of these papers will demonstrate a fact not less valu- able than the good already proposed; it will prove that no reliance ought to be placed on the professions of good faith of an administration, which, by a series of disastrous events, has fallen into such hands as a Castlereagh, a Wellesley, or a Liverpool-I should rather say, into the hands of the stupid subalterns, to whom the pleasures, and the indo- lence of those ministers, have consigned it. In contributing to the good of the United States by an exposition, which cannot (I think) fail to solve and melt all division and disunion among its citizens: I flatter my- self with the fond expectation, that when it is made publick in Eng- land, it will add one great motive to the many that already exist, to in- duce that nation to withdraw its confidence from men, whose political career is a fruitful source of injury and embarrassment in America; of in- justice and misery in Ireland; distress and apprehension in England; and contempt everywhere.
In making this communication to you, sir, I deem it incumbent on me, distinctly and unequivocally to state, that I adopt no party views; that I have not changed any of my political opinions; that I neither seek nor desire the patronage, nor countenance of an; government, nor of any party; and, that, in addition to the motives already expressed, 1 am influenced by a just resentment of the perfidy and dishonour of those who first violated the conditions upon which I received their confidence ; who have injured me, and disappointed the expectations of my friends; and left me no choice, but between a degrading acquiescence in injustice, and a retaliation, which is necessary to secure to me my own respect.
This wound will be felt where it is merited; and if Sir James Craig still live, his share of the pain will excite no sympathy among those who are at all in the secret of our connection. I have the honor to be, &c. &c. (Signed) J. HENRY.
To James Monroe, Esq., Secretary of State.
No. 1.
[COPY.]-Mr. Ryland, Secretary to Sir James Craig, Governor General of Canada, to Mr. Henry.
Most secret and confidential.
QUEBEC, January 26, 1809.
My Dear Sir: The extraordinary situation of things at this time in the neighbouring states, has suggested to the Governor in chief, the idea of employing you on a secret and confidential mission to Boston, provi- ded an arrangement can be made to meet the important end in view, without throwing an absolute obstacle in the way of your professional pursuits. The information and political observations heretofore re- ceived from you, were transmitted by his excellency to the secretary of state, who has expressed his particular approbation of them; and there is no doubt that your able execution of such a mission as I have above suggested, would give you claim not only on the Governor General, but on his majesty's ministers, which might eventually contribute to your
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advantage. You will have the goodness therefore to acquaint me, for his excellency's information, whether you could make it convenient to engage in a mission of this nature, and what pecuniary assistance would be requisite to enable you to undertake it without injury to yourself.
At present it is only necessary for me to add, that the governor would furnish you with a cypher for carrying on your correspondence; and that in case the leading party in any of the states wished to open a com- munication with this government, their views might be communicated through you. I am with great truth and regard, &c. (Signed) HERMAN W. RYLAND.
No. II.
[COPY. ]-Sir James Craig, Gov. Gen. of Canada, to Mr. Henry. Most secret and confidential.
QUEBEC, February 6, 1809.
Sir,-As you have so readily undertaken the service, which I have suggested to you, as being likely to be attended with much benefit to the publick interests, I am to request that with your earliest conven- iency, you will proceed to Boston.
The principle object that I recommend to your attention, is the en- deavor to obtain the most accurate information of the true state of affairs in that part of the Union, which from its wealth, the number of its inhabitants, and the known intelligence and ability of several of its leading men, must naturally possess a very considerable influence over and will indeed probably lead the other eastern states of America in the part that they may take at this important crisis.
I shall not pretend to point out to you the mode by which you will be most likely to obtain this important information; your own judgment, and the connections which you may have in the town, must be your guide. I think it however necessary to put you on your guard against the sanguineness of an aspiring party; the federalists as I understand, have at all times discovered a leaning to this disposition, and their be- ing under its particular influence at this moment, is the more to be ex- pected from their having no ill founded ground for their hopes of being nearer the attainment of their object than they have been for some years past.
In the general terms which I have made use of in describing the ob- ject which I recommend to your attention, it is scarcely necessary that I should observe, I include the state of the publick opinion, both with re- gard to their internal politicks, and to the probability of a war with England; the comparative strength of the two great parties into which the country is divided, and the views and designs of that which may ul- timately prevail.
It has been supposed that if the federalists of the eastern states should be successful in obtaining that decided influence, which may enable them to direct the publick opinion, it is not improbable that rather than submit to a continuance of the difficulties and distress to which they are now subject, they will exert that influence to bring about a separation from the general union. The earliest information on this subject may be of great consequence to our government, as it may also be, that it should be informed, how far in such an event they would look up to England for as- sistance or be disposed to enter into a connection with us.
Although it would be highly inexpedient that you should in any man- ner appear as an avowed agent, yet if you could contrive to obtain an
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intimacy with any of the leading party, it may not be improper that you should insinuate, though with great caution, that if they should wish to enter into any communication with our government through me, you are au- thorized to receive any such, and will safely transmit it to me; and as it may not be impossible that they should require some document by which they may be assured that you are really in the situation in which you represent yourself, I enclose a credential to be produced in that view; but I most particularly enjoin and direct that you do not make any use of this paper, unless a desire to that purpose should be expressed, and unless you see good ground for expecting that the doing so may lead to a more confidential communication than you can otherwise look for.
In passing through the state of Vermont, you will of course exert your endeavours to procure all the information that the short stay you will probably make there will admit of. You will use your own discre- tion as to delaying your journey, with this view, more or less in propor- tion to your prospects of obtaining any information of consequence.
I request to hear from you as frequently as possible, and as letters di- rected to me might excite suspicion, it may be as well, that you put them under cover to Mr -, and as even the addressing let- ters always to the same person might attract notice, I recommend your sometimes addressing your packet to the chief justice here, or occasion- ally, though seldom, to Mr Ryland, but never with the addition of his official description. I am, &c. (Signed) J. H. CRAIG.
No. III.
Copy of the " Credential" given by Sir James Craig to Mr. Henry.
[SEAL. ]
Sir,-The bearer, Mr. John Henry, is employed by me, and full con- fidence may be placed in him for any communication which any person may wish to make to me, in the business committed to him. In faith of which, I have given him this under my hand and seal at Quebec, this 6th day of February, 1809. (Signed) J. H. CRAIG.
No. IV.
Copies of the letters from Mr. Henry to Sir James Craig, relating to his mission to the United States, in the year 1809.
No. 1.
Answer to the Letter of Mr. Secretary Ryland, proposing the mission, &c.
MONTREAL, January 31, 1809.
Sir, -I have to acknowledge the favour of your letter, of the 26th inst. written by the desire of his excellency, the governour in chief, and hasten to express through you to his excellency, my readiness to comply with his wishes.
I need not add how very flattering it is to receive from his excellency, the assurance of the approbation of his majesty's secretary of state, for the very humble services that I may have rendered.
If the nature of the service in which I am to be engaged, will require no other disbursements than for my individual expenses, I do not appre- hend that these can exceed my private resources.
I shall be ready to take my departure before my instructions can be made out. I have the honour, &c. J. H.
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No. 2.
To his Excellency the Governour General &c. in answer to his letter of in- structions, &c. &c.
MONTREAL, February 10, 1809.
Sir,-I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your excellen- cy's letter of instructions, the letter of credence, and the cypher for car- rying on my correspondence. I have bestowed much pains upon the cypher and am, notwithstanding this, deficient in some point, which might enable me to understand it clearly. I have compared the exam- ple with my own exemplification of the cypher, and find a difference in the results; and as the present moment seems favourable to the interfer- ence of his majesty's government, in the measures pursued by the fed- eral party in the northern states, and more especially as the assembly of Massachusetts is now in session, I think it better to set forward imme- diately, than wait for any farther explanation of the means of carrying on a secret correspondence, which the frequency of safe private convey- ances to Canada will render almost wholly unnecessary. Should it, how- ever, be necessary at any time, I take leave to suggest that the index alone furnishes a very safe and simple mode. In it, there is a number for every letter in the alphabet, and particular numbers for particular phrases; so that when I do not find in the index the particular word I want I can spell it with the figures which stand opposite to the letters. For example, if I want to say that " troops are at Albany," I find under the letter " T," that number 16 stands for " troops," and number 125 for " Albany." The intervening words "are at " I supply by figures cor- responding with the letters in these words.
It will be necessary to provide against accident, by addressing the let- ters to Mr , of Montreal, with a small mark on the corner of the envelop, which he will understand. When he receives it, he will then address the enclosure to your excellency, and send it from Montreal by . mail. I will be careful not to address your excellency in the body of the letter, nor sign my name to any of them. They will be merely desig- nated by the initials A. B. If this mode should in any respect appear exceptionable, your excellency will have the goodness to order a more particular explanation of the card. It would reach me in safety en- closed to Boston. I have the honor, &c. J. H.
No. 3.
BURLINGTON, Vermont, Feb. 14, 1809.
Sir,-I have remained here two days, in order fully to ascertain the progress of the arrangements heretofore made, for organizing an effi- cient opposition to the general government, as well [as] to become ac- quainted with the opinions of the leading people, relative to the meas- ures of that party which have the ascendant in the national councils.
On the subject of the embargo laws, there seems to be but one opin- ion: namely, that they are unnecessary, oppressive, and unconstitu- tional. It must also be observed, that the execution of them is so invid- ious, as to attract towards the officers of government, the enmity of the people; which is, of course, transferable to the government itself; so that, in case the state of Massachusetts should take any bold step towards resisting the execution of these laws, it is highly probable, that it may calculate upon the hearty co-operation of the people of Vermont.
I learn that the governour of this state is now visiting the towns in the northern section of it; and makes no secret of his determination, as commander in chief of the militia, to refuse obedience to any command from the general government, which can tend to interrupt the good un-
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derstanding that prevails between the citizens of Vermont and his maj- esty's subjects in Canada. It is farther intimated, that in case of a war, he will use his influence to preserve this state neutral, and resist, with all the force he can command, any attempt to make it a party. I need not add, that, if these resolutions are carried into effect, the state of Vermont may be considered as an ally of Great Britain. 1
To what extent the sentiments which prevail in this quarter, exist in the neighbouring states, or even in the eastern section of this state, I am not able to conjecture. I only can say, with certainty, that the leading men of the federal party act in concert: and, therefore, infer that a com- mon sentiment pervades the whole body, throughout New England.
I have seen a letter from a gentlemen now at Washington, to his cor- respondent in this place: and as its contents may serve to throw some light on passing events there, I shall send either the original or a copy with this despatch. The writer of the letter is a man of character and veracity; and whether competent or not to form correct opinions him- self, is probably within the reach of all the knowledge that can be ob- tained by the party to which he belongs.
It appears by his statement that there is a very formidable majority in Congress on the side of the administration; notwithstanding which, there is every reason to hope that the northern states, in their distinct capacity, will unite and resist by force, a war with Great Britain. In what mode this resistance will first show itself, is probably not yet de-
' Gov. Tichenor was doubtless at this time visiting northern Vermont in the discharge of the duty assigned by the President's circular letter of Jan. 17 1809 .* Henry did not see bim, as he wrote that he learned that the governor had expressed the views reported. At that time both ,political parties in the state were highly excited, and Henry gave the hue to his report which he knew would be acceptable to his employer, and probably hoped would be proved true. It was in the summer of the same year that Josiah Dunham was sent to Gov. Craig to ask Canadian legislation for the suppression of counterfeiting, and this was charged by the Jeffersonians to be a political mission.t It was in answer to this charge that Dunham printed the correspondence which is given in Ap- pendix J. As to Gov. Tichenor and himself he added as follows:
It may not be improper here to add, what may be necessary to re- move some erroneous impressions, and what I am ready to certify [on oath, ]¿ That the subject of the above correspondence is the only subject, on which I was the bearer of any communication to any person in Can- ada, either orally or in writing: That I never heard, while in Canada, from any person whatever, the least hint on the subject of a separation of the States, or of a union with Canada; and that I did not hear a word uttered, by any respectable person, in the Province, disrespectful to the government and constitution of the United States.
I, moreover, certify and declare, that so far from having ever heard Gov. TICHENOR advance any sentiments favorable to a dissolution of the Union, I have heard him declare, with some warmth, that the man who should seriously advocate such a doctrine, of whatever party he might be, must be an enemy to his Country. J. DUNHAM.|
* See ante, p. 477.
t The Washingtonian of Aug. 13 1810.
#The words In brackets are interlined in writing on the newspaper: probably by Mr. Dunham.
| The Washingtonian of Aug. 13 1810.
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termined upon; and may, in some measure, depend upon the reliance that the leading men may place upon assurances of support from his maj- esty's representative in Canada; and as I shall be on the spot to tender this whenever the moment arrives that it can be done with effect, there is no doubt that all their measures may be made subordinate to the in- tentions of his majesty's government. Great pains are taken by the men of talents and intelligence to confirm the fears of the common peo- ple, as to the concurrence of the southern democrats in the projects of France; and everything tends to encourage the belief, that the dissolu- tion of the confederacy will be accelerated by the spirit which now ac- tuates both political parties. I am etc. A. B.
No. 4.
WINDSOR, Vermont, Feb. 19, 1809.
Sir,-My last (No. 3) was written at Burlington, the principal town in the northern part of the state of Vermont. I am now at the princi- pal town in the eastern section.
The fallacy of men's opinions, when they act under the influence of sensibility and are strongly excited by those hopes which always ani- mate a rising party, led me to doubt the correctness of opinions which I received in the northern section of this state; which, from its contigu- ity to Canada and necessary intercourse with Montreal, has a stronger interest in promoting a good understanding with his majesty's govern- ment: therefore, since my departure from Burlington, I have sought every favourable occasion of conversing with the democrats on the proba- ble result of the policy adopted by the general government. The differ- ence of opinion is thus expressed:
The federal party declare that, in the event of a war, the state of Ver- mont will treat separately for itself with G. Britain, and support, to the utmost, the stipulations into which it may enter, without any regard to the policy of the general government. The democrats, on the other hand, assert that, in such a case as that contemplated, the people would be nearly divided into equal numbers; one of which would support the government, if it could be done without involving the people in a civil war, but, at all events, would risk every thing in preference to a coali- tion with Great Britain. This difference of opinion is not to be wholly ascribed to the prejudices of party. The people in the eastern section of Vermont, are not operated upon by the same hopes and fears as those on the borders of the British colony. They are not dependent on Mon- treal for the sale of their produce, nor the supply of foreign commodities. They are not apprehensive of any serious dangers or inconvenience from a state of war; and although they admit that the governour, coun- cil, and three fourths of the representation in Congress are of the fed- eral party, yet they do not believe that the state would stand alone and resist the national government. They do not, however, deny that should the state of Vermont continue to be represented as it is at pres- ent, it would, in all probability, unite with the neighbouring states in any serious plan of resistance to a war, which it might seem expedient to adopt. This, I think, is the safer opinion for you to rely on, if, indeed, reliance ought to be placed on any measure depending upon the will of the rabble, which is ever changing, and must ever be marked with igno- rance, caprice, and inconstancy. As the crisis approaches, the diffi- culty of deciding upon an hazardous alternative will increase; and, un- fortunately, there is not in Vermont any man of commanding talents, capable of attracting general confidence, of infusing into the people his own spirit, and amidst the confusion of conflicting opinions, dangers and commotion, competent to lead in the path of duty or safety. The
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governour is an industrious, prudent man, and has more personal influ- ence than any other: but his abilities are not suited to the situation in which a civil war would place him. I am, &c. A. B.
No. 5. AMHERST, N. Hamp. Feb. 23, 1809.
Sir,-A Gentleman going direct to Canada, affords a safe and favoura- ble opportunity of giving you some further account of my progress.
I will not make use of the post offices when I can avoid it; because private occasions supersede the necessity of writing in cypher, and the contempt of decency and principle, which forms part of the morals of the subaltern officers of a democracy, would incline them to break a seal with the same indifference that they break their words, when either cu- riosity or interest is to be indulged.
I have not had sufficient time nor evidence to enable me to form any opinion for myself of the lengths to which the federal party will carry their opposition to the national government, in the event of a war. Which may be inferred from the result of the elections of governours which, within two months, will be made in the states of Massachusetts, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island. From all I know and all I can learn of the general government, I am not apprehensive of an immediate war. The embargo is the favourite measure; and it is probable that other means will be employed to excite England to commit some act of hos- tility, for the sole purpose of placing the responsibility of war on that country: this I most particularly recommend to the consideration of ministers. The dread of opposition and of the loss of popularity, will cer- tainly keep the ruling party at Washington inactive. They will risk any thing but the loss of power; and they are well aware that their power would pass away with the first calamity which their measures might bring upon the common people (from whom that power ema- nates;) unless, indeed, they could find a sufficient excuse in the conduct of Great Britain. This impression cannot be too deeply felt by his maj- esty's ministers; nor too widely spread throughout the British nation. It will furnish a sure guide in every policy that may be adopted towards the United States. I have the honour to be, &c. A. B.
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