USA > Vermont > Records of the Governor and Council of the State of Vermont, Vol. V > Part 64
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No. 6. BOSTON, March 5, 1809.
Sir,-I am favoured with another opportunity of writing to you by a private conveyance, and think it probable, at this season, that the fre- quency of these will render it unnecessary to write to you in cypher.
It does not yet appear necessary that I should discover to any person the purpose of my visit to Boston; nor is it probable that I shall be con- pelled, for the sake of gaining more knowledge of the arrangements of the federal party in these states, to avow myself as a regular authorized agent of the British government, even to those individuals who would feel equally bound with myself to preserve, with the utmost inscrutabil- ity, so important a secret from the public eye. I have sufficient means of information to enable me to judge of the proper period for offering the co- operation of Great Britain, and opening a correspondence between the gov- ernour general of British America and those individuals who, from the part they take in the opposition to the national government, or the influence they may possess in any new order of things that may grow out of the present differences, should be qualified to act on behalf of the northern states. An apprehension of any such state of things as is pre-supposed by these remarks begins to subside, since it has appeared by the conduct of the general government that it is seriously alarmed at the menac-
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ing attitude of the northern states. But although it is believed that there is no probability of an immediate war, yet no doubts are enter- tained that Mr. Madison will fall upon some new expedient to bring about hostilities. What these may be can only be deduced from what appears to be practicable. A non-intercourse with England and France will probably supersede the embargo; which, by opening with the rest of Europe a partial legitimate commerce, and affording strong temptations to that which is illegal, will expose the vessels to capture, detention and embarrassment ; will justify the present policy, and produce such a degree of irritation and resentment, as will enable the government of this country to throw the whole blame and responsi- bility of war from its own shoulders upon those of the British min- istry. If in this the party attached to France should calculate with correctness, and the commerce of New England should greatly suffer, the merchants being injured and discouraged, would not only acquiesce in the restrictive system, but even submit to war. On the other hand, should the small traffick permitted by a non-intercourse law be lucrative and uninterrupted, the people would be clamorous for more, and soon compel the government to restore the friendly relations between the two countries.
While I offer my opinion upon this subject, I cannot but express a strong hope, that if any terms should be proposed by either government to which the other might think proper to accede, that a principal motive to the adjustment of differences, should be understood to arise from the amicable disposition of the eastern states, particularly of the state of Massachusetts. This, as it would increase the popularity of the friends of Great Britain, could not fail to promote her interests. If it could not be done formally and officially nor in a correspondence between minis- ters, still, perhaps, the administration in the parliament of Great Brit- ain, might take that ground, and the suggestion would find its way into the papers both in England and America.
It cannot be too frequently repeated, that this country can only be governed and directed by the influence of opinion; as there is nothing permanent in its polical institutions, nor are the populace under any cir- cumstances to be relied on, when measures become inconvenient and burdensome. I will soon write again; and am yours, &c. A. B.
No. 7.
[ In cypher. ]
BOSTON, March 7, 1809.
Sir,-I have now ascertained with as much accuracy as possible, the course intended to be pursued by the party in Massachusetts that is op- posed to the measures and politicks of the administration of the general government.
I have already given a decided opinion that a declaration of war is not to be expected; but, contrary to all reasonable calculation, should the Congress possess spirit and independence enough to place their popu- larity in jeopardy by so strong a measure, the legislature of Massachu- setts will give tone to the neighbouring states; will declare itself perma- nent, until a new election of members; invite a congress to be composed of delegates from the federal states, and erect a separate government for their common defence and common interest. This congress would probably begin by abrogating the offensive laws and adopting a plan for the maintenance of the power and authority thus assumed. They would, by such an act, be in a condition to make or receive proposals from Great Britain; and I should seize the first moment to open a cor- respondence with your excellency. Scarce any other aid would be nec-
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essary, and perhaps none required than a few vessels of war, from the Halifax station, to protect the maritime towns from the little navy which is at the disposal of the national government. What permanent con- nection between Great Britain and this section of the republick would grow out of a civil commotion, such as might be expected, no person is prepared to describe; but it seems that a strict alliance must result of necessity. At present, the opposition party confine their calculations merely to resistance; and I can assure you that, at this moment, they do not freely entertain the project of withdrawing the eastern states from the Union, finding it a very unpopular topick; although a course of events, such as I have already mentioned, would inevitably produce an incurable alienation of the New England from the southern states.
The truth is, the common people have so long regarded the constitu- tion of the United States with complacency, that they are now only dis- posed in this quarter to treat it like a truant mistress, whom they would for a time put away on a separate maintenance, but without further and greater provocation would not absolutely repudiate. It will soon be known in what situation publick affairs are to remain, until the meeting of the new Congress in May, at which time also this legislature will again assemble. The two months that intervene will be a period of much anxiety.
In all I have written I have been careful not to make any impression, analogous to the enthusiastick confidence, entertained by the opposi- tion, nor the hopes and expectations that animate the friends of an alli- ance between the northern states and Great Britain.
I have abstracted myself from all sympthies these are calculated to inspire; because, notwithstanding that I feel the utmost confidence in the integrity of intention of the leading characters in this political drama, I cannot forget that they derive their power from a giddy, incon- stant multitude; who, unless, in the instance under consideration, they form an exception to all general rules and experience, will act inconsis- tently and absurdly. I am yours, &c. A. B.
No. 8.
BOSTON, March 9, 1809.
Sir,-In my letter, No. 6, I took the liberty to express my opinion of the probable effect of the non-intercourse law, intended to be enacted; and of the mode by which Great Britain may defeat the real intention of the American government in passing it. But as the sort of impunity recommended, might, in its application to every species of commerce that would be carried on, be deemed by Great Britain a greater evil than war itself, a middle course might easily be adopted, which would deprive France of the benefits resulting from an intercourse with America, without in any great degree irritating the maritime states.
The high price of all American produce in France, furnishes a tempta- tion which mercantile avarice will be unable to resist. The consequence is obvious. But if instead of condemning the vessels and cargoes which may be arrested in pursuing this prohibited commerce, they should be compelled to go into a British port, and there permitted to sell them, I think the friends of England in these states would not utter a com- plaint. Indeed I have no doubt, that if, in the prosecution of a lawful voyage, the British cruisers should treat the American ships in this manner, their owners would, in the present state of the European mar- kets, think themselves very fortunate; as it would save them the trouble and expense of landing them in a neutral port, and from thence, re- shipping them to England, now the best market in Europe, for the pro- duce of this country. The government of the United States would
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probably complain, and Bonaparte become peremptory; but even that would only tend to render the opposition in the northern states more resolute, and accelerate the dissolution of the confederacy. The gen- erosity and justice of Great Britain would be extolled, and the commer- cial states exult in the success of individuals over a government inimi- cal to commerce, and to whose measures they can no longer submit with patient acquiescence. The elections are begun; and I presume no vig- ilance or industry will be remitted to ensure the success of the federal party. I am, &c. A. B.
P. S. Intelligence has reached Boston that a non-intercourse law has actually passed, and that Martinique has surrendered to the British forces.
No. 9. BOSTON, March 13, 1809.
Sir,-You will perceive from the accounts that will reach you in the publick papers, both from Washington and Massachusetts, that the fed- ' eralists of the northern states, have succeeded in making the Congress believe, that with such an opposition as they would make to the general government, a war must be confined to their own territory, and might be even too much for that government to sustain. The consequence is, that after all the parade and menaces with which the session commenced, it has been suffered to end without carrying into effect any of the plans of the administration, except the interdiction of commercial intercourse with England and France; an event that was anticipated in my former letters.
Under what new circumstances the Congress will meet in May, will depend on the state elections, and the changes that may in the mean- time take place in Europe. With regard to Great Britain, she can scarce mistake her true policy in relation to America. If peace be the first object, every act which can irritate the maritime states ought to be avoided; because the prevailing disposition of these will generally be sufficient to keep the government from hazarding any hostile measures. If a war between America and France be the grand desideratum, some- thing more must be done; an indulgent and conciliatory policy must be adopted, which will leave the democrats without a pretext for hos- tilities; and Bonaparte, whose passions are too hot for delay, will prob- ably compel this government to decide, which of the two great belliger- ents is to be its enemy. To bring about a separation of the states, un- der distinct and independent governments, is an affair of more uncer- tainty; and however desirable, cannot be effected but by a series of acts and a long continued policy, tending to irritate the southern and concil- iate the northern people. The former are an agricultural, the latter a commercial people. The mode of cherishing and depressing either is too obvious to require illustration. This I am aware is an object of much interest in Great Britain; as it would for over secure the integ- rity of his majesty's possessions on this continent; and make the two governments, or whatever number the present confederacy might form into, as useful and as much subject to the influence of Great Britain, as her colonies can be rendered. But it is an object only to be attained by slow and circumspect progression; and requires for its consumma- tion more attention to the affairs which agitate and excite parties in this country, than Great Britain has yet bestowed upon it.
An unpopular war, that is a war produced by the hatred and preju- dices of one party, but against the consent of the other party, can alone produce a sudden separation of any section of this country from the common head.
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At all events it cannot be necessary to the preservation of peace, that Great Britain should make any great concession at the present mo- ment; more especially as the more important changes that occur in Eu- rope, might render it inconvenient for her to adhere to any stipulations in favour of neutral maritime nations.
Although the non-intercourse law affords but a very partial relief to the people of this country, from the evils of that entire suspension of commerce to which they have reluctantly submitted for sometime past, I lament the repeal of the embargo, because it was calculated to accele- rate the progress of these states towards a revolution that would have put an end to the only republick that remains to prove, that a govern- ment founded on political equality, can exist in a season of trial and dif- ficulty, or is calculated to ensure either security or happiness to a peo- ple. I am, &c. A. B.
No. 10. BOSTON, March 29, 1809.
Sir,-Since my letter of the 13th, nothing has occurred which I thought worthy of a communication.
The last weeks of this month, and the first of April, will be occupied in the election of governours and other executive officers in the New England states.
The federal candidate in Newhampshire is already elected by a ma- iority of about one thousand votes. His competitor was a man of large fortune, extensive connections and inoffensive manners. These account for the smallness of the majority.
In Connecticut no change is necessary, and none is to be apprehended. In Rhode Island it is of no consequence of what party the governour is a member, as he has neither will nor military power, being merely president of the council. .
In Massachusetts it is certain that the federal candidate will succeed. A few weeks will be sufficient in order to determine the relative strength of parties, and convince Mr. Madison that a war with Great Britain is not a measure upon which he dare venture. Since the plan of an organized opposition to the projects of Mr. Jefferson was put into operation, the whole of the New England states have transferred their political power to his political enemies; and the reason that he has still so may adherents is, that those who consider the only true policy of America to consist in the cultivation of peace, have still great confidence, that nothing can force him (or his successor, who acts up to his system or rather is governed by it) to consent to war. They consider all the menaces and "dreadful note of preparation " to be a mere finesse, in- tended only to obtain concessions from England on cheap terms. From every sort of evidence, I confess I am myself of the same opinion; and am fully persuaded that this farce. which has been acting at Washing- ton, will terminate in a full proof of the imbecility and spiritless temper of the actors. A war attempted without the concurrence of both par- ties, and the general consent of the northern states, which constitute the bone and muscle of the country, must commence without hope, and end in disgrace. It should therefore be the peculiar care of Great Britain to foster divisions between the north and south; and by succeeding in this, she may carry into effect her own projects in Europe, with a total disregard of the resentments of the democrats of this country.
I am, &c. A. B.
No. 11.
BOSTON, April 13, 1809.
Sir,-I send to Mr. R. a pamphlet, entitled " Suppressed Documents." The notes and comments were written by the gentleman who has written
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the Analysis, which I sent by a former conveyance. These works have greatly contributed to excite the fears of the men of talents and prop- erty; who now prefer the chance of maintaining their party by open resist- ance, and a final separation, to an alliance with France, and a war with England. So that, should the government unexpectedly, and contrary to all reasonable calculation, attempt to involve the country in a meas- ure of that nature, I am convinced (now that the elections have all ter- minated favourably,) that none of the New England states would be a party in it. But as I have repeatedly written, the general government does not seriously entertain any such desire or intention. Had the ma- jority in the New England states continued to approve of the publick measures, it is extremely probable that Great Britain would now have to choose between war and concession. But the aspect of things in this respect, is changed; and a war would produce an incurable alienation of the eastern states, and bring the whole country in subordination to the interests of England, whose navy would prescribe and enforce the terms upon which the commercial states should carry, and the agricul- tural states export their surplus produce. All this is as well known to the democrats as to the other party; therefore, they will avoid a war, at least, until the whole nation is unanimous for it. Still, when we con- sider of what materials the government is formed, it is impossible to speak with any certainty of their measures. The past administration, in every transaction, presents to the mind only a muddy commixture of folly, weakness and duplicity. The spell by which the nations of Europe have been rendered inert and inefficient, when they attempted to shake it off, has stretched its shadows across the Atlantic, and mnade a majority of the people of these states alike blind to duty and to their true inter- ests. I am, &c. A. B.
No. 12. BOSTON, April 26, 1S03.
Sir,-Since my letter No. 11, I have had but little to communicate.
I have not yet been able to ascertain with sufficient accuracy, the rel- ative strength of the two parties in the legislative bodies in New Eng- land.
In all of these states, however, governours have been elected out of the federal party; and even the southern papers indicate an unexpected augmentation of federal members in the next Congress.
The correspondence between Mr. Erskine and the Secretary of State, at Washington, you will have seen before this can reach you. It has given much satisfaction to the federal party here, because it promises an exemption from the evil they most feared, (a war with England) and justifies their partiality towards Great Britain; which they maintain, was founded upon a full conviction of her justice, and sincere disposi- tion to preserve peace. Even the democrats affect to be satisfied with it; because, as they insist, it proves the efficacy of the restrictive system of Mr. Jefferson.
But the great benefit that will probably result from it, will be. that Bonaparte may be induced to force this country from her neutral posi- tion. Baffled in his attempts to exclude from the continent the manu- factures of Great Britain, he will, most likely, confiscate all American property in his dominions and dependencies, and declare war. Nothing could more than this contribute to give influence and stability to the British party. The invidious occurrences of the rebellion would be for- gotten in the resentment of the people against France; and they would soon be weaned from that attachment to her, which is founded on the aid that was rendered to separate from the mother country. While
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Great Britain waits for this natural, I might say necessary result of the negotiation, would it not be extremely inexpedient to conclude a treaty with the American government. Every sort of evidence and experi- ence prove, that the democrats consider their political ascendency in a great measure dependent on the hostile spirit that they can keep alive towards Great Britain; and recent events demonstrate, that their con- duct will be predicated upon that conviction; it is, therefore, not to be expected that they will meet with corresponding feelings, a sincere dis- position on the part of England to adjust all matters in dispute. They are at heart mortified and disappointed, to find that Great Britain has been in advance of the French government, in taking advantage of the provisional clauses of the non-intercourse law; and if they show any spirit at the next session of Congress towards France, it will be only be- cause they will find Bonaparte deaf to entreaty and insensible of past favours; or that they may think it safer to float with the tide of publick feeling, which will set strongly against him, unless he keep pari passu with England, in a conciliatory policy. I am, &c. A. B.
No. 13. BOSTON, May 5, 1809.
Sir-Although the recent changes that have occurred quiet all appre- hensions of war, and consequently lessen all hope of a separation of the states, I think it necessary to transmit by the mail of each week, a sketch of passing events.
On local politicks I have nothing to add; and as the parade that is made in the National Intelligencer, of the sincere disposition of Mr. Madison to preserve amicable relations with Great Britain, is, in my opinion, calculated to awaken vigilance and distrust, rather than inspire confidence, I shall, (having nothing more important to write about) take leave to examine his motives. I am not surprised at his conditional re- moval of the non-intercourse law with respect to G. Britain; because it was made incumbent on him by the act of Congress; But the observa- tions made on his friendly disposition towards Great Britain, is a matter of no little astonishment. The whole tenour of his political life, di- rectly, and unequivocally, contradicts them; His speech on the British treaty in '99; His attempt to pass a law for the confiscation of " British debts " and British property; His commercial resolutions, grounded apparently on an idea of making America useful as a colony to France: His conduct while Secretary of State; all, form an assemblage of prob- abilities, tending to convince me, at least, that he does not seriously de- sire a treaty, in which the rights and pretensions of Great Britain would be fairly recognised. It seems impossible that he should at once divest himself of his habitual animosity and that pride of opinion, which his present situation enables him to indulge; but above all, that he should deprive his friends and supporters of the benefit of those prejudices which have been carefully fostered in the minds of the common people towards England, and which have so materially contributed to invigo- rate and augment the democratick party. Whatever his real motives may be, it is in this stage of the affair, harmless enough to inquire into the cause of the apparent change. He probably acts under a convic- tion, that in the present temper of the eastern states a war could not fail to produce a dissolution of the Union; or he may have profited by the mistakes of his predecessor, and is inclined to seize the present opportunity to prove to the world that he is determined to be the Pres- ident of a nation, rather than the head of a faction; or he has probably gone thus far to remove the impression on the mind of many, that he was under the influence of France in order that he may, with a better
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grace, and on more tenable grounds, quarrel with Great Britain, in the progress of negotiating a treaty. Whatever his motives may be, I am very certain his party will not support him in any manly and generous policy. Weak men are sure to temporize when great events call upon them for decision, and are sluggish and inert at the moment when the worst of evils is inaction. This is the character of the democrats in the northern states. Of those of the south I know but little.
I am, &c. A. B.
No. 14. BOSTON, June 25, 1809.
Sir,-My last was under date of the 5th instant. The unexpected change that has taken place in the feelings of political men in this coun- try, in consequence of Mr. Madison's prompt acceptance of the friendly proposals of Great Britain, has caused a temporary suspension of the conflict of parties, and they both regard him with equal wonder and dis- trust. They all ascribe his conduct to various motives, but none believe him to be in earnest.
The state of New York has returned to the assembly a majority of federal members. All this proves, that an anti-commercial faction can- not rule the northern states. Two months ago the state of New York was not ranked among the states that would adopt the policy of that of Massachusetts; and any favourable change was exceedingly problem- atical.
I beg leave to suggest, that in the present state of things in this coun- try, my presence can contribute very little to the interests of Great Britain. If Mr. Erskine be sanctioned in all he has conceded, by his majesty's ministers, it is unnecessary for me, as indeed it would be una- vailing, to make any attempt to carry into effect the original purposes of my mission. While I think it to be my duty to give this intimation to you, I beg it may be understood that I consider myself entirely at the disposal of his majesty's government; and am, &c. A. B.
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