USA > West Virginia > Randolph County > The history of Randolph County, West Virginia. From its earliest settlement to the present, embracing records of all the leading families, reminiscences and traditions > Part 29
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W. T. Ice, jr 1898
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prove his loyalty, was disfranchised. Many other trials followed. About one-half of those brought to trial were disfranchised. Several whose names were scratched from the list of voters subsequently were re-instated upon furnishing satisfactory proof of loyalty.
In May, 1867, another meeting of the Board of Registration was held, and the following persons were present as witnesses: James Vanscoy, Henry P. Kittle, William M. Phares, Aaron Workman, A. E. Harper, Levi Ward, George W. Barrett, Edward Madden, William Piercy, Mary E. Buckey, Benjamin Phares, A. C. Currence, James Ryan, Jonathan Daniels, Jacob Daniels, Hamilton Daniels, John Pritt, Lorenzo Denton, Elizabeth Earle, John B. Earle, Catherine Phares. After' several days' session, the Board ordered 189 names struck from the list of voters; in Union Township, 25; Scott, 3; Mingo, 44; Green, 23; Clark, 20, Reynolds, 31; Beverly, 43. Sampson Snider, of Dry Fork, a member of the Board, objected to the dis- franchisment of many of the men whose names were struck from the list of voters, but he was overruled by the other members. Thereupon he wrote the following protest and asked that it be placed on record, which was done:
I, Sampson Snider, am willing to receive all the parties that was examined in my presence during this seting in Green, Clark, Reynolds and Beverly, as qualified voters. I protest against any being stricken from those lists who were examined in my presence. "Signed, SAMPSON SNIDER."
Cyrus Kittle was then clerk of the Board, and having been overruled in his objection to Mr. Snider's protest going on record, he made the follow- ing entry just below it:
"test verbatin et Literatin Cyrus Kittle Clerk"
In September, 1867, David Goff asked to be registered in accordance with the President's proclamation, but the Board refused to do so. The number struck from the lists at the September meeting was about equal to the number disfranchised at the preceeding meeting in May. Twenty- one witnesses were called at the September meeting. A new board was ap- pointed by the Governor in July, 1868, as follows: Jas. Ryan, Jno. M. Crouch, W. G. Corrick. They appointed registrars in the township. Beverly, Jud- son B. Harper; Reynolds, J. C. Marteney; Mingo, Solomon Parsons; Clark, A. C. Currence; Scott, Jefferson Scott; Union, John M. Haney; Green, J. M. Curtis; Dry Fork, John Snider; Clay, Benjamin F. Lee. The next year, 1869, the only change made was the appointment of Thomas R. Williams, in place of Curtis in Green township, and Nicholas F. Butcher in place of Lee, in Clay. In December, 1868, a new Board of Registration was ap- pointed by the Governor. Corrick remained in office, but Jacob Piercy and Jacob Morgan were substituted for Crouch and Ryan. The next year, 1869, Zebulon Stalnaker became a member of the Board. On October 5, 1870, the Board adjourned forever.
First Court House built in Randolph County.
CHAPTER XX,
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RANDOLPH'S SHARE IN THE CIVIL WAR.
The first armed encounter between the Union and Confederate forces in Randolph County took place at Middle Fork Bridge near the boundary between Randolph and Upshur Counties, July 6, 1861. In former chapters of this book a synopsis of events connected with the war in this part of West Virginia is given, and need not be repeated; but of such occurrences as affected Randolph County particularly, a fuller account will now be given .* Confederates under Porterfield had fallen back from Grafton to Philippi, at which place on June 3, 1861, they had been attacked and de- feated by Colonel Kelly, whose force was about four times that of the Confederates. Colonel Porterfield retreated into Randolph County, and the Confederate Government sent General R. S. Garnett to supersede him. Reinforcements were hurried across the mountains, and by July 11 there were about 6000 Confederates in Randolph. They had two fortified camps, one at Rich Mountain, or rather at the western base of the mountain; the other at Laurel Hill, where the pike from Beverly to Philippi crosses that range. Colonel John Pegram was in command of 1300 men at Rich Moun- tain, and General Garnett was at Laural Hill with about 4500. There were troops stationed at other points in the rear of the two principal positions, and they will be spoken of again when they appear on the scene of action. For the dislodgment of the Confederates, General Mcclellan maneuvered 20,000 Union troops. An advance was made by two divisions, one under General Thomas A. Morris, from Philippi, against Laurel Hill; the other under Mcclellan, by way of Buckhannon, against Rich Mountain. In ad- dition to these there were troops along the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad from Parkersburg to Cumberland. McClellan believed that Garnett had 10,000 men, but Garnett really had fewer than 6000 to defend both Rich Mountain and Laurel Hill, although there were others in the rear which did not take part in the fighting. Having outlined the positions of the two armies early in July, it now remains to speak of the movements and results.
On July 6, McClellan was at Buckhannon. On that day he sent a dis- patch to Washington, saying that his troops would advance at four o'clock the next morning to drive the Confederates from Middle Fork Bridge, and he expected to be there himself during the day. The Confederates at the bridge were only a picket post placed there by Pegram to give notice of the first Union advance toward Rich Mountain. On the same day General Morris was ordered to advance from Philippi toward Laurel Hill. McClellan
*This chapter deals with the campaigns in their general aspect, and does not enter into personal adventures and reminiscences. These will be spoken of in other parts of this book.
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said that within three or four days he expected to fight a battle and drive the Confederates over the mountain towards Staunton. The first movement of the Federal troops was a blunder. On the 6th, without McClellan's knowledge, a scouting party were sent up the pike from Buckhannon toward Beverly. They ran into the picket at Middle Fork Bridge and were driven back with a loss of one killed and five wounded. The next day a stronger force was sent from Buckhannon under Colonel R. L. McCook, and the Confederates were driven from Middle Fork Bridge, and Mcclellan moved his headquarters to that place. It is worthy of note, showing how little was understood of the magnitude of the war at that time, that Mcclellan wrote to General Scott on July 7, that with 10,000 troops in Eastern Ten- nessee, in addition to what he had in West Virginia, he could "crush the backbone of secession." At that verv time Mcclellan did not know where he was to go after occupying Beverly; and General Scott did not know. No plan was formed. McClellan asked if he should march to Staunton or Wytheville, and General Scott told him to take whatever route he pleased.
Leaving McClellan at Middle Fork Bridge, within twelve miles of the Confederate position on Rich Mountain, July 7, it is necessary to turn aside to consider the movement through Barbour County. General Morris was ordered to advance on July 7, from Philippi to Belington and make a feint of attacking Garnett's camp on Laurel Hill. The Federal and Confederate forces confronting each other there were about equal. General Morris was not expected to fight a battle, but was to skirmish, and occupy the enemy on Laurel Hill and lead them to believe that the principal attack was to be made on them, but the plan was to attack Rich Mountain, capture it, push to Beverly, and then fall in the rear of Garnett and cut off his retreat south over the Staunton and Parkersburg pike, and compel him to surrender. General Morris was uneasy at Philippi. He feared that Garnett would ad- vance and defeat him. It was reported and believed that the Confederates at Laural Hill numbered 8000. Morris with 4000 feared the result of an encounter. On July 2d he wrote to McClellan and asked for reinforcements. This brought a reply from Mcclellan the next day in which he used the followig language:
"I propose taking the really difficult and dangerous part of this work on my own nands * * * But let us understand each other. I can give you no more reinforce- ments. I cannot consent to weaken any further the really active and important column which is to decide the fate of the campaign. If you cannot undertake the defense of Philippi with the force now under your control, I must find some one who will. Do not ask for further reinforcements. If you do I shall take it as a request to be relieved from your command and to return to Indiana. I have spoken plainly. I speak officially. The crisis is a grave one, and I must have generals under me who are willing to risk as much as I am. Let this be the last of it."*
It is the opinion of some military men that General Morris was the wiser of the two in this particular. General J. D. Cox writing of it years afterwardst said that, if Garnett had been as strong as Mcclellan be- lieved him to be, there was nothing to prevent him from overpowering Morris at Belington; and when that was done the road to Clarksburg would be open and there would have been a race between him and Mcclellan which could get there first. Taking this view of the case, it was Morris,
*"Records of the Rebellion."
t"Battles and Leaders of the Civil War,"
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and not McClellan, who was conducting the really important movement. The words of Mcclellan that he was taking the "difficult and dangerous" work sound strange in view of the well-known fact that when the battle was fought on Rich Mountain, McClellan took little more part in it than if he had been a hundred miles away. General Rosecrans did the hard marching and all the fighting; and although the roar of the cannon was heard three hours on the mountain, and it was plain Rosecrans was hotly engaged, McClellan did nothing to help him, and remained out of reach until he heard that the Rebels had retreated. But that will be given in detail in future pages. The advance of Morris to Belington and the fight there will now be considered.
On July 8, General Morris skirmished with the outposts of the Confed- erates in the woods back of Belington, within sight of General Garnett's camp on Laurel Hill. The Confederates held the woods and an attempt on the part of the Federals to drive them out failed, with a loss of four killed and six wounded on the Union side. The Federals threw shells into the woods, but without results. Late in the evening of July 8, the Confederates withdrew from the woods back of Belington and returned to their camp on Laurel Hill. During the four following days Morris and Garnett faced each other, without much fighting. The Federals were performing their work, that is, they were attracting the attention of Garnett while the real attack was being made fifteen miles distant at Rich Mountain.
On the evening of July 9, Mcclellan arrived at Roaring Creek, two miles from the base of Rich Mountain. The Confederates had destroyed the bridge over the creek, but that had little effect in checking the Federals. This was two miles from Colonel Pegram's position. On July 10 a strong reconnaissance was made by Lieutenant Poe within two hundred yards of the fort, resulting in the killing of one and the wounding of another Fed- eral. The dense thickets with which the Confederate works were sur- rounded prevented the attainment of satisfactory information. The obscr- vations, however, served to convince Mcclellan that the works could not be easily carried by direct assault in front, and he laid plans for throwing a force in the rear, if any road could be found. However, that he might be prepared to attack in the front also, he ordered Lieutenant Poe to cut a road to the top of a ridge which would command the Confederate fort, and to plant artillery there. Poe proceeded to cut the road and was fired upon by the Rebels, but he cleared the ground ready for cannon, which for some unexplained cause, McClellan never sent, but which he was preparing to send when he learned that the battle was over. Inasmuch as General Rosecrans did the fighting, the best account of the battle, on the Union side, is contained in his official report. When it was decided that a flank movement should be made, arrangements were commenced for carrying it into execution. About 10 o'clock on the night of July 10, a young man named David Hart, whose father, Joseph Hart, lived on the summit of Rich Mountain, a mile and a half in the rear of the Confederate camp, came to Rosecrans and offered to pilot troops through the woods, by a circuit of from eight to ten miles, to his father's farm, from which point Colonel Pogram could be attacked in the rear. The plan was talked over between Rosecrans and Mcclellan, and was decided upon. Rosecrans was given 1917 men with which to execute the movement. The proposed route lay south of the pike. The start was made at three o'clock in the morning of
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July 11, the men being supplied with rations for one day. General Rose- crans says:
"Colonel Lander,* accompanied by the guide, led the way through a pathless forest, over rocks and ravines, keeping far down to the southeastern declevities of the mountain spurs, and using no ax, to avoid discovery by the enemy, who we supposed would be on the alert by reason of the unusual stir in our camp. A rain set in about 6 a. m., and lasted till 11 o'clock, with intermissions, during which the column pushed cautiously and steadily forward, and arrived at last and halted in rear of the crest on the top of Rich Mountain. t Hungry and weary with an eight hours' march over a most unkindly road, they law down to rest. It was found that the guide was too much scared to be with us longer, and we had another valley to cross, another hill to climb, another descent beyond that to make, before we could reach the Beverly road at the top of the mountain. On this road we started at two o'clock The Lone Tree. and reached the top of the mountain after the loss of an hours' timc. Shortly after passing over the crest of the hill, the head of the column was fired on by the enemy's pickets, killing Sergeant James A. Taggart and wounding Captain Christopher Miller .; The column then ad- vanced through dense brushwood, emerging into more open woods, when the Rebels opened a fire of both musketry and a 6-pounder. * *
* After an advance of fifty yards and some heavy firing from our line the enemy showed signs of yielding, and I gave orders to charge. Seven companies deployed into line and delivered two splendid volleys, when the enemy broke. The battle was over; two pieces of cannon were taken, and the dead and wouuded were scattered over the hillside. ¿
Rosecrans was ordered by Mcclellan to send a messenger every hour during the march up the mountain. He did so, but a messenger sent about noon lost his way and was captured by the Confederates who learned from him of the flank movement, and had time to send 310 men and one 6-pounder to Hart's house on top of the mountain, and they were there waiting the approach of the Federals, and opened fire the instant they came in sight. The fight was a much more stubborn one than would be inferred from Rose-
*Colonel, afterwards General, Lander, died a year and a half later at Pawpaw, Mor- gan County, just after he had succeeded in so maneuveriug a force in Hampshire County as to cause the Confederate Government to withdraw its army from Romney, contrary to the advice of Stonewall Jackson, who was so provoked that he resigned from the Con- federate army (January 31, 1862), and asked for a position as teacher in the Virginia Military Institute. At the earnest entreaty of Governor Letcher, Jackson remained with the army; but the lesson taught the Confederate Secretary of War never again to interfere with Jackson's plans.
+ This halt was made at "Lone Tree." The "valley to cross" and the "hill to climb" were small affairs, as the crest of the mountain which the troops followed is compara- tively level, aud by no means difficult. "Lone Tree" is 570 feet higher than the battle- field, a little more than a mile distant.
# The Confederate pickets first fired into the Federals about half way between the Lone Tree and the battlefield, or half a mile from the latter place. After firing once, the Confederate pickets fell back, and the Union forces advanced and the battle began soon after.
¿ When the battle began several Confederates took shelter in Hart's house, but the Federal bullets came through the windows and drove them out. The house, still stand- ing, is of logs, and has many bullets in the walls, and bullet holes are seen in the parti- tious between the rooms. A Confederate who was trying to shelter himself in a far corner of an upstairs room was killed by a bullet which came through the win- dow and passed through a partition. The hole is there yet. Dead and wounded were carried into the house, and up stairs. Bloodstains on the floor and on the stairway are seen to this day, after thirty-seven years of scouring. The blood has penetrated the wood and caunot be washed out.
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crans' report. The Federals out-numbered the Confederates more than six to one, and the fight lasted three hours. A much more vivid picture of the battle is from the Confederate side, the report of Colonel Pegram made three days after the battle, while he was a prisoner at Beverly, and after Garnett's retreat. The following is from Pegram's report, sent to the Con- federate Secretary of War at Richmond, *
"Not knowing where a communication will find General Garnett, + I submit the following report of the fight at Rich Mountain. The battlefield was immediately around the house of one Hart, situated at the high- est point of the turnpike over the mountain, and two 2 miles in the rear of my main line of trenches, the latter being at the foot of the western slope of the moun- tain, The intricacies of the surrounding country seemed BATTLEFIELD OF RICH MOUNTAIN. scarcely to demand the plac- ing of any force at Hart's, yet I had that morning placed Captain De Lagnel there with 310 men and one piece of artillery, with instructions to defend it to the last extremity against whatever force might be brought to the at- tack by the enemy, but also to give me timely notice of his need for re-in- forcements. These orders had not been given two hours before General Rosecrans, who had been conducted up a distant ridge on my left flank and then along the top of the mountain by a man, attacked the small handful of troops under Captain De Lagnel, with 3,000 men, When from my camp I heard the firing becoming very rapid, without waiting to hear from Captain De Lagnel, I ordered up re-inforcements, and hurried on myself to the scene of action. When I arrived the piece of artillery was entirely unmanned, Captain De Lagnel having been severely wounded, after which his men had left their piece. The limber and caisson were no longer visible, the horses having run away with them down the mountain, in doing which they met and upset the second piece of artillery, which had been ordered up to their assistance. Seeing the infantry deserting the slight breast- works hastily thrown . up that morning by Captain De Lagnel, I used all personal exertion to make them stand to their work until I saw that the place was hopelessly lost. On my way back to my camp I found the re-in- forcing force under command of Captain Anderson, of the artillery, in great confusion, they having fired upon their retreating comrades. I hurried on
* Colonel Pegram wrote this report while a prisoner at the residence of Jonathan Arnold in Beverly. The other Confederate officers, then prisoners in Beverly, were allowed the liberty of the town; but Colonel Pegram's liberties were more circumscribed, because he had joined the Confederate army without taking the trouble to resign as an officer from the United States army, which position he held at the beginning of the war. His fate for a time was in doubt, but, finally, he was exchanged and fought till the end of the war.
+ Garnett was dead at that time.
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to camp and ordered the remaining companies of my own regiment in camp to join them. This left my right front and right flank entirely unmanned. I then went back up the mountain, where I found the whole force drawn up in line in ambuscade near the road, under Major Nat Tyler. I called their attention and said a few encouraging words to the inen, asking them if they would follow their officers to the attack, to which they responded by a cheer. I was here interrupted by Captain Anderson, who said to me, 'Colonel Pegram, these men are completely demoralized, and will need you to lead them.'
"I took my place at the head of the column, which I marched in single file through laurel thickets and other almost impassable brushwood up a ridge to the top of the mountain. This placed me about one-fourth of a mile to the right flank of the enemy, and which was exactly the point I had been making for. I had just gotten all the men up together and was about making my dispositions for the attack when Major Tyler came up and reported that during the march up the ridge one of the men in his fright had turned round and shot the first sergeant of one of the rear companies, which had caused nearly the whole of the company to run to the rear. He then said that the men were so intensely demoralized that he considered it madness to attempt to do anything with them by leading them on to the attack. A mere glance at the frightened countenances around me convinced me that this distressing news was but too true, and it was confirmed by the opinion of three or four company commanders around me. They all agreed with me that there was nothing left to do but to send the command under Major Tyler to effect a junction with either General Garnett at Laurel Hill, or Colonel William C. Scott, who was supposed to be with his regiment near Beverly. It was now half-past six in the evening, when I retraced my steps with much difficulty back to the camp, losing myself frequently on the way, and arriving there after 11 o'clock at night. I immediately assembled a council of war, composed of the field officers and company commanders remaining, when it was unanimously agreed that, after spiking the two remaining pieces of artillery, we should attempt to join General Garnett by a march through the mountains to our right. This act was imperative, not only from our reduced numbers, now being about 600, and our being placed between two large attacking armies, but also because at least three-fourths of my command had no rations left; the other one-fourth not having flour enough for one meal. Having left directions for Sergeant Walker, and given directions to Assistant Surgeon Taylor to take charge of the sick and wounded in camp, and to show a white flag at daylight, I called the com- panies together and started at one o'clock a. m., without a guide, to make my way, if possible, over the mountains, where there was not the sign of a path, toward General Garnett's camp. As I remained in camp to see the last company in column, by the time I reached the head of the column, which was nearly a mile long, Captain Lilly's company had disappeared and has not since been heard from .* The difficulties attending my march it
* Captain R. D. Lilly's company was organized at Staunton, and marched from that place for Randolph County June 7, 1861. He was afterwards promoted to General. In the battle near Winchester, July 20, 1864, while commanding Pegram's Brigade, he was wounded three times-first, in the left thigh by a shell; next his right arm was shattered by a minie-ball near the shoulder; and lastly, a minie-ball went through his already injured thigh. Being entirely disabled by his second wound, he dismounted, and received the third wound. Weak and faint, he lay down under a tree. A portion of the Federal army passed over him, and a soldier stopped long enough to take off his field-
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would be impossible to exaggerate. We arrived at Tygart's Valley River at 7 p. m., having made the distance of twelve miles in about eighteen hours. Here we were met by several country people, who appeared to be our friends, and who informed us that at Leadsville Church, distant three miles, there was a small camp, composed of a portion of Garnett's command. Leaving Colonel Heck with instructions to bring the command forward rapidly, I hired a horse and proceeded forward until in sight of Leadsville Church, when I stopped at a farmhouse where were assembled a dozen men and women. They informed me that General Garnett had retreated that afternoon up the Leading Creek road, into Tucker County, and that he was being pursued by three thousand of the enemy, who had come from the direction of Laurel Hill as far as Leadsville Church, when they turned up the Leading Creek road in pursuit. This, of course, rendered all chance of joining General Garnett, or escaping in that direction, utterly impossible. Hurrying back to my command, I found them in much confusion, firing ran- dom shots in the dark, under the impression that the enemy were surround- ing them. Reforming them, I hurried back to the point where we first struck the river, and persuaded a few of the country people to cook all the provisions they had, hoping that it might go a little way toward satisfying the hunger of my almost famishing men.
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