The history of Randolph County, West Virginia. From its earliest settlement to the present, embracing records of all the leading families, reminiscences and traditions, Part 31

Author: Maxwell, Hu, 1860-1927
Publication date: 1898
Publisher: Morgantown, W. Va., Acme Pub. Co.
Number of Pages: 550


USA > West Virginia > Randolph County > The history of Randolph County, West Virginia. From its earliest settlement to the present, embracing records of all the leading families, reminiscences and traditions > Part 31


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Red House Had they reached that point before the Confederates passed, the whole army would have been captured. But the troops could not be concentrated quickly enough. Cars could not be had to carry them along the railroad, and the result was, the last of the Confederates had passed the Red House about an hour before the van of the Union army arrived there .*


CHEAT MOUNTAIN AND ELKWATER.


In preceding pages of this book an outline was given of the events following the retreat of Garnett, up to and including the skirmishes at Elkwater and Cheat Mountain, and it is not deemed necessary to repeat here what was said there; but it is proper to give some of the minor details of the fighting from the 12th to the 17th of September, 1861. Official re- ports from the Confederate side are very meager. Five reports were made by as many Union officers, who took part in the skirmishing. These were General Joseph J. Reynolds, who succeeded Mcclellan as commander of the Federal forces in Northern Virginia; by Colonel Nathan Kimball, Colonel George D. Wagner, Colonel Richard Owen, and Colonel David J. Higgans. On the Confederate side Colonel Albert Rust, of the Third Arkansas Infantry, made a report, and General R. E. Lee gave it a brief mention in a public order. The situation and Lee's plans, on September 12, are thus spoken of:+


"It was decided to attack simultaneously the two Federal fortifications. Eastward from Huttonsville the Cheat Mountain lifts itself in three par- allel ridges, and upon the second or central height, Reynolds had placed about 2000 men behind the walls of a log fort. At Elkwater he had 3000 menbehindbreastworks, while 5000 waited at Huttonsville to bring succor to either outpost. Colonel Rust, of H. R. Jackson's band, reconnoitred the Federal fortress on Cheat Mountain, and declared his ability to flank the post and capture it. Upon this representation, Lee decided to make the double assault on the mountain top and at Elkwater. The march was to begin under cover of darkness, and the blows were to fall in the early morning twilight of September 12. From Jackson's column of 2500, the two regiments of Taliaferro and Fulkerson were assigned to Rust for the flank attack on the Federal right and rear of the Cheat Mountain fortress. Jackson was ordered to lead the rest of his men boldly in front along the turnpike against this post. From Loring's column of 3500, three regiments under S. R. Anderson were ordered to gain the roadway between the Cheat Mountain fort and Huttonsville, and likewise keep in touch of the two flanking regiments under Rust. Two regiments under Donaldson were to seek the Federal left and rear of the Elkwater works and hold the road- way in their rear. The remainder under Loring were to move forward along the highway against Elkwater. The troops were to move in silence during the night, and Loring's bands were to await, as the signal for at- tack, the guns of Rust's regiment on the mountain ridge. The initial steps in the movement were completed with great spirit. Through the heavy


*In Waddell's "Annals of Augusta County," under date of September 6, 1861, the following note occurs: "The jailor of this county informs me that the Union men brought from Beverly when our army retreated from that place, and since then confined in onr jail, are in miserable plight- some of them half naked. There are twenty-one of them." Page 288.


+H. A. White's Life of Robert E. Lee.


.


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rain and the darkness, marching partly in Cheat River itself and then through the dense forest, over boulders and up steep ascents, the soldiers hurried with noiseless tread. The dawn found each column at the ap- pointed place. Anderson and Donaldson reached the rear of the two Fed- eral positions; Loring and Jackson advanced to threaten each position in front. Rust succeeded in placing his band to the Federal right and rear of the mountain entrenchment. Muskets were loaded and bayonets fixed for the assault. But the signal sounded not. Unfortunately Rust cap-


tured some pickets who made him believe that 5000 Federal troops were . fortified on the mountain summit awaiting his onset. As the morning dawned, he saw before him heavy abatis and beyond these, entrenchments, and within the entrenchment he saw the soldiers with ready guns. He gave no signal, except the signal to retreat. The other columns grew impatient and strained their ears to cateh the sound of musketry fire on the ridge. Rust withdrew and acknowledged his failure. Two days later all the bands were withdrawn to their former camping places. Let it be remembered that widely separated bodies of soldiers seldom make simul- taneous attacks. In this case the movement under Lee's own eye at Elk- water was a complete success, but no communication was possible between the wings of his army."


General Lee wrote to his wife saying: "I cannot tell you my regret and mortification at the untoward events that caused the failure of the plan. I had taken every precaution to insure success, and counted on it; but the Ruler of the Universe willed otherwise, and sent a storm to discon- cert the plan." To governor Letcher, of Virginia, Lee wrote and freely expressed his disappointment. He said:


"I was sanguine of taking the enemy's works on last Thursday morning. I had considered the subject well. With great effort the troops intended for the surprise had reached their destination, having traversed twenty miles of steep, rugged mountain paths, and the last day through a terrific storm that lasted all night and in which they had to stand drenched to the skin in the cold rain. Still their spirits were good. When the morning broke I could see the enemy's tents on the Valley River on the point on the Huttonsville road just below me. It was a tempting sight. We waited for the attack on Cheat Mountain, which was to be the signal, till 10 a. m. The Federals were eleaning their unserviceable arms. But the signal did not come. All chance for surprise was gone. The provisions of the men had been destroyed the preceding day by the storm. They had nothing to eat that morning; could not hold out another day, and were obliged to be withdrawn. The attack to come off from the east side failed from the difficulties in the way. The opportunity was lost and our plan discovered. It is a grievous disappointment to me I assure you. But for the rainstorm, I have no doubt it would have succeeded. This, governor, is for your own eyes. Please do not speak of it. We must try again. Our greatest difficulty is the roads. It has been raining in these mountains about six weeks. It is that which has paralyzed all our efforts."


It is observable that Lee makes no mention of skirmishing, and were it not for the reports of some of the Federal officers, it might be supposed there was no fighting. But there was considerable maneuvering and not a little fighting. Colonel Rust, who led one of the Confederate detachments, makes the rather epigrammatic announcement as the opening sentence of his report: "The expedition against Cheat Mountain failed." He then pro-


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ceeds to explain how and why it happened, and praises the bravery of his own troops, who were from Arkansas, by charging others with cowardice and stating that the cowards were not Arkansasans. He says he reached his position in time, notwithstanding the rain, and with his own hands he captured a prisoner. But when he began questioning him, the prisoner's statement of the Union strength upset all the plans of the Arkansas officer, and greatly alarmed him. The prisoner no doubt purposely overestimated the Federal strength, and the Confederate officer not only believed the report, but thought he discovered indications that reinforcements were on their way to the Federals, and he declares he heard the cannon going down the road, and was satisfied there were from 4000 to 5000 men in the en- trenchments. Nevertheless he declares he would have attacked them any- how, but discovered that he could not get near enough to make the attack. The exaggerated strength of the place, learned from prisoners, worked on his imagination until he declared he "could see entrenchments on the south, and outside of the entrenchments, and all round, up to the road, heavy and impassable abatis." He also saw "a fort or a block house on the point or elbow of the road." In addition to this he found in the pocket of one of his prisoners "a requisition for 930 rations, also a letter indicating they had very little sustenance." Therefore he says that one of his officers told him "it would be madness to make an attack"-leaving room for in- ference that he considered it dangerous to attack men who had very little to eat and wanted "930 rations." He states that he "got near enough to see the men in the trenches." In this trying situation when he could "see the men in the trenches," he declared "most of my command behaved ad- mirably," but, he adds on a second thought, "some I would prefer to be without upon any expedition." Bad luck attended him still further, for of all the prisoners he took, including the one he caught with his own hands, he brought only one away, and says "the cowardice of the guard permitted the others to escape," and adds that the cowardly guards were not from Arkansas. After speaking again of the strength of the Federal camp, he declares "the taking of the picket looked like a providential interposition." Otherwise he might have attacked the camp, and, he says, "they were four times my force." This report was made to General Loring and it contains no account of any fighting, but is teeming with declarations of what he might have done if he had had a chance.


This is the only report made by the Confederate officers engaged, ex- cepting an order by General Lee, September 14, 1861, in which he says:


"The forced reconnaissance of the enemy's position, both at the Cheat Mountain Pass and on the Valley River, having been completed, and the character of the natural approaches and the nature of the artificial defenses exposed, the army of the Northwest will resume its former position at such time and in such manner as General Loring shall direct, and continue its preparations for further operations."


General Reynolds, commander of the Union forces, narrates the various movements as he understood them, up to September 17. Below will be found an extract from his report, written at Elkwater.


"On the 12th the enemy, 9000 strong, with eight to twelve pieces of artillery, under command of General R. E. Lee, advanced on this position by the Huntersville pike. Our advanced pickets gradually fell back to our main picket station, checking the enemy's advance at the Point Mountain turnpike, and then falling back on the regiment. The enemy threw into


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the woods at our left front, three regiments, who made their way to the right and rear of Cheat Mountain, took a position on the road leading to Huttonsville, broke the telegraph wire, and cut off our communication with Cheat Summit. Simultaneously, another force of the enemy, of about equal strength, advanced by the Staunton pike in the front of Cheat Mountain, and threw two regiments to the right and rear of Cheat which united with the three regiments from the other column of the enemy. Cheat Mountain Pass is at the foot of the mountain, ten miles from the summit. The enemy advanced toward the pass, by which he might possibly have obtained the rear or left of Elkwater, was there met by four companies, which engaged and gallantly held in check greatly superior numbers of the enemy, foiled him in his attempt to obtain the rear or left of Elkwater, and threw him in the rear and right of Cheat Mountain, the companies retiring to the pass at- the foot of the mountain. The enemy, about 5000 strong, now closed in on Cheat Summit, and became engaged with detachments from the summit, about 300, who deployed in the woods, held in check the enemy, who did not succeed at any time in getting sufficiently near the field redoubts to give Daum's battery an opportunity of firing into him.


"So matters rested at dark on the 12th, with heavy forces in front and in plain sight of both posts, communication cut off, and the supply. train for the mountains loaded with provisions which were needed, waiting for an opportunity to pass up the road. Determined to force a communication with Cheat, I ordered the Thirteenth Indiana to cut their way, if necessary, by the main road, and the Third Ohio and Second Virginia, to do the same by the path. The two commands started at 3 a. m. on the 13th, the former from Cheat Mountain Pass, and the latter from Elkwater, so as to fall upon the enemy, if possible, simultaneously. Early on the 13th the small force of about 300 from the summit engaged the enemy, and with such effect that, notwithstanding his greatly superior numbers, he retired in great haste and disorder, leaving large quantities of clothing and equipment on the ground; and our relieving force, failing to catch the enemy, marched to the summit, securing the provision train, and re-opening our communication. While this was taking place on the mountain, and as yet unknown to us, the enemy, under Lee, advanced on Elkwater, appearently for a general attack. One 10-pounder Parrott gun from Loomis' battery was run to the front three-fourths of a mile and delivered a few shots at the enemy, caus- ing him to withdraw out of convenient range, and doing fine execution. Our relative positions remained until near dark when we learned the result of the movements on the mountain, and the enemy retired somewhat for the night.


"On the 14th early the enemy was again in position in front of Elkwater, and a few rounds were again administered, which caused him to withdraw as before. The forces that had been before repulsed from Cheat returned, and were again driven back by a comparatively small force, from the moun- tain. The Seventeenth Indiana was ordered up the path to open communi- cation and make way for another supply train, but, as before, found that the little band from the summit had already done the work. During the afternoon of the 14th the enemy withdrew from before Elkwater, and is now principally concentrated some ten miles from this post, at or near his main camp. On the 15th he approached in stronger force than at any pre- vious time in front of Cheat and attempted a flank movement by the left,


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but was driven back by the ever vigilant and gallant garrison of the field redoubt on the summit."


FEDERAL SCOUTS BUSHWHACKED.


On November 12, 1861, a squad of Federals, crossing from Beverly to Dry Fork, piloted by John Snider, were fired upon and six were wounded at the Laurel Fork Ford. The attacking party was composed of citizens, several of whom were from Tucker County. The bushwhackers escaped, but the affair caused the Southern sympathizers of that section much trou- ble, for very severe measures were adopted against them; and men who had, before that, been unmolested, afterwards found it necessary to sleep many a cold night in the woods.


IMBODEN'S FIRST RAID.


In August, 1862, an important raid was made by General John D. Im- boden, of the Confederate army, from Pendleton County, through Ran- dolph, into Tucker, and back again. It was his purpose to attack the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad at Rowlesburg, in Preston County, but he did not succeed in reaching that point. He set out from Franklin August 14, with about 300 men. He marched through the woods, crossing rivers and mountains, sometimes by a path, but more frequently through the forest, cutting a path where the thickets were densest. He could not average more than twelve or fifteen miles a day. When he reached the eastern base of Cheat Mountain, a little north of and only twelve miles from Beverly, on the Senaca Path, he turned off short to the northward, intend- ing to strike Dry Fork of Cheat a few miles below the mouth of Glady Fork. There was a squad of forty Federals stationed at the mill of Abraham Parsons, where the town of Parsons now stands. Imboden hoped to take these by surprise. He reached Dry Fork just at dark and halted to eat supper. At 10 o'clock that night he moved forward toward Parsons' mill, ten miles distant. . The night was very dark and he made only seven miles by daybreak. He divided his forces, waded Black Fork of Cheat five times, surrounded the mill-only to find the Federals gone in double-quick retreat toward Rowlesburg. Speaking of his failure Imboden wrote two weeks later:


"I afterwards learned that an old fool, a friend, who saw our route the day before, spoke of it to a Union man, who took the news to Beverly and thence a carrier warned the post of my approach just in time for them to flee. It was too bad. About fifteen mounted men I had with me came up with them and had a skirmish. No damage done. My infantry was so broken down by twenty-four hours marching that I had to halt a few hours for rest and sleep. During our rest a scoundrel-a sharp, shrewd German- deserted, stole a mule, and went to Beverly and disclosed my numbers and what he suspected of my plans. The commandant at Beverly at once telegraphed to New Creek and 1000 men were sent up to Rowles- burg. Not knowing these facts at the time, I moved on as soon as my men could travel to St. George. Here I got reliable information that the troops from New Creek had reached Rowlesburg. In a short time I also ascer- tained that they were marching upon St. George and were only a few miles distant. I took from the postoffice such of the records of the bogus county court as I could conveniently carry. I have sent them to Governor Letcher, I took all the goods (sugar, coffee and medicine) from the store 17


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of Dr. Solomon Parsons, member of the Wheeling Convention and leader of the Lincolnites in Tucker, and left him a receipt for them. He and all the Union men of the county had fied that morning .* I began to fall back up the river. When within five miles of Parsons' Mill my brother George met me and reported a sharp skirmish he had on the Beverly road, near Corrick's Ford, with a Yankee picket or advance guard. Things now began to look squally. I feared a force from Beverly might reach the mill before me and cut me off from the Dry Fork Pass, in which event I would have been compelled to whip them, or take to the mountains, with the loss of my pack-mules; so I pushed ahead for the mill, and on arriving there found no enemy. I moved up Dry Fork and encamped for the night with my rear safe, and in a position to whip 1000 men in front, should they pursue me. The next day I struck the wilderness again, and in three days reached Daven's [Slaven's] cabin at the foot of Cheat, on the Staunton and Parkersburg turnpike. We subsisted on potatoes and beef on the most of the route, there being no flour or meal in the country."


It is now known that Imboden's advance down Dry Fork was not betrayed by "a Union man," as he supposed, but by a woman, Miss Jane Snider, who suspected the designs of the Rebels, and rode to Parsons' Mill and warned the Federal garrison at that place in time for the troops to fall back toward Rowlesburg. She was the daughter of John Snider and afterwards married M. V. Bennett. Imboden afterwards ascertained who had betrayed his plans. John Snider was one of the leaders of the Union men on Dry Fork, and he and Imboden seldom crossed each other's paths without an encounter. On the present expedition they met and Imboden thus speaks of it in a letter to Charles W. Russell:


"Just in the edge of the village of St. George I was riding some dis- tance ahead of my men and suddenly came upon old John Snider and one of the Parsonses, both armed with rifles. Parsons fled and I got into a fight with Snider. Just as he was aiming at me with his long rifle, I fired at him with my revolver. He dropped his gun like a hot potato and leaned for- ward on the neck of his horse and escaped. into the laurel.


Pursuit was immediately made but he escaped. I have since learned from some refugees that I wounded him badly, though I fear not mortally. I had a fair shot at about fifty yards and aimed at his hips. We were bushwhacked half a day in Tucker as we fell back from St. George by Union men, but the cow - ardly scoundrels went so far up into the mountains that they only hit one of my men, and he was but slightly wounded in the foot. I sent out a whole company once to try to catch three of these bushwhackers, but it


*Dr. Parsons had received a few weeks previous to that time a large bill of goods, and believing that no Confederate would venture into that region, he sent a taunting mes- sage to Imboden to "come and get the goods." To the doctor's surprise and chagrin Imboden arrived and carried off the merchandise. This store stood a half mile from St. George. It was a sueeess for Imboden, but the Southern sympathizers in. Tucker County paid dearly for it. Captain Kellogg, of the 123d Ohio, levied assessments on them to pay Dr. Parsons. The amount collected was five of six times as much as the value of the


goods taken. The order served on the citizens read as follows: "You are hereby notified that, upon an assessment, you are assessed-dollars to make good the losses of Union men. If you fail to pay in three days, your property will be confiscated, your house burned and yourself shot .. CAPT. KELLOGG, Commanding 123 Ohio.


"By order BRIG. GEN. MILROY."


The assessments ranged from $7 to $800. Nicholas Parsons paid $500; William R. Parsons $700, and Abraham Parsons $800. These were all relatives of Dr. Parsons.


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was impossible to come up with them in the brush. If I had caught them I intended hanging them in five minutes. The greatest difficulty in our way out here is the infernal Union men. They carry intelligence and bush- whack us wherever they can, and yet will swear allegiance a dozen times a day. The proper policy to be pursued toward Union men who are not in arms as soldiers is one of the most difficult problems I have to deal with. Thus far I have scrupulously abstained from molesting them in any manner, with the exception of four Upshur men that I have arrested as spies. My purpose has been to arrest all office holders under the bogus government and seize their property for confiscation, but not to interfere with private citizens, hoping that a policy of conciliation would bring back many of them; but the enemy are treating our friends in the Northwest with such brutal cruelty that I fear nothing short of retaliation will check them. I am tempted sometimes to write to President Davis and tell him what I have seen and heard in the Northwest and ask his instructions. Great God! but my blood boils when listening to such statements as I have heard from men and women during my recent expedition. No Oriental despot ever inspired such mortal terror by his iron rule of his subjects as is now felt by the men and women of the Northwest. Grown up men come to me stealthily through the woods to talk to me in a whisper of their wrongs. They would freely have given me bread and meat but dared not do so. They begged me, in some instances, to take it, apparently by force, so that they might not be charged with feeding us voluntarily. Men offered to sell me large lots of cattle secretly, if I would then send armed men to seize and carry off the property."


IMBODEN'S SECOND RAID.


In November, 1862, Imboden again led an expedition from east of the Alleghanies, through Randolph County, toward Rowlesburg, but again he turned back when he reached St. George. This was a remarkable expedi- tion in some respects, and his men suffered much from hunger and cold. On November 7 he left his camp on the South Fork, in Hardy County, with 310 well mounted men, supplied with blankets and overcoats. He intended to destroy the bridge over Cheat River at Rowlesburg. He had written to General Lee that he thought he could do it. He set forward in a snow storm, and at midnight reached the base of the Alleghanies, six miles north of the mouth of Senaca, and halted till daybreak- He was thirty-eight miles from St. George and expected to reach it early in the night of the 8th. He crossed the mountain by a miserable path at the head of the Right Fork of Red Creek near the common corner of Grant, Pendleton, Randolph and Tucker Counties. He passed down Dry Fork, following a path poor enough at best, but worse then usual on account of the deep snow. He had mountain howitzers on the backs of mules. One of the mules lost his foot- ing and rolled down the monntain into the river, with the cannon on him. The animal and cannon were rescued, and the march proceeded. So rough was the way that when night came they had made less then twenty miles, and were obliged to wait for the moon to rise at midnight. While waiting they were visited by a citizen from Tucker County who gave them the startling intelligence that 600 Federals had that day passed up Dry Fork. Fortunately for Imboden, they had passed the mouth of Red Creek before he reached that point, and he thus missed them. He also was told that General Milroy with 4000 men had moved from Beverly toward Mon-




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